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REPUBLICAN 
I  CAMPAIGN 
TEXT-BOOK 


/ 


ISSUED  BY  THE 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL 
COMMITTEE 


Republican  National  Committee,  1916 

WILLIAM  R.  WILLCOX,  Chairman. 

JAMES  B.  REYNOLDS,  Secretarj-. 

CORNELIUS  N.  BLISS,  Jr.,  Treasurer. 

BEVERLEY  R.  ROBINSON,  Assistant  Treasurer. 

FRED  W.  ITPHAM,  Assistant  Treasurer. 

WILLIAM  F.  STONE,  Sergeant-at-Arms. 


CAMPAIGN  COMMITTEE 

John  T.  Adams,  Iowa 
Everett  Colby,  New  Jersey 
William  H.  Crocker.  California 
Fior.D  W,  EsTADUOOK,  New  Hanp«hire 
James  A.  Gari-'Ield,  Ohio 
Jame5  a.  Hemenway,  Indiana 
A.  T.  Hert,  Kentucky 
R.  B.  Howell,  Nebraska 
Harold  L.  Ickes,  Illinois 
Aj.vau  H.  Martin,  Virginia 
Herbert  Parsons,  Nev/  York 
George  W.  Perkins,  New  York 
S.  A.  Perkins,  Washington 
Chester  H.  Rowell,  California 
Oscar  S.  Straus,  New  York 
Chari.es  R.  Warren,  Michigan 
P.ALPH  E.  WiLLLAMS,  Oregon 


EX5CUTWE  COMMITTEE 

John  T.  Adams,.  Iowa 

William  H.  Crocker,  California 

Fred  W.  Estaerook,  New  Hanipshlx-e 

James  A.  Hemenway,  Indiana 

A.  T.  Hert,  Kentucky 

R.  B.  ilov/ELL,  Nebraska 

Alvah  H.  Martin,  Virginia 

Herbert  Parsons,  New  York 

S.  A,  Perkins,  Washington 

Charles  B.  Warren,  Michigan 

Ralph  E.  Williams,  Ore^ron 


REPUBLICAN 

CAMPAIGN 
TEXT- BOOK 


1916 


ISSUED  BY  THE 

REPUBLICAN    1 -^"^i ' 
NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 


President  Faunae's  Opinion  of 
Charles  K  Hughes 

PRESIDENT   W.   H.   P.   FAUNCE,   OF   BROWN    UNI- 
VERSITY, WRITES  AS  FOLLOWS: 

I  have  known  Justice  Hughes  intimately  since  we  were 
students  together  at  Brown  and  have  seen  him  a  thousand 
times  at  work  and  at  play.  No  man  of  our  generation  has 
a  finer  combination  of  character  and  intellect.  Absolutely 
fearless,  unselfish,  loyal  to  American  ideals,  he  is  worthy 
of  a  nation's  trust. 

All  his  friends  know  that  behind  the  dignity  of  bearing  is 
a  rich  fund  of  humor  and  good  fellowship.  Whether  he  is 
climbing  a  mountain,  reading  novels,  playing  with  his  chil- 
dren, resisting  a  political  lobby  or  delivering  the  opinion  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  he  is  ever  the  same  rugged,  democratic, 
fairminded  American.  His  varied  experience  has  given  him 
wide  horizon  and  sympathy  with  every  aspect  of  American  life. 

He  possesses  two  qualities  rarely  found  together — the  judi- 
cial temper  and  the  capacity  for  swift  and  resolute  action. 
Under  his  administration  the  fog  which  now  besets  many 
public  questions  would  be  cleared  away. 

His  penetrating  mind  goes  to  the  heart  of  any  subject  he 
selects  and  strips  ofE  the  irrelevant  at  once.  Such  a  mind  is 
peculiarly  needed  amid  the  intricate  problems  that  now  con- 
front America. 

We  need  more  than  good  intentions.  We  need  clear  vision, 
sound  judgment,  strong  will,  unhesitating  decision.  In  short, 
we  need  Charles  E.  Hughes.     '  ~ 


Governor  ^  BJughes;  Greatest 
Friend  of  Labor 

THE  LEGISLATIVE  LABOR  NEWS,  OF  NEW  YORK, 
OCTOBER  10,  1910,  Had  the  FOLLOWING: 

Now  that  Governor  Hughes  has  retired  from  politics  and 
ascended  to  a  place  on  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  in  the 
world,  the  fact  can  be  acknowledged  without  hurting  any- 
body's political  corns,  that  he  was  the  greatest  friend  of 
labor  laws  that  ever  occupied  the  Governor's  chair  at  Albany. 
During  his  two  terms  he  has  signed  56  labor  laws,  including 
among  them  the  best  labor  laws  ever  enacted  in  this  or  any 
other  State.  He  also  urged  the  enactment  of  labor  laws  in 
his  messages  to  the  Legislature,  even  going  so  far  as  to  place 
the  demand  for  a  labor  law  in  one  of  his  messages  to  an  extra 
session  of  the  Legislature. 

Only  162  labor  laws  have  been  enacted  in  this  State  since 
its  erection  in  1777 — in  133  years.  One-third  of  these,  exceed- 
ing in  quality  all  of  the  others,  have  been  enacted  and  signed 
during  Governor  Hughes's  term  of  three  years  and  nine 
months. 

With  such  a  record  of  approval  and  suggestion  of  progres- 
sive legislation  in  the  interest  of  humanity  to  his  credit,  it  is 
easy  to  believe  that  human  rights  will  have  a  steadfast  and 
sympathetic  upholder  in  the  new  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States. 


Charles  K  •Hughe.s 

SPEECH  OF  ACCEPTANCE  AT  CARNEGIE  HALL. 
NEW  YORK,  JULY  31,  1916 

Senator  Harding,  Members  of  the  Notification  Committee 
and  Fellow  Citizens: 

This  occasion  is  more  than  a  mere  ceremony  of  notifica- 
tion. We  are  not  here  to  indulge  in  formal  expressions.  We 
come  to  state  in  a  plain  and  direct  manner  our  faith,  our  pur- 
pose and  our  pledge.  This  representative  gathering  is  a 
happy  augury.  It  means  the  strength  of  reunion.  It  means 
that  the  party  of  Lincoln  is  restored,  alert,  effective.  It  means 
the  unity  of  a  common  perception  of  paramount  national 
needs.  It  means  that  we  are  neither  deceived  nor  benumbed 
by  abnormal  conditions. 

We  know  that  we  are  in  a  critical  period,  perhaps  more 
critical  than  any  period  since  the  civil  war.  We  need  a  domi- 
nant sense  of  national  unity;  the  exercise  of  our  best  con- 
structive powers;  the  vigor  and  resourcefulness  of  a  quick- 
ened America.  We  desire  that  the  Republican  party  as  a  great 
liberal  party  shall  be  the  agency  of  national  achievement,  the 
organ  of  the  effective  expression  of  dominant  Americanism. 

What  do  I  mean  by  that?  I  mean  America  conscious  of 
power,  awake  to  obligation,  erect  in  self-respect,  prepared 
for  every  emergency,  devoted  to  the  ideals  of  peace,  instinct 
with  the  spirit  of  human  brotherhood,  safeguarding  both  in- 
dividual opportunity  and  the  public  interest,  maintaining  a 
well  ordered  constitutional  system  adapted  to  local  self- 
government  without  the  sacrifice  of  essential  national  au- 
thority, appreciating  the  necessity  of  stability,  expert  knowl- 
edge and  thorough  organization  as  the  indispensable  condi- 
tions of  security  and  progress;  a  country  loved  by  its  citizens 
with  a  patriotic  fervor  permitting  no  division  in  their  alle- 
giance and  no  rivals  in  their  affection — 1  mean  America  first 
and  America  efficient.  It  is  in  this  spirit  that  I  respond  to 
your  summons. 

Foreign  Relations — Appointments 

Our  foreign  relations  have  assumed  grave  importance  in 
the  past  three  years.  The  conduct  of  diplomatic  intercourse 
is  in  the  keeping  of  the  executive.  It  rests  chiefly  with  him 
whether  we  shall  show  competence  or  incompetence;  whether 
the  national  honor  shall  be  maintained;  whether  our  prestige 
and  influence  shall  be  lowered  or  advanced.  What  is  the 
record  of  the  Administration?  The  first  duty  of  the  executive 
was  to  command  the  respect  of  the  world  by  the  personnel 
of  our  State  Department  and  our  representation  abroad.  No 
party  exigency  could  excuse  the  non-performance  of  this 
obvious  obligation.  Still,  after  making  every  allowance  for 
certain  commendable  appointments,  it  is  apparent  that  this 
obligation  was  not  performed. 

,    M111891 


■REPUBIiICA?Sf;  CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


,At,tbe.ve;-y  beginning  o^  the  present  Administration,  where 
in  the  elir^ctJcm  <)iidQ)lojTi?tic' mtercourse  there  should  have 
b'eerf  t(5nSpicu6tfs  strengih' 'aViti-expertness  we  had  weakness 
and  inexpertness.  Instead  of  assuring  respect,  we  invited  dis- 
trust of  our  competence  and  speculation  as  to  our  capacity 
for  firmness  and  decision,  thus  entailing  many  difficulties 
which  otherwise  easily  could  have  been  escaped. 

Then,  in  numerous  instances,  notably  in  Latin  America, 
v^rhere  such  a  course  was  particularly  reprehensible,  and  where 
we  desire  to  encourage  the  most  friendly  relations,  men  of 
long  diplomatic  experience  whose  knowledge  and  training 
were  of  especial  value  to  the  country  were  retired  from  the 
service  apparently  for  no  other  reason  than  to  meet  partisan 
demands  in  the  appointment  of  inexperienced  persons. 
Where,  as  in  Santo  Domingo,  we  had  assumed  an  important 
special  trust  in  the  interest  of  its  people  that  trust  was  shock- 
ingly betrayed  in  order  to  satisfy  "deserving  Democrats." 

The  record  showing  the  Administration's  disregard  of  its 
responsibilities  with  respect  to  our  representation  in  diplo- 
macy is  an  open  book  and  the  specifications  may  easily  be 
had.  It  is  a  record  revealing  professions  belied.  It  is  a  dismal 
record  to  those  who  believe  in  Americanism.  Take,  for  ex- 
ample, the  withdrawal  of  Ambassador  Herrick  from  France. 
There  he  stood,  in  the  midst  of  alarms,  the  very  embodiment 
of  courage,  of  poise,  of  executive  capacity,  universally  trusted 
and  beloved.  No  diplomat  ever  won  more  completely  the 
affections  of  a  foreign  people;  and  there  was  no  better  fortune 
for  this  country  than  to  have  at  the  capital  of  any  one  of  the 
belligerent  nations  a  representative  thus  esteemed.  Yet  the 
Administration  permitted  itself  to  supersede  him. 

The  point  is  not  that  the  man  was  Ambassador  Herrick, 
or  that  the  nation  was  France,  but  that  we  invited  the  atten- 
tion of  the  world  to  the  inexcusable  yielding  of  national  inter- 
est to  partisan  expediency.  It  was  a  lamentable  sacrifice  of 
international  repute.  If  we  would  have  the  esteem  of  foreign 
nations  we  must  deserve  it.  We  must  show  our  regard  for 
special  knowledge  and  experience.  I  propose  that  we  shall 
make  the  agencies  of  our  diplomatic  intercourse,  in  every 
nation,  worthy  of  the  American  name. 

Mexico 

The  dealings  of  the  Administration  with  Mexico  consti- 
tute a  confused  chapter  of  blunders.  We  have  not  helped 
Mexico.  She  lies  prostrate,  impoverished,  famine  stricken, 
overwhelmed  with  the  woes  and  outrages  of  internecine  strife, 
the  helpless  victim  of  a  condition  of  anarchy  which  the  course 
of  the  Administration  only  served  to  promote.  For  ourselves, 
we  have  witnessed  the  murder  of  our  citizens  and  the  de- 
struction of  their  property.  We  have  made  enemies,  not 
friends.  Instead  of  commanding  respect  and  deserving  good 
will  by  sincerity,  firmness  and  consistency  we  provoked  mis- 
apprehension and  deep  resentment. 

In  the  light  of  the  conduct  of  the  Administration  no  one 
could  understand  its  professions.     Decrying  interference,  we 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  5 

interfered  most  exasperatingly.  We  have  not  even  kept  out 
of  actual  conflict,  and  the  soil  of  Mexico  is  stained  v^ith  the 
blood  of  our  soldiers.  We  have  resorted  to  physical  invasion, 
only  to  retire  without  gaining  the  professed  object.  It  is  a 
record  which  cannot  be  examined  without  a  profound  sense 
of  humiliation. 

When  the  Administration  came  into  power  Huerta  was 
exercising  authority  as  provisional  President  of  Mexico.  He 
was  certainly  in  fact  the  head  of  the  Government  of  Mexico. 
Whether  or  not  he  should  be  recognized  was  a  question  to 
be  determined  in  the  exercise  of  a  sound  discretion,  but  ac- 
cording to  correct  principles.  The  President  was  entitled  to 
be  assured  that  there  was  at  least  a  de  facto  Government; 
that  international  obligations  would  be  performed;  that  the 
lives  and  property  of  American  citizens  would  have  proper 
protection. 

To  attempt,  however,  to  control  the  domestic  concerns 
of  Mexico  was  simply  intervention,  not  less  so  because  dis- 
claimed. The  height  of  folly  was  to  have  a  vacillating  and 
ineflFective  intervention,  which  could  only  evoke  bitterness 
and  contempt,  which  would  fail  to  pacify  the  country  and  to 
assure  peace  and  prosperity  under  a  stable  Government.  If 
crimes  were  committed,  we  do  not  palliate  them. 

We  make  no  defense  of  Huerta.  But  the  Administration 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  moral  character  of  Huerta,  if 
in  fact  he  represented  the  Government  of  Mexico.  We  shall 
never  worthily  prosecute  our  unselfish  aims,  or  serve  hu- 
manity, by  wrongheadedness.  So  far  as  the  character  of 
Huerta  is  concerned,  the  hollowness  of  the  pretensions  on 
this  score  is  revealed  by  the  Administration's  subsequent 
patronage  of  Villa  (whose  qualifications  as  an  assassin  are 
indisputable),-  whom  apparently  the  Administration  was  ready 
to  recognize  had  he  achieved  his  end  and  fulfilled  what  then 
seemed  to  be  its  hope. 

The  question  is  not  as  to  the  non-recognition  of  Huerta. 
The  Administration  did  not  content  itself  with  refusing  to 
recognize  Huerta,  who  was  recognized  by  Great  Britain, 
Germany,  France,  Russia,  Spain  and  Japan.  The  Adminis- 
tration undertook  to  destroy  Huerta,  to  control  Mexican  poli- 
tics, even  to  deny  Huerta  the  right  to  be  a  candidate  for 
the  office  of  President  at  the  election  the  Administration  de- 
manded. With  what  bewilderment  must  the  Mexicans  have 
regarded  our  assertion  of  their  right  to  manage  their  own 
afifairs! 

In  the  summer  of  1913  John  Lind  was  despatched  to  the 
City  of  Mexico  as  the  President's  "personal  spokesman  and 
representative"  to  the  unrecognized  Huerta  in  order  to  demand 
that  the  latter  eliminate  himself.  It  was  an  unjustifiable  mis- 
sion, mast  offensive  to  a  sensitive  people.  John  Lind  lingered 
irritatingly.  The  Adrninistration  continued  to  direct  its  ef- 
forts at  the  destruction  of  the  only  Government  Mexico  had. 
In  the  spring  of  1914  occurred  the  capture  of  Vera  Cruz. 
Men  from  one  of  our  ships  had  been  arrested  at  Tampico 
and  had  been  discharged  with  an  apology.     But  our  Admiral 


6  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK--1916 

demanded  a  salute,  which  was  refused.  Thereupon  the  Pres- 
ident went  to  Congress,  asking  authority  to  use  the  armed 
forces  of  the  United  States.  Without  waiting  for  the  passage 
of  the  resolution  Vera  Cruz  was  seized. 

It  appeared  that  a  shipload  of  ammunition  for  Huerta 
was  about  to  enter  that  port.  There  was  a  natural  opposition 
to  this  invasion  and  a  battle  occurred  in  which  nineteen  Amer- 
icans and  over  a  hundred  Mexicans  were  killed.  This,  of 
course,  was  war.  Our  dead  soldiers  were  praised  for  dying 
like  heroes  in  a  war  of  service.  Later,  we  retired  from  Vera 
Cruz,  giving  up  this  noble  warfare. 

We  had  not  obtained  the  salute  which  was  demanded.  We 
had  not  obtained  reparation  for  affronts.  The  ship  with  am- 
munition which  could  not  land  at  Vera  Cruz  had  soon  landed 
at  another  port,  and  its  cargo  was  delivered  to  Huerta  with- 
out interference. 

Recently  the  naked  truth  was  admitted  by  a  Cabinet  officer. 
■  We  are  now  informed  that  "we  did  not  go  to  Vera  Cruz  to 
force  Huerta  to  salute  the  flag."  We  are  told  that  we  went 
there  "to  show  Mexico  that  we  were  in  earnest  in  our  demand 
that  Huerta  must  go."  That  is,  we  seized  Vera  Cruz  to  de- 
pose Huerta.    The  question  of  the  salute  was  a  mere  pretext. 

Meanwhile,  the  Administration  utterly  failed  to  perform 
its  obvious  duty  to  secure  protection  for  the  lives  and  prop- 
erty of  our  citizens.  It  is  most  unworthy  to  slur  those  who 
have  investments  in  Mexico  in  order  to  escape  a  condemna- 
tion for  the  non-performance  of  this  duty.  There  can  be  no 
such  escape,  for  we  have  no  debate,  and  there  can  be  no 
debate,  as  to  the  existence  of  this  duty  on  the  part  of  our 
Government.  Let  me  quote  the  words  of  the  Democratic 
platform  of  1912: 

"The  constitutional  rights  of  American  citizens  should 
protect  them  on  our  borders,  and  go  with  them  throughout 
the  world,  and  every  American  citizen  residing  or  having 
property  in  any  foreign  country  is  entitled  to  and  must  be 
given  the  full  protection  of  the  United  States  Government, 
both  for  himself  and  his  property." 

The  bitter  hatred  aroused  by  the  course  of  the  Adminis- 
tration multiplied  outrages,  while  our  failure  to  afford  pro- 
tection to  our  citizens  evoked  the  scorn  and  contempt  of 
Mexicans.  Consider  the  ignominious  incident  at  Tampico 
in  connection  with  the  capture  of  Vera  Cruz.  In  the  midst  of 
the  greatest  danger  to  the  hundreds  of  Americans  congregated 
at  Tampico  our  ships,  which  were  in  the  harbor,  were  with- 
drawn and  our  citizens  were  saved  only  by  the  intervention 
of  German  officers  and  were  taken  away  by  British  and  Ger- 
man ships. 

The  official  excuse  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  is  an  ex- 
traordinary commentary.  Our  ships,  it  seems,  had  been 
ordered  to  Vera  Cruz;  but,  as  it  appeared  that  they  were  not 
needed,  the  order  was  rescinded.  Then,  we  are  told,  our 
Admiral  was  faced  with  this  remarkable  dilemma.  If  he  at- 
tempted to  go  up  the  river  at  Tampico  and  take  our  citizens 
on  board  the  word  of  "aggressive  action,"  as  the  Secretary 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  7 

called  it,  "would  have  spread  to  the  surrounding  country" 
and  it  was  "almost  certain  that  reprisals  on  American  citizens 
would  have  followed  and  lives  would  have  been  lost."  We 
had  so  incensed  the  Mexicans  that  we  could  not  rescue  our 
own  citizens  at  Tampico  save  at  the  risk  of  the  murder  of 
others.  We  must  take  Vera  Cruz  to  get  Huerta  out  of  office 
and  trust  to  other  Nations  to  get  our  own  citizens  out  of 
peril.     What  a  travesty   of  international  policy  I 

Destroying  the  government  of  Huerta,  we  left  Mexico 
to  the  ravages  of  revolution.  I  shall  not  attempt  to  narrate 
the  sickening  story  of  the  barbarities  committed,  of  the  car- 
nival of  murder  and  lust.  We  were  then  told  that  Mexico 
was  entitled  to  spill  as  much  blood  as  she  pleased  to  settle 
her  affairs. 

The  Administration  vacillated  with  respect  to  the  embargo 
on  the  export  of  arms  and  munitions  to  Mexico.  Under  the 
resolution  of  1912  President  Taft  had  laid  such  an  embargo. 
In  August,  1913^  President  Wilson  stated  that  he  deemed  it 
his  duty  to  see  that  neither  side  to  the  struggle  in  Mexico 
should  receive  any  assistance  from  this  side  of  the  border 
and  that  the  export  of  all  arms  and  munitions  to  Mexico 
would  be  forbidden.  But  in  February,  1914,  the  embargo  was 
lifted.  In  April,  1914,  the  embargo  was  restored.  In  May, 
1914,  it  was  explained  that  tlTe  embargo  did  not  apply  to 
American  shipments  through  Mexican  ports,  and  ammuni- 
tion for  Carranza  was  subsequently  landed  at  Tampico.  In 
September,  1914,  the  embargo  was  lifted  on  exports  across 
the  border;  thereupon  military  supplies  reached  both  Villa 
and  Carranza.  In  October,  1915,  an  embargo  was  declared 
on  all  exports  of  arms  except  to  the  adherents  of  Car- 
ranza.   There  was  an  utter  absence  of  consistent  policy. 

For  a  time  we  bestowed  friendship  on  Villa.  Ultimately 
we  recognized  Carranza,  not  on  the  ground  that  he  had  a  con- 
stitutional government,  but  that  it  was  a  de  facto  govern- 
ment. The  complete  failure  to  secure  protection  to  American 
citizens  is  shown  conclusively  in  the  note  of  the  Secretary 
of  State  of  June  20,  1916,  in  which  he  thus  described  the  con- 
ditions that  have  obtained  during  the  past  three  years: 

"For  three  years  the  Mexican  republic  has  been  torn  with 
civil  strife;  the  lives  of  Americans  and  other  aliens  have  been 
sacrificed;  vast  properties  developed  by  American  capital  and 
enterprise  have  been  destroyed  or  rendered  non-productive; 
bandits  have  been  permitted  to  roam  at  will  through  the  ter- 
ritory contiguous  to  the  United  States  and  to  seize  without 
punishment  or  without  effective  attempt  at  punishment  the 
property  of  Americans,  while  the  lives  of  citizens  of  the 
United  States  who  ventured  to  remain  in  Mexican  territory 
or  to  return  there  to  protect  their  interests  have  been  taken, 
in  some  cases  barbarously  taken,  and  the  murderers  have 
neither  been  apprehended  nor  brought  to  justice.  *  *  *  It 
would  be  tedious  to  recount  instance  after  instance,  outrage 
after  outrage,  atrocity  after  atrocity,  to  illustrate  the  true 
nature  and  extent  of  the  widespread  conditions  of  lawlessness 
and  violence  which  have  prevailed." 


8  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

The  Santa  Ysabel  massacre,  the  raid  at  Columbus,  the 
bloodshed  at  Carrizal  are  fresh  in  your  minds.  After  the 
Columbus  raid  we  started  a  "punitive  expedition."  We  sent  a 
thin  line  of  troops  hundreds  of  miles  into  Mexico,  between 
two  lines  of  railway,  neither  of  which  we  were  allowed  to 
use  and  which  we  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  seize.  We  were 
refused  permission  to  enter  the  towns.  Though  thus  re- 
stricted, the  enterprise  was  still  regarded  by  the  Mexicans 
as  a  menace.  Our  troops  faced  hostile  forces  and  it  is  not 
remarkable  that  our  men  fell  at  Carrizal.  What  other  result 
could  be  expected?  We  were  virtually  ordered  to  withdraw, 
and  without  accomplishing  our  purpose  we  have  been  with- 
drawing and  we  are  now  endeavoring  to  safeguard  our  own 
territory. 

The  entire  National  Guard  has  been  ordered  out,  and  many 
thousands  of  our  citizens  have  been  taken  from  their  peace- 
ful employment  and  hurried  to  the  Mexican  border.  The 
Administration  was  to  seize  and  punish  Villa  for  his  outrage 
on  our  soil.  It  has  not  punished  any  one;  we  went  in  only 
to  retire,  and  future  movements  are  apparently  to  be  de- 
termined by  a  joint  commission. 

The  Nation  has  no  policy  of  aggression  toward  Mexico. 
We  have  no  desire  for  any  part  of  her  territory.  We  wish 
her  to  have  peace,  stability  and  prosperity.  We  should  be 
ready  to  aid  her  in  binding  up  her  wounds,  in  relieving  her 
from  starvation  and  distress  and  in  giving  her  in  every  prac- 
ticable way  the  benefits  of  our  disinterested  friendship. 

The  conduct  of  this  Administration  has  created  difficulties 
which  we  shall  have  to  surmount.  We  shall  have  to  overcome 
the  antipathy  needlessly  created  by  that  conduct  and  to  de- 
velop genuine  respect  and  confidence.  We  shall  have  to 
adopt  a  new  policy,  a  policy  of  firmness  and  consistency 
through  which  alone  we  can  promote  an  enduring  friendship. 
We  demand  from  Mexico  the  protection  of  the  lives  and  the 
property  of  our  citizens  and  the  security  of  our  border  from 
depredations. 

Much  will  be  gained  if  Mexico  is  convinced  that  we  con- 
template no  meddlesome  interference  with  what  does  not 
concern  us,  but  that  we  propose  to  insist  in  a  firm  and  candid 
manner  upon  the  performance  of  international  obligations. 
To  a  stable  government  appropriately  discharging  its  inter- 
national duties  we  should  give  ungrudging  support.  A  short 
period  of  firm,  consistent  and  friendly  dealing  will  accom- 
plish more  than  many  years  of  vacillation. 

European  War — Maintenance  of  American  Rights 

In  this  land  of  composite  population,  drawing  its  strength 
from  every  race,  the  national  security  demands  that  there 
shall  be  no  paltering  with  American  rights.  The  greater  the 
danger  of  divisive  influences,  the  greater  is  the  necessity 
for  the  unifying  force  of  a  just,  strong  and  patriotic  posi- 
tion. We  countenance  no  covert  policies,  no  intrigues,  no 
secret  schemes.    Wc  are  unreservedly,  devotedly,  whole  heart- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  9 

ediy  for  the  United  States.  That  is  the  rallying  point  for  all 
Americans,  That  is  my  position,  I  stand  for  the  unflinching 
maintenance  of  all  American  rights  on  land  and  sea. 

We  have  had  a  clear  and  definite  mission  as  a  great  neu- 
tral nation.  It  was  for  us  to  maintiin  the  integrity  of  inter- 
national law;  to  vindicate  our  rights  as  neutrals;  to  protect 
the  lives  of  our  citizens,  their  property  and  trade  from  wrong- 
ful acts.  Putting  aside  any  question  as  to  the  highest  possi- 
bilities of  moral  leadership  in  the  maintenance  and  vindi- 
cation of  the  law  of  nations  in  connection  with  the  European 
War,  at  least  we  were  entitled  to  the  safeguarding  of  Amer- 
ican rights.  But  this  has  not  been  secured.  We  have  had 
brave  words  in  a  series  of  notes,  but  despite  our  protest  the 
lives  of  Americans  have  been  destroyed. 

What  does  it  avail  to  use  some  of  the  strongest  words 
known  to  diplomacy  if  ambassadors  can  receive  the  impres- 
sion that  the  words  are  not  to  be  taken  seriously?  It  is  not 
words  but  the  strength  and  resolution  behind  the  words  that 
count. 

The  chief  function  of  diplomacy  is  prevention;  but  in  this 
our  diplomacy  failed,  doubtless  because  of  its  impaired  credit 
and  the  manifest  lack  of  disposition  to  back  words  with 
action.  Had  this  Government  by  the  use  of  both  informal 
and  formal  diplomatic  opportunities  left  no  doubt  that  when 
we  said  "strict  accountability"  wc  meant  precisely  what  we 
said,  and  that  we  should  unhesitatingly  vindicate  that  position. 
I  am  confident  that  there  would  have  been  no  destruction  of 
American  lives  by  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania.  There  we 
have  ample  notice;  in  fact,  published  notice.  Furthermore, 
we  knew  the  situation  and  we  did  mot  require  specific  notice. 

Instead  of  whittling  away  our  formal  statements  by  equiv- 
ocal conversations  we  needed  the  straight,  direct  and  de- 
cisive representations  which  every  diplomat  and  foreign  of- 
fice would  understand,  I  believe  that  in  this  way  we  should 
have  been  spared  the  repeated  assaults  on  American  lives. 

Moreover,  a  firm  American  policy  would  have  been 
strongly  supported  by  our  people  and  the  opportunities  for 
the  development  of  bitter  feeling  would  have  been  vastly 
reduced. 

It  is  a  great  mistake  to  say  that  resoluteness  in  protect- 
ing American  rights  would  have  led  to  war.  Rather  in  the 
course  lay  the  best  assurance  of  peace.  Weakness  and  in- 
decision in  the  maintenance  of  known  rights  are  always 
sources  of  grave  danger;  they  forfeit  respect  and  invite 
serious  wrongs,  which  in  turn  create  an  uncontrollable  popu- 
lar resentment.  That  is  not  the  path  of  national  security. 
Not  only  have  we  a  host  of  resources  short  of  war  by  which 
to  enforce  our  just  demands,  but  we  shall  never  promote 
our  peace  by  being  stronger  in  words  than  in  deeds. 

We  should  not  have  found  it  difficult  to  maintain  peace, 
but  we  should  have  maintained  peace  with  honor.  Duping 
this  critical  period  the  only  danger  of  war  has  lain  in  the 
weak  course   of   the   Administration. 

I  do 'not  put  life  and  property  on  the  same  footing,  but 


10  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

the  Administration  has  not  only  been  remiss  with  respect  to 
the  protection  of  American  lives;  it  has  been  remiss  with  re- 
spect to  the  protection  of  American  property  and  American 
commerce.  It  has  been  too  much  disposed  to  be  content 
with  leisurely  discussion. 

I  cannot  now  undertake  to  review  the  course  of  events, 
but  it  is  entirely  clear  that  we  failed  to  use  the  resources  at 
our  command  to  prevent  injurious  action,  and  that  we  suf- 
fered in  consequence.  We  have  no  ulterior  purposes,  and  the 
Administration  should  have  known  how  to  secure  the  entire 
protection  of  every  legitimate  American  interest  and  the 
prompt  recognition  of  our  just  demands  as  a  neutral  nation. 

We  denounce  all  plots  and  conspiracies  in  the  interest  of 
any  foreign  nation.  Utterly  intolerable  is  the  use  of  our  soil 
for  alien  intrigues.  Every  American  must  unreservedly  con- 
demn them  and  support  every  effort  for  their  suppression. 
But  here,  also,  prompt,  vigorous  and  adequate  measures  on 
the  part  of  the  Administration  were  needed.  There  should 
have  been  no  hesitation;  no  notion  that  it  was  wise  and 
politic  to  delay.  Such  an  abuse  of  our  territory  demanded 
immediate  and  thorough-going  action.  As  soon  as  the  Ad- 
ministration had  notice  of  plots  and  conspiracies  it  was 
its  duty  to  stop  them.  It  was  not  lacking  in  resources.  Its 
responsibility  for  their  continuance  cannot  be  escaped  by 
the  condemnation  of  others. 

Preparedness 

We  are  a  peace  loving  people,  but  we  live  in  a  world 
of  arms.  We  have  no  thought  of  aggression,  and  we  desire 
to  pursue  our  democratic  ideals  without  the  wastes  of  strife. 
So  devoted  are  we  to  these  ideals,  so  intent  upon  our  normal 
development  that  I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  the  slightest 
danger  of  militarism  in  this  country.  Adequate  preparedness 
is  not  militarism.  It  is  the  essential  assurance  of  security; 
it  is  a  necessary  safeguard  of  peace. 

It  is  apparent  that  we  are  shockingly  unprepared.  There 
is  no  room  for  controversy  on  this  point  since  the  object 
lesson  on  the  Mexican  border.  All  our  available  regular 
troops  (less,  I  believe,  than  40,000),  are  there  or  in  Mexico, 
and  as  these  have  been  deemed  insufficient,  the  entire  Na- 
tional Guard  has  been  ordered  out;  that  is,  we  are  summon- 
ing practically  all  our  movable  military  forces  in  order  to 
prevent  bandit  incursions. 

In  view  of  the  warnings  of  the  past  three  years,  it  is 
inexcusable  that  we  should  find  ourselves  in  this  plighfe  For 
our  faithful  guardsmen,  who  with  a  fine  patriotism  responded 
to  this  call  and  are  bearing  this  burden,  I  have  nothing  but 
praise.  But  I  think  it  little  short  of  absurd  that  we  should 
be  compelled  to  call  men  from  their  shops,  their  factories, 
their  offices  and  their  professions  for  such  a  purpose. 

This,  however,  is  not  all.  The  units  of  the  National  Guard 
were  at  peace  strength,  which  was  only  about  one-half  the 
required  strength.     It  was  necessary  to  bring  in  recruits,  for 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK—lSie  11 

the  most  part  raw  and  untrained.  Only  a  small  percentage 
of  the  regiments  recruited  up  to  war  strength  will  haVe  had 
even  a  year's  training  in  the  National  Guard,  which  at  the 
maximum  means  one  hundred  hours  of  military  drill,  and  on 
the  average,  means  much  less. 

Take  the  Eastern  Department  as  an  illustration.  The 
States  in  this  Department  contain  about  72  per  cent  of  the 
entire  organized  militia  of  the  country.  I  am  informed  by 
competent  authority  that  the  quota  of  militia  from  this  De- 
partment,  recently  summoned  with  the  units  raised  to  war 
strength  as  required,  would  amount  to  about  131,000  men; 
that  in  response  to  this  call  there  are  now  en  route  to  or  on 
the  border  about  54,000  men,  and  in  camp  in  their  respective 
States  about  28,000  men;  and  thus,  after  what  has  already 
been  accomplished,  there  still  remain  to  be  supplied  in  re- 
cruits about  48,000  men. 

Men  fresh  from  their  peaceful  employments  and  physically 
unprepared  have  been  hurried  to  the  border  for  actual  ser- 
vice. They  were  without  proper  equipment;  without  neces- 
sary supplies;  suitable  conditions  of  transportation  were  not 
provided.  Men  with  dependent  families  were  sent;  and  con- 
ditions which  should  have  been  well  known  were  discovered 
after  the  event. 

And  yet  the  exigency,  comparatively  speaking,  was  not 
a  very  grave  one.  It  involved  nothing  that  could  not  readily 
have  been  foreseen  during  the  past  three  years  of  dis- 
turbance, and  required  only  a  modest  talent  for  organization. 
That  this  Administration  while  pursuing  its  course  in  Mexico 
should  have  permitted  such  conditions  to  exist  is  almost 
incredible. 

In  the  demand  for  reasonable  preparedness  the  Adminis- 
tration has  followed,  not  led.  Those  who  demanded  more 
adequate  forces  were  first  described  as  "nervous  and  excited." 
Only  about  a  year  and  a  half  ago  we  were  told  that  the 
question  of  preparedness  was  not  a  pressing  one;  that  the 
country  had  been  misinformed.  Later,  under  the  pressure 
of  other  leadership,  this  attitude  was  changed.  The  Admin^ 
istration,  it  was  said,  had  "learned  something,"  and  it  made 
a  belated  demand  for  an  increased  army. 

Even  then,  the  demand  was  not  prosecuted  consistently 
and  the  pressure  exerted  on  Congress  with  respect  to  other 
Administrative  measures  was  notably  absent.  The  Presi- 
dent addressed  Congress  but  little  over  six  months  ago, 
presenting  the  plans  of  the  War  Department,  and  Congress 
was  formally  urged  to  sanction  these  plans  as  "the  essential 
first  steps."  They  contemplated  an  increase  of  the  standing 
force  of  the  regular  army  from  its  then  strength  of  5,023 
officers  and  102,985  enlisted  men,  to  a  strength  of  7,^3^  of- 
ficers and  134,707  enlisted  men,  or  141,843  all  told.  It  was  said 
that  these  additions  were  "necessary  to  render  the  army 
adequate  for  its  present  duties." 

Further,  it  was  proposed  that  the  army  should  be  sup- 
plemented by  a  force  0^,-400,000  disciplined  citizens  raised 
in  increments  of  133,000  a  year,  through  a  period  of  three 


iJ2  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

years.  At  least  so  much  **by  way  of  preparation  for  defense" 
seemed  to  the  President  to  be  "absolutely  imperative  now." 
He  said:    "We  cannot  do  less." 

But  within  two  months  this  program  was  abandoned 
and  the  able  Secretary  of  War  who  had  devoted  himself  per- 
sistently to  this  important  question  felt  so  keenly  the  change 
in  policy  that  he  resigned  from  the  Cabinet.  Now,  the  Army 
Organization  Bill  provides  for  an  army  on  paper  of  178,000, 
but  in  fact  it  provides  for  only  105,000  enlisted  men  for 
the  line  of  the  regular  army  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June 
30,  1917,  and  I  am  informed  that  for  the  next  fiscal  year  there 
will  be  an  increase  of  only  15,000.  The  plan  for  the  supple- 
mental Federal  Army  completely  under  Federal  control  was 
given  up. 

We  are  told  that  the  defects  revealed  by  the  present 
mobilization  are  due  to  the  "system."  But  it  was  precisely  such 
plain  defects  that  under  the  constant  warnings  of  recent  years, 
with  the  whole  world  intent  on  military  concerns,  should  have 
been  studied  and  rectified.  The  Administration  has  failed  to 
discharge  its  responsibilities.  Apparently  it  is  now  seeking 
to  meet  political  exigencies  by  its  naval  program.  But  it 
has  imposed  upon  the  country  an  incompetent  naval  adminis- 
tration. 

We  demand  adequate  national  defense;  adequate  protec- 
tion on  both  our  Western  and  Eastern  coasts.  We  demand 
thoroughness  and  efficiency  in  both  arms  of  the  service.  It 
seems  to  be  plain  that  our  regular  army  is  too  small.  We 
are  too  great  a  country  to  require  of  our  citizens  who  are 
engaged  in  peaceful  vocations  the  sort  of  military  service 
to  which  they  are  now  called.  As  well  insist  that  our  citizens 
in  this  metropolis  be  summoned  to  put  out  fires  and  police 
the  streets. 

We  do  not  count  it  inconsistent  with  our  liberties,  or  with 
our  democratic  ideals,  to  have  an  adequate  police  force.  With 
a  population  of  nearly  one  hundred  millions  we  need  to  be 
surer  of  ourselves  than  to  become  alarmed  at  the  prospect 
of  having  a  regular  army  which  can  reasonably  protect  our 
border  and  perform  such  other  military  service  as  may  be 
required  in  the  absence  of  a  grave  emergency.  I  believe,  fur- 
ther, that  there  should  be  not  only  a  reasonable  increase  in 
the  regular  army  but  that  the  first  citizen  reserve  subject 
to  call  should  be  enlisted  as  a  Federal  army  and  trained  under 
Federal    authority. 

The  country  demands  tYiat  our  military  and  naval  pro- 
grams shall  be  carried  out  in  a  businesslike  manner  under 
the  most  competent  administrative  heads;  that  We  shall  have 
an  up  to  date  preparation;  that  the  moneys  appropriated 
shall  be  properly  expended.  We  should  also  have  careful 
plans  for  mobilizing  our  industrial  resources,  for  promoting 
research  and  utilizing  the  investigations  of  science.  And  a 
policy  of  adequate  preparedness  must  constantly  have  in 
view  the  necessity  of  conserving  our  fundamental  human  in- 
terests; of  promoting  the  physical  well-being  of  our  popula- 
tion, as  well  as  education  and  training;  of  developing  to  the 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— I9l6  l3 

utmost  our  economic  strength  and;  independence.  It  must 
be  based  upon  a  profound  sense  of  our  unity  and  democratic 
obligation.  It  must  not  mean  the  abandonment  of  other 
essential  governmental  work,  but  that  we  shall  have  in  both 
efficiency  and  in  neither  waste  or  extravagance. 

We  should  also  be  solicitous,  by  wise  prevision  and  con- 
ference, to  remove  so  far  as  possible  the  causes  of  irritation 
which  may  in  any  degree  threaten  friendly  relations.  In  our 
proposals  there  is,  I  repeat,  no  militarism.  There  is  simple 
insistence  upon  common  sense  in  providing  reasonable  meas- 
ures of  security  and  avoiding  the  perils  of  neglect. 

We  must  have  the  strength  of  self-respect;  a  strength 
which  contains  no  threat,  but  assures  our  defense,  safeguards 
our  rights  and  conserves  our  peace. 

The  Organization  of  Peace 

We  are  deeply  interested  in  what  I  may  term  the  or- 
ganization of  peace.  We  cherish  no  illusions.  We  know 
that  the  recurrence  of  war  is  not  to  be  prevented  by  pious 
wishes.  If  the  conflict  of  national  interests  is  not  to  be 
brought  to  the  final  test  of  force,  there  must  be  the  de- 
velopment of  international  organization  in  order  to  provide 
international  justice  and  to  safeguard,  so  far  as  practicable, 
the  peace  of  the  world. 

Arbitration  treaties  are  useful  within  their  proper  sphere, 
but  it  is  worse  than  folly  to  ignore  the  limitations  of  this 
remedy  or  to  regard  such  treaties  as  an  adequate  means  of 
preventing  war.  There  should  be  an  international  tribunal 
to  decide  controversies  susceptible  of  judicial  determination, 
thus  affording  the  advantage  of  judicial  standards  in  the  settle- 
ment of  particular  disputes  and  of  the  gradual  growth  of  a 
body  of  judicial  precedents. 

In  emphasizing  the  desirability  of  such  a  tribunal  for  the 
disposition  of  controversies  of  a  justiciable  sort  it  must  not 
be  overlooked  that  there  are  also  legislative  needs.  We  need 
conferences  of  the  nations  to  formulate  international  rules,  to 
establish  principles,  to  modify  and  extend  international  law 
so  as  to  adapt  it  to  new  conditions,  to  remove  causes  of  inter- 
national differences. 

We  need  to  develop  the  instrumentalities  of  conciliation. 
And  behind  this  international  organization,  if  it  is  to  be  ef- 
fective, must  be  the  cooperation  of  the  nations  to  prevent 
resort  to  hostilities  before  the  appropriate  agencies  of  peace- 
ful settlement  have  been  utilized.  If  the  peace  of  the  world 
is  to  be  maintained,  it  must  be  through  the  preventive  power 
of  a  common  purpose.  Without  this,  it  will  still  remain  not 
only  possible  but  practicable  to  disregard  international  obli- 
gations, to  override  the  rights  of  States,  particularly  of  small 
States,  to  ignore  principles,  to  violate  rules.  And  it  is  only 
through  international  cooperation  giving  a  reasonable  assur- 
ance of  peace  that  we  may  hope  for  the  limitation  of  arma- 
ments. 

It  is  to  be  expected  that  nations  will  continue  to  arm  in 
defence  of  their  respective   interests  as  they  are   conceived, 


14  RBPUBUCAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

and  nothing  will  avail  to  diminish  this  burden  save  some  prac- 
tical guaranty  of  international  order.  We  in  this  country  can 
and  should  maintain  our  fortunate  freedom  from  entangle- 
ments with  interests  and  policies  which  do  not  concern  us. 
But  there  is  no  national  isolation  in  the  world  of  the  Twen- 
tieth  Century. 

If  at  the  close  of  the  present  war  the  nations  are  ready 
to  undertake  practicable  measures  in  the  common  interest  in 
order  to  secure  international  justice  we  cannot  fail  to  recog- 
nize our  international  duty.  The  peace  of  the  world  is  our 
interest  as  well  as  the  interest  of  others,  and  in  developing  the 
necessary  agencies  for  the  prevention  of  war  we  shall  be  glad 
to  have  an  appropriate  share.  And  our  preparedness  will 
have  proper  relation  to  this  end  as  well  as  to  our  own  im- 
mediate security.  ^ 

Industry  and  Trade — A  Foors  Paradise 

When  we  contemplate  industrial  and  commercial  condi- 
tions we  see  that  we  are  living  in  a  fool's  paradise.  The  tem- 
porary prosperity  to  which  our  opponents  point  has  been 
created  by  the  abnormal  conditions  incident  to  the  war. 
With  the  end  of  the  war  there  will  be  the  new  conditions 
determined  by  a  new  Europe.  Millions  of  men  in  the  trenches 
will  then  return  to  work.  The  energies  of  each  of  the  now 
belligerent  nations,  highly  trained,  will  then  be  turned  to 
production. 

These  are  days  of  terrible  discipline  for  the  nations  at  war, 
but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  each  is  developing  a  national 
solidarity,  a  knowledge  of  method,  a  realization  of  capacity 
hitherto  unapproached.  In  each  the  lessons  of  cooperation 
now  being  learned  will  never  be  forgotten.  Fricjion  and  waste 
have  been  reduced  to  a  minimum;  labor  and  capital  have  a 
better  understanding,  business  organization  is  more  highly 
developed  and  more  intelligently  directed  than  ever  before. 
We  see  in  each  of  these  nations  a  marvellous  national  ef- 
ficiency. Let  it  not  be  supposed  that  this  efficiency  will  not 
count  when  Europe  once  more  at  peace  pushes  its  productive 
powers  to  the  utmost  limit. 

On  the  other  hand,  in  this  country  with  the  stoppage  of 
the  manufacture  of  munitions,  a  host  of  men  will  be  turned 
out  of  employment.  We  must  meet  the  most  severe  compe- 
tition in  industry.  We  are  undisciplined,  defective  in  organ- 
ization, loosely  knit,  industrially  unprepared. 

Our  opponents  promised  to  reduce  the  cost  of  living.  This 
they  have  failed  to  do;  but  they  did  reduce  the  opportunities 
of  making  a  living.  Let  us  not  forget  the  conditions  that 
existed  in  this  country  under  the  new  tariff  prior  to  the  out- 
break of  the  war.  Production  had  decreased,  business  was 
languishing,  new  enterprises  were  not  undertaken;  instead 
of  expansion  there  was  curtailment,  and  our  streets  were 
filled  with  the  unemployed. 

It  was  estimated  that  in  the  City  of  New  York  over 
300,000  were  out  of  work.  Throughout  the  country  the 
jobless  demanded  relief.     The  labor  commissioners  of  many 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 191«  IS 

States  and  our  municipal  administrations  devoted  themselves 
to  the  problem  of?unemployment,  while  the  jesources  of  our 
voluntary  charitable  organizations  were  most  severely  taxed. 
What  ground  is  there  for  expecting  better  conditions  when 
the  unhealthy  stimulus  of  the  war  has  spent  its  force  and  our 
industries  and  workingmen  are  exposed  to  the  competition  of 
an  energized  Europe? 

It  is  plain  that  we  must  have  protective,  upbuilding  poli- 
cies- It  is  idle  to  look  for  relief  to  the  Democratic  Party, 
which  as  late  as  1912  declared  in  its  platform  that  it  was  "a 
fundamental  principle  of  the  Democratic  Party  that  the  Fed- 
eral Government,  under  the  Constitution,  had  no  right  or 
power  to  impose  or  collect  tariff  duties  except  for  the  pur- 
pose of  revenue."  We  are  told  in  its  present  platform  that 
there  have  been  "momentous  changes"  in  the  past  two  years, 
and  hence,  repudiating  its  former  attitude,  the  Democratic 
Party  now  declares  for  a  "non-partisan  tariff  commission." 

But  have  the  momentous  changes,  incident  to  the  Euro- 
pean War  changed  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States?  Is 
it  proposed  to  use  a  tariff  commission  to  frame  a  tariff  for 
revenue  only?  Is  the  opposing  party  ready  to  confess  that 
for  generations  it  has  misread  the  Constitution?  Is  that  party 
now  prepared  to  accept  the  protective  principle?  Rather,  so 
far  as  the  tariff  is  concerned,  it  would  appear  to  be  without 
principle.  Witness  its  action  in  connection  with  the  sugar 
duties,  its  reaffirmation  of  the  doctrine  of  a  revenue  tariff, 
its  dyestuffs  proposal  and  its  formulation  in  lieu  of  protective 
duties  of  an  "anti-dumping"  provision,  the  terms  of  which 
are  sufficient  to  show  its  ineffective  character*! 

The  Republican  Party  stands  for  the  principle  of  protec- 
tion. We  must  apply  that  principle  fairly,  without  abuses, 
in  as  scientific  a  manner  as  possible;  and  Congress  should  be 
aided  by  the  investigations  of  an  expert  body.  We  stand  for 
the  safeguarding  of  our  economic  independence,  for  the  de- 
velopment of  American  industry,  for  the  maintenance  of 
American  standards  of  living.  We  propose  that  in  the  com- 
petitive struggle  that  is  about  to  come  the  American  work- 
ingman  shall  not  suffer. 

The  Republican  Party  is  not  a  sectional  party.  It  thinks 
and  plans  nationally.  Its  policies  are  for  the  promotion  of 
the  prosperity  of  every  part  of  the  country,  South.  East, 
North  and  West.  It  is  not  simply  a  question  of  a  wise  ad- 
justment of  the  tariff  in  accordance  with  sound  principle,  but 
there  is  also  the  need  in  other  respects  for  stable  conditions 
for  commercial  and  industrial  progress.  If  we  are  to  meet 
effectively  the  conditions  which  will  arise  after  the  war  is 
over  we  must  put  our  house  in  order. 

Let  it  be  understood  that  the  public  right  is  to  be  main- 
tained without  fear  or  favor.  But  let  us  show  that  we  can 
do  this  without  impairing  the  essential  agencies  of  progress. 
There  is  no  forward  movement,  no  endeavor  to  promote 
social  justice,  which  in  the  last  analysis  docs  not  rest  upon 
the  condition  that  there  shall  be  a  stable  basis  for  honest  en- 
terprise. 


16  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

This  subject  has  several  important  phases  to  which  at 
this  time  I  can  allude  only  briefly.  We  should  place  our  trans- 
portation system  on  a  sure  footing.  We  should  be  able  wisely 
to  adjust  our  regulative  powers  so  that  the  fundamental  ob- 
ject of  protecting  the  public  interest  can  be  fully  secured  with- 
out uncertainties  or  conflicts  and  without  hampering  the  de- 
velopment and  expansion  of  transportation  facilities.  This 
national  end  may  be  accomplished  without  the  sacrifice  of 
any  interest  that  is  essentially  local,  or  without  weakening 
public  control.     Our  present  system  is  crude  and  inadequate. 

Moreover,  in  the  severe  economic  struggle  that  is  before 
us,  and  in  seeking,  as  we  should,  to  promote  our  productive  in- 
dustries and  to  expand  our  commerce — notably  our  foreign 
commerce — we  shall  require  the  most  efficient  organization, 
quite  as  efficient  as  that  found  into  any  nation  abroad.  There 
must  be  no  unnecessary  wastes  and  no  arbitrary  obstructions. 
We  have  determined  to  cut  out,  root  and  branch,  monopo- 
listic practices,  but  we  can  do  this  without  hobbling  enter- 
prise or  narrowing  the  scope  of  legitimate  achievement. 

Again,  we  must  build  up  our  merchant  marine.  It  will 
not  aid  to  put  the  Government  into  competition  with  private 
owners.  That,  it  seems  to  me,  is  a  counsel  of  folly.  A  surer 
way  of  destroying  the  promise  of  our  foreign  trade  could 
hardly  be  devised.  It  has  well  been  asked — Does  the  Govern- 
ment intend  to  operate  at  a  profit  or  at  a  loss?  We  need 
the  encouragement  and  protection  of  Government  for  our 
shipping  industry,  but  it  cannot  afford  to  have  the  Govern- 
ment as  a  competitor. 

Labor 

We  stand  for  the  conservation  of  the  just  interests  of 
labor.  We  do  not  desire  production,  or  trade,  or  efficiency 
in  either  for  its  own  sake  but  for  the  betterment  of  the  lives 
of  human  beings.  We  shall  not  have  any  lasting  industrial 
prosperity  unless  we  buttress  our  industrial  endeavors  by 
adequate  means  for  the  protection  of  health;  for  the  elimina- 
tion of  unnecessary  perils  to  life  and  limb;  for  the  safeguard- 
ing of  our  future  through  proper  laws  for  protection  of 
women  and  children  in  industry;  for  increasing  opportunities 
for  education  and  training. 

We  should  be  solicitous  to  inquire  carefully  into  every 
grievance,  remembering  that  there  are  few  disputes  which 
cannot  easily  be  adjusted  if  there  be  an  impartial  examination 
of  the  facts.  We  make  common  cause  in  this  country,  not 
for  a  few,  but  for  all;  and  our  watchword  must  be  cooperation, 
not  exploitation.  No  plans  will  be  adequate  save  as  they  are 
instinct  with  genuine  democratic  sympathy. 

I  stand  for  adequate  Federal  Workmen's  Compensation 
laws,  dealing  not  only  with  the  employees  of  Government  but 
with  those  employees  who  are  engaged  in  interstate  com- 
merce and  are  subject  to  the  hazard  of  injury,  so  that  those 
activities  which  are  within  the  sphere  of  the  constitutional  au- 
thority of  Congress  may  be  dealt  with  under  a  suitable  law. 


[:         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  17 

Agriculture — Conservation 

We  propose  to  promote  by  every  practicable  means  our 
agricultural  interests,  and  we  include  in  this  program  an 
effective  system  of  rural  credits.  We  favor  the  wise  con- 
servation of  our  natural  resources.  We  desi^re  not  only  that 
they  shall  be  safeguarded  but  that  they  shall  be  adequately 
developed  and  used  to  the  utmost  public  advantage. 

National  Trusteeship — The  Philippines 

We  turn  to  other  considerations  of  important  policy.  One 
of  these  is  our  attitude  toward  the  Philippines.  That.  I  may 
say,  is  not  a  question  of  self-interest.  We  have  assumed 
international  obligations  which  we  should  not  permit  our- 
selves to  evade.  A  breach  of  trust  is  not  an  admissible 
American  policy,  though  our  opponents  have  seemed  to  con- 
sider it  such.  We  should  administer  government  in  the  Phil- 
ippines with  a  full  recognition  of  our  international  duty, 
without  partisanship,  with  the  aim  of  maintaining  the  highest 
standards  of  expert  administration,  and  in  the  interest  of 
the  Filipinos.     This  is  a  matter  of  National  honor. 

Woman  Suffrage 

I  indorse  the  declaration  in  the  platform  in  favor  of 
woman  suffrage.  I  do  not  consider  it  necessary  to  review 
the  arguments  usually  advanced  on  the  one  side  or  the  other, 
as  my  own  convictions  proceed  from  a  somewhat  different 
point  of  view. 

•  Some  time  ago  a  consideration  of  our  economic  conditions 
and  tendencies  of  the  position  of  women  in  gainful  occupa- 
tions, of  the  nature  and  course  of  the  demand,  led  me  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  granting  of  suffrage  to  women  is  inevit- 
able. Opposition  may  delay,  but,  in  my  judgment,  cannot 
defeat  this  movement.  Nor  can  I  see  any  advantages  in  the 
delay  which  can  possibly  offset  the  disadvantages  which  are 
necessarily  incident  to  the  continued  agitation. 

Facts  should  be  squarely  met.  We  shall  have  a  constantly 
intensified  effort  and  a  distinctly  feminist  movement  con- 
stantly perfecting  its  organization  to  the  subversion  of  nor- 
mal political  issues.  We  shall  have  a  struggle  increasing  in 
bitterness  which  I  believe  to  be  inimical  to  our  welfare.  If 
women  are  to  have  the  vote,  as  I  believe  they  are,  it  seems 
to  me  entirely  clear  that  in  the  interest  of  the  public  life  of 
this  country  the  contest  should  be  ended  promptly.  I  favor 
the  vote  for  women. 

Administrative  Efficiency — Civil  Service   Laws-Budget 

Confronting  every  effort  to  improve  conditions  is  the  men- 
ace of  incompetent  administration.  It  is  an  extraordinary 
notion  that  democracy  can  be  faithfully  served  by  inexpert- 
ness.  Democracy  needs  exact  knowledge,  special  skill  and 
thorough  training  in  its  servants.  I  have  already  spoken  of 
the  disregard  of  proper  standards,  in  numerous  instances,  in 
appointments  to  the  diplomatic  service. 


18  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Unfortunately  there  has  been  a  similar  disregard  of  ex- 
ecutive responsibility  in  appointments  to  important  adminis- 
trative positions  in  our  domestic  service.  Even  with  respect 
to  technical  bureaus  the  demands  of  science  have  been  com- 
pelled to  yield  to  the  demands  of  politics. 

We  have  erected  against  importunities  of  spoilsmen  the 
barriers  of  the  civil  service  laws,  but  under  the  present  Ad- 
ministration enactments  providing  for  the  creation  of  large 
numbers  of  places  have  deliberately  removed  them  from  the 
merit  system.  The  principles  of  our  civil  service  laws  have 
been  shamelessly  violated.  We  stand  for  fidelity  to  these 
principles  and  their  consistent  application.  And,  further,  it 
is  our  purpose  that  administrative  chiefs  shall  be  men  of 
special  competence  eminently  qualified  for  their  important 
work. 

Fiscal  Reform 

Our  opponents  promised  economy,  but  they  have  shown  a 
reckless  extravagance.  They  have  been  wasteful  and  profli- 
gate. It  is  time  that  we  had  fiscal  reform.  We  demand  a 
simple  businesslike  budget.  I  believe  it  is  only  through  a 
responsible  budget,  proposed  by  the  Executive,  that  we  shall 
avoid  financial  waste  and  secure  proper  administrative  ef- 
ficiency and  a  well  balanced  consideration  of  new  adminis- 
trative proposals. 

We  live  in  a  fateful  hour.  In  a  true  sense  the  contest  for 
the  preservation  of  the  Nation  is  never  ended.  We  must  still 
be  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  heroic  sacrifice  which  gave  us  our 
country  and  brought  us  safely  through  the  days  of  civil  war. 
We  renew  our  pledge  to  the  ancient  ideals  of  individual 
liberty, "  of  opportunity  denied  to  none  because  of  race  or 
creed,  of  unswerving  loyalty.  We  have  a  vision  of  America 
prepared  and  secure;  strong  and  just;  equal  to  her  tasks;  an 
exemplar  of  the  capacity  and  efficiency  of  a  free  people.  I 
indorse  the  platform  adopted  by  the  Convention  and  accept 
its   nomination. 


In  the  good  old  days — in  the  good  old  Republican  days — 
Uncle  Sam,  proud,  dignified,  prosperous,  sat  in  the  place  of 
customs  and  from  the  goods  and  wares  offered  there  in  com- 
petition with  the  labor  and  industry  of  our  country  collected 
goodly  sums  without  burden  to  our  people,  which  met  abun- 
dantly the  public  needs.  But  today  Uncle  Sam,  worried, 
abashed,  apologetic,  stands  hat  in  hand,  begging  pennies  at 
the  telephone  booths,  levying  tribute  on  little  children  and 
sweet  girl  graduates  in  the  tax  on  gum.  Even  the  chastened 
joy  with  which  we  pay  our  debts  by  giving  a  new  note  is 
chilled  and  dampened  by  the  shadow  of  the  clutching  fingers 
of  the  Treasury  taking  its  toll  of  our  hard-earned,  promises  to 
pay.  Whether  we  buy  or  sell  or  borrow,  the  Democratic  ad- 
ministration stands  at  our  shoulders,  a  beggar  of  picayimes, 
while  sleek,  well-fed  publicans  in  the  form  of  Democratic  tax 

? gatherers  take  a  large  toll  from  the  dimes  and  pennies  wnmg 
rem  a  burdened  people  ere  they  fling  the  limited  remainder 
into  the  yawning  vaults  of  an  empty  Treasury.— -Representa- 
tive F.  W.  Mondell,  of  Wyoming. 


Address 


OF 

Senator  Warren  G.  Harding 

CHAIRMAN 

REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION 

AT  CHICAGO,  JUNE  7,  igi6 


Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: 

It  is  good  to  greet  this  representative  body  of  that  Amer- 
ican Republicanism  on  which  is  centered  the  high  hopes  of 
the  republic.  I  can  believe — nay,  I  know — that  a  vast  ma- 
jority of  the  people  of  our  United  States  is  expecting  the 
party  sponsors  here  assembled  ^to  write  anew  the  sacred 
covenant  of  Republicanism,  and  reconsecrate  the  party  to 
the  nation's  service  and  the  people's  advancement.  That 
same  majority  expects  you  to  select  a  standard-bearer  who 
shall  not  only  typify  our  expression  of  faith,  but  shall  so 
enlist  the  confidence  and  trust  of  our  American  citizenship 
that  the  work  of  this  convention  will  be  confirmed  over- 
whelmingly at  the  ballot-box  next  November. 

The  country,  wearied  afresh  by  a  disappointing  and  dis- 
tressing Democratic  administration,  is  callmg  for  Republican 
relief,  and  there  is  every  inspiration,  every  encouragement, 
every  confidence  that  the  light  of  Republican  conscience,  set 
aflame  in  this  convention,  will  illumine  the  way  to  the  coun- 
try's restoration. 

Let  Us  Forget  1912 

We  did  not  do  very  well  in  making  for  harmony  the  last 
time  we  met.  The  country  has  regretted,  let  us  forget — and 
make  amends  to  our  country.  We  did  not  divide  over  fund- 
amental principles,  we  did  not  disagree  over  a  national  policy. 
We  split  over  methods  of  party  procedure  and  preferred  per- 
sonalities. Let  us  forget  the  differences,  and  find  new  inspira- 
tion and  new  compensation  in  a  united  endeavor  to  restore 
the  country. 

The  essential  principles  of  Republicanism  are  unchanged 
and  unchanging;  the  lofty  intent,  the  indestructible  soul  and 
the  undying  spirit  of  Republicanism  are  as  dominant  today  as 
in  the  destined  beginning  sixty  years  ago,  or  at  any  time 
during  the  intervening  years,  and  they  are  emphasized  today 
by  the  proof  recorded  to  Republican  credit  in  the  matchless 
chapters  of  American  progress. 

Principles  Are  Abiding 

No  political  party  ever  has  builded  or  ever  can  build  per- 
manently except  in  conscientious  devotion  to  abiding  princi- 
ples. Time  never  alters  a  fundamental  truth.  Conditions  do 
change,  popular  interest  is  self-asserting,  and  "paramounting" 
has  its  penis,  as  the  Democratic  party  will  bear  witness,  but 
the  essentials  of  constructive  government  and  attending  prog- 
ress arc  abiding  and  unchanging.  For  example,  we  ought  to 
be  as  genuinely  American  today  as  when  the  founding  fathers 
flung  their  immortal  defiance  in  the  face  of  old-world  op- 
pressions and  dedicated  a  new  republic  to  liberty  and  justice. 
We  ought  to  be  as  prepared  for  defense  as  Washington  urged 
amid  the  anxieties  of  our  national  beginning,  and  Grant 
confirmed  amid  the  calm  reflections  of  union  restored. 

19 


20  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Party  Solidarity 

It  is  not  my  understanding  that  the  remarks  of  the  tem- 
porary chairman  are  to  be  taken  as  an  expression  of  the  party 
faith.  Such  expression  must  come  from  this  convention, 
made  up  of  delegates  who  believe  in  popular,  representative 
government  through  the  agency  of  political  parties.  You 
come  directly  from  the  people,  commissioned  to  speak  their 
hopes  and  aspirations,  to  utter  their  patriotic  desires  and 
pledge  their  abiding  faith.  Out  of  the  convictions  and  judg- 
ment and  wisdom  as  expressed  by  the  majority  will  come 
the   sacred  and  sincere  covenant  of  the   Republican  party. 

We  are  a  voluntary  organization  and  must  find  our  strength 
in  the  enlistment  of  volunteers  who  find  the  nearest  or  best 
expression  of  their  individual  convictions  in  our  party  declar- 
ations, and  there  can  be  no  treason  in  withdrawal  if  our 
declarations  fall  short  in  their  appeal.  But  I  am  old-fashioned 
enough  to  believe  that  in  popular  government  party  success 
and  party  capacity  for  service  to  the  nation  must  lie  in 
making  the  will  of  a  righteous  majority  the  willing  pledge 
of  all. 

No  Forswearing  Required 

Gentlemen  of  the  conv^tion,  the  first  and  foremost  wish 
in  my  mind  is  to  say  that  which  will  contribute  to  harmony 
of  effort  and  add  to  the  assurance  of  victory  next  November. 
I  wish  that  because  we  believe  Republican  success  to  be  for 
the  best  interests  of  our  common  country.  The  allied  hosts  of 
the  /believers  in  Republican  principles  are  in  a  vast  majority 
in  this  country — when  the  banners  of  harmony  are  unfurled. 
We  have  witnessed  the  comeback  of  our  party  in  various 
states.  We  have  seen  the  reenlistment  of  those  who  be- 
lieve in  Republican  doctrines,  and  victory  has  followed  and 
rejoicing  has  attended.  No  apology  has  been  asked,  no  for- 
swearing required.  This  is  not  the  time  for  recrimination, 
it  is  the  day  of  reconsecration. 

Rededicating  here  and  now  the  Republican  party  to  the 
progress  and  glory  of  the  republic,  let  us  bury  party  prefixes 
with  the  administration  which  our  differences  put  in  power. 
I  do  not  believe  there  is  a  really  reactionary  Republican  bear- 
ing credentials  to  this  convention.  If  there  is,  he  will  depart, 
after  our  deliberations,  solely  and  proudly  a  Republican, 
with  heart  aglow  with  the  party  spirit  of  1916.  And  the 
welcome  delegate  who  emphasizes  his  progressivism  is  ex- 
pected to  do  his  part  in  making  our  party  a  reflex  of  the  best 
thought  and  best  intent  of  sincere  committal  to  the  uplift 
and  progress  of  the  American  people,  thereby  strengthening 
party  purpose  instead  of  magnifying  individual  belief,  and  he, 
too,  will  find  new  rejoicing  in  being  a  Republican.  No  party 
can  endure  which  is  not  progressive.  I  know  the  Republican 
party  is  genuinely  progressive  as  well  as  effective,  else  it 
would  not  rivet  the  expectations  of  the  American  people  today 
on  the  most  important  convention  held  since  the  party  formu- 
lated a  new  political  decalogue  and  gave  to  union  and  nation- 
ality the  immortal  Abraham   Lincoln. 

Representative  Government 

In  building  the  surpassing  temple  of  the  republic,  which 
we  have  been  doing  to  the  astonishment,  sometimes  the 
envy,  sometimes  the  admiration  of  the  world,  and  ofttimes 
inspiring  others  by  our  example,  there  ever  will  be  modi- 
fications and  additions  to  meet  the  public  need  and  conform 
to  popular  ideals.  We  do  not  fear  to  imitate  nor  fail  to  orig- 
inate, but  there  can  be  no  discord  about  underlying  founda- 
tions or  essential  walls  or  proven  arches  or  stately  columns. 
Mine  is  a  deep  conviction  that  the  founding  fathers  were  di- 
vinely inspired,  and  the  wisdom  of  representative  popular 
government  is  proven  in  the  surpassing  achievement. 

It  is  not  alone  the  miracle  of  accomplishment  which  deep- 
ens our  reverence;  it  is  not  alone  the  conviction  that  we  have 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 191(5  21 

builded  the  first,  seemingly  dependable,  popular  government 
on  the  earth  and  exalted  all  its  citizenship,  which  adds  to 
our  faith;  but  we  are  the  oldest  of  existing  civilized  nations, 
with  one  passing  exception,  continued  under  one  form  of 
government,  and  under  that  form  we  have  developed  the 
highest  standard  of  living  in  all  the  world.  Surely  we  must 
be  right. 

Recalling  that  the  mightier  forward  strides  have  been  taken 
under  a  half  century  of  Republican  control,  after  we  led  in 
fixing  the  indissoluble  ties  of  union,  the  retrospection,  the 
contemplation  and  the  anticipation  combine  to  fill  the  Re- 
publican breast  with  pride  and  hope,  and  trust  and  faith, 
and  magnify  our  obligations  in  this  crucial  year  of  our  na- 
tional   life. 

Much  of  the  discussion  of  the  hour  is  hinged  upon  a  world 
at  war.  We  need  not  wonder  thereat,  because  the  enormity 
of  the  conflict  and  the  influences  of  its  horrors  have  set 
mankind  in  upheaval.  The  traditions  of  civilization  have 
been  broken  and  international  laws  have  been  ignored.  There 
is  a  tidal  wave  of  distress  and  disaster,  there  are  violent  emo- 
tions and  magnified  fears.  There  are  the  extremes  of  in- 
calculable sacrifices  and  measureless  new  fortunes — not  all 
American.  There  are  new  wonders  and  new  hindrances  in 
commerce,  changed  balances  of  trade,  new  marvels  in  finance 
and  utterly  changed  economic  conditions.  These  have  at- 
tended embarrassments  in  our  foreign  relations  as  difficult 
as  those  which  the  individual  citizen  experiences  whose  every 
neighbor  is  involved  in  deadly  quarrel.  Everything  is  ab- 
normal except  the  depleted  condition  of  the  Federal  Treasury, 
which  is  characteristic  of  Democratic  control,  and  the  facility 
of  the  administration  for  writing  varied  notes  without  effective 
notice. 

Unarmed  America 

Amid  these  conditions  has  stood  this  unarmed  giant,  typi- 
fying the  American  republic,  neutral  and  sane,  to  whom  the 
neutral  nations  have  turned  for  leadership.  Our  national 
unselfishness  had  been  proven,  our  devotion  to  humanity  had 
been  established,  our  committal  to  international  justice  had 
long  been  proclaipied.  The  world  had  previously  heard  the 
voice  of  American  fearlessness,  and  all  the  conditions  single 
us  out  for  leadership  among  the  neutral  powers,  but  the 
administration  at  Washington  spoke  with  more  rhetoric  than 
resolution,  and  we  came  to  realize  what  the  warring  powers 
soon  came  to  know,  that  the  official  American  voice  lacked 
the  volume  of  determined  expression  that  once  demanded 
international  heed,  and  we  lacked  the  strength  of  confidence 
in  our  own  defenses. 

It  is  too  early  to  estimate  the  debit  and  credit  account  of 
the  European  war  with  civilization.  Out  of  measureless  cost 
and  inestimable  heroism  must  come  a  rebirth  of  individual 
spirituality,  reawakened  national  hopes,  new  liberties  and  new 
baptisms  in  patriotism  which  must  prove  some  compensa- 
tion. But  we  have  seen  civilization  stripped  of  the  pretenses 
which  clothed  man's  savagery,  and  we  have  seen  elemental 
man,  developed  in  genius  and  more  formidable  because  of 
that,  intoxicated  with  power  or  impassioned  in  the  greed  of 
conquest,  offending  or  defending,  contradicting  every  evi- 
dence of  mankind's  humane  advancement.  In  the  envy  or 
jealousy  or  rivalry  or  hatred,  refined  by  boasted  civilization, 
are  the  barbarities  of  primitive  man,  and  the  seal  of  obso- 
lescence is  not  yet  stamped  upon  the  warrior's  sword. 

For  National  Defense 

Perhaps  it  is  a  reminder  more  than  a  discovery,  but  there 
has  come  to  us  a  conviction  that  this  great  nation,   rich   in 
resources  and  strong  in  patriotic  manhood,  has  been  negli- 
gent concerning  its  own  defense.     We  have  dwelt  in  fancied 


22  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

rather  than  real  security.  Pride  mingles  with  regret  in  this, 
because  it  suggests  the  »mind  of  a  nation  so  free  from  in- 
tended offense  that  there  was  no  cultivated  thought  of  needed 
defense.  Our  righteousness  of  purpose  is  portrayed  in  our 
trust  in  unarmed  safety.  But  there  is  a  warning  in  bleeding 
Europe,  and  there  is  call  today  for  prudent,  patriotic  and 
ample  national  defense.  There  is  no  mistaking  the  senti- 
ment. We  are  not  thinking  of  the  hysterical,  we  need  not 
be  moved  by  a  preparedness  which  is  partisan  in  conception. 
Wc  need  not  believe  in  a  defense  propaganda  inspired  by 
those  who  aim  to  wax  fat  in  the  production  of  arms  and 
munitions,  because  there  is  none.  I  deplore  the  teaching  that 
an  anxiety  about  our  national  defense  is  inspired  by  greed. 
We  rejoice  in  free  speech  and  free  press  and  untrammelled 
opinion,  but  patriotism  is  illy  promoted  by  the  imputation  of 
false  motives,  whether  aimed  at  those  who  believe  in  defense 
or  those  who  doubt  its  wisdom.  Such  a  teaching  rends  the 
concord  of  citizenship,  which  may  develop  a  worse  peril 
from  within   than   from   any   enemy  without. 

Though  we  do  not  pretend  to  be  exclusive  in  our  devotion, 
we  Republicans  believe,  sincerely  and  soberly,  in  adequate 
national  defense.  W^e  have  always  believed  in  an  ample  navy, 
as  invincible  in  modern  might  as  John  Paul  Jones  builded  m 
our  freedom's  earliest  fight.  We  have  in  mind  a  protected 
commerce  on  the  waters,  and  a  seacoast  secure  in  strong 
naval  defense.  We  were  building  to  high  rank  among  naval 
powers  when  the  Democratic  party  interrupted,  and  we  sub- 
scribe to  a  stronger  committal  now,  because  of  a  new  realiza- 
tion of  the  envy  which  our  wealth  and  our  commerce  invite, 
and  a  new  appreciation  of  our  commanding  place  in  the 
affairs  of  the  world.  I  shall  not  say  that  it  is  ours  to  have 
the  greatest  navy  in  the  world,  but  noting  the  elimination  of 
distance  and  the  passing  of  our  onetime  isolation,  we  ought 
to  have  a  navy  that  fears  none  in  the  world,  and  can  say  any 
time  and  anywhere — These  are  American  rights  and  must  be 
respected. 

Economy  in  Security 

It  is  not  for  me  to  specify  the  provisions  for  naval  defense. 
Since  modern  warfare  is  in  large  part  a  conflict  of  brains,  so 
must  naval  defense  be  devised  in  highest  intelligence.  Let 
us  strengthen  every  arm — aerial,  submarine,  fleet  cruisers  and 
great  dreadnoughts.  Let  him  who  is  anxious  about  the  cost 
remember  that  Republicaia  policies  afford  the  ample  means 
without  conscious  burdens  upon  the  people.  Every  fore- 
handed American  citizen,  whatever  his  activity,  knows  that 
the  cost  of  insurance  against  accident,  theft,  fire,  flood  or 
thunderbolt,  assessed  as  a  fixed  charge  upon  his  income,  is 
worth  its  cost,  in  peace  of  mind,  though  loss  never  attends. 
Moreover,  under  any  system  security  is  economy  itself. 

There  are  manifest  differences  about  our  developments  for 
military  defense.  The  President  made  a  trip  from  the  coast 
to  the  valley  of  the  Missouri  to  tell  the  American  people  the 
need  of  preparedness.  It  might  have  been  more  seemly  to 
tell  the  story  to  Congress,  for  that  body  was  in  session  and 
empowered  to  act,  and  seemingly  ever  ready  to  testify 
obedience.  However,  Congress  undertook  to  provide  an 
army  for  defense  and  the  majority  wobbled  between  pacifi- 
cation and  preparedness  until  the  Republican  minority  in  the 
Senate  put  something  real  in  the  pending  measure.  We 
Republicans  made  a  rational  response  to  the  call  of  the  land, 
but  Democratic  insufficiency  and  inefficiency  are  recorded 
in  the  conference-amended  act,  and  a  federal  nitrate  plant 
to  supply  powder  to  the  patriots  and  pap  to  the  paternalists 
and  federal  fertilizer  to  the  farmers  in  competition  with 
private  enterprise  is  the  great  constructive  offering  of  a 
Democratic  majority. 

Until  the  civilized  world  is  pledged  and  repledged  to  peace, 
and  until  civilization  commits  nations  to  the  nobler  practices 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  23 

of  t<he  individuals  who  constitute  them,  in  which  I  would  have 
America  lead,  this  republic  will  have  need  for  a  basic  army  and 
a  ready  provision  for  military  defense.  We  have  territory 
to  defend,  we  have  independence  to  preserve,  we  have  lives 
to  safeguard,  we  have  property  to  protect,  we  have  rights 
to  assert,  we  have  missions  of  humanity  to  perform.  We  pro- 
claim justice  and  we  love  peace,  and  we  mean  to  have  them 
— and  we  are  not  too  proud  to  fight  for  them. 

No  Curse  of  Militarism 

Let  no  one  apprehend  the  curse  of  militarism  in  this  fair 
land.  We  declare  unalterably  against  it.  Our  free  citizenship, 
walking  confidentlyy  absorbed  in  the  triumphs  of  peace, 
would  tolerate  no  such  blight  on  American  institutions. 
There  is  to  be  no  surrender  of  cherished  ideals.  With  that 
yearning  for  peace  which  has  marked  our  continued  develop- 
ment, with  that  same  committal  to  justice  which  has  given 
us  front  rank  in  the  onward  march  of  civilization,  with  that 
rare  unselfishness  which  led  us  to  unsheath  the  sword  for 
humanity's  sake  and  put  all  territorial  aggrandizement  aside, 
with  that  belief  in  the  square  deal,  individual,  national  and 
international,  which  is  the  foundation  of  American  faith, 
we  mean  to  go  on,  an  exemplar  of  peace  to  all  the  nations, 
an  arbiter  of  justice  to  all  the  world,  a  promoter  of  righteous- 
ness to  all  the  people  of  the  earth. 

At  the  same  time  we  have  more  to  do  than  to  chart  a 
national  course  through  the  waters  surging  with  the  turbu- 
lence of  war;  our  inspiring  course  is  on  the  highway  of  peace. 
Our  armed  defense  must  ever  be  linked  with  our  industrial 
self-reliance,  and  the  nation  worth  dying  for  must  first  be 
worth  living  for.  Out  of  nature's  prodigality  we  have  in- 
calculable resources  and  limitless  possibilities,  and  there  is 
need  only  for  the  unhindered  application  of  man's  genius 
and  industry  to  make  us  as  independent  industrially  as  we 
are  free  politically.  Ample  defense  rests  on  industrial  free- 
dom and  self-reliance  as  well  as  patriotic  sacrifice,  and  in- 
dustrial preparedness  gives  that  assurance  of  material  good 
fortune  in  peace  on  which  must  be  founded  all  our  higher 
aspirations. 

The  Protective  Policy 

Subsistence  is  the  first  requisite  of  existence,  and  we  have 
the  higher  American  standard  of  living  because  of  the  Re- 
publican protective  policy  which  makes  of  Americans  the 
best  paid  workmen  in  all  the  world.  Out  of  the  abundance 
of  employment  and  higher  compensation,  together  with  the 
beckoning  opportunity  which  offers  every  reward,  we  Amer- 
icans have  attracted  the  laborers  of  the  earth,  and  set  new 
standards  here. 

It  is  not  for  me  to  put  the  stamp  of  relative  importance  on 
pending  issues — the  intelligent  voters  will  determine  that 
for  themselves.  But  I  know  what  they  are  thinking,  and  they 
believe  that  the  protective  policy  which  made  us  industrial!^'- 
and  commercially  eminent  is  necessary  to  preserve  that  emi- 
nence. I  know  they  want  it  restored  and  maintained.  For 
myself  I  prefer  a  protective  and  productive  tariff  which  pros- 
pers America  first.  I  choose  the  economic  policy  which 
sends  the  American  workingmen  to  the  savings  banks  rather 
than  to  soup-houses.  I  commend  the  plan  under  which  the 
healthful  glow  of  prospering  business  is  reflected  in  every 
face  from  the  great  captain  of  industry  to  the  schooling  child 
of  the  daily  wage-earner. 

Moreover,  I  like  the  abiding  consistency  of  our  unchanging 
position  upon  this  policy.^  The  Republican  Convention  of 
i860,  which  gave  to  the  nation  and  all  history  the  nomination 
of  Lincoln,  made  this  simple  and  ample  utterance* 

"That,  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support  of  the 
General    Government    by    duties    upon    Imports,    sound 


24  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

policy  requires  such  an  adjustment  of  these  imports  as 
to  encourage  the  development  of  the  industrial  interests 
of  the  whole  country;  and  we  commend  that  policy  of 
national  exchanges  which  secures  to  the  workingmen 
liberal  wages,  to  agriculture  remunerating  prices,  to  me- 
chanics and  manufacturers  an  adequate  reward  for  their 
skill,  labor,  and  enterprise,  and  to  the  nation  commercial 
prosperity  and  independence." 

We  might  fittingly  reiterate  that  utterance  today.  The 
failure  of  revenues  under  existing  Democratic  policy,  the 
necessary  resort  to  the  imposition  of  direct  and  offensive 
taxation — war  taxes  on  a  people  at  peace — to  meet  deficien- 
cies which  ever  attend  Democratic  control,  the  depression 
and  disaster  v/hich  followed  Democratic  revision,  which 
were  relieved  rather  than  caused  by  the  European  war — all 
these  argue  the  Republican  restoration. 

Temporary  Prosperity 

No  one  disputes  a  temporary  prosperity  in  our  land  today. 
But  it  is  sectional  in  its  factory  aspect,  abnormal  in  its  fevered 
rush,  fictitious  in  its  essentials,  and  perverting  in  its  tendency. 
Worse,  it  is  the  gold  sluiced  from  the  river  of  blood,  poured 
out  of  the  horrifying  sacrifice  of  millions  of  our  fellow-men, 
God  forbid  that  we  should  boast  a  prosperity  wrought  in 
such  waste  of  human  life.  We  had  rather  rejoice  in  the 
prosperity  of  peace.  We  had  rather  boast  our  good  fortune 
won  from  the  world  as  it  stands  erect,  in  a  fair  contest,  where 
men  openly  contend  for  the  laurels  of  industry  and  the  gar- 
lands of  trade.  I  do  not  mean  that  we  must  "sharpen  our 
wits  in  competition  with  the  world,"  for  we  tried  that,  and 
involuntarily  turned  the  blade  to  cutting  our  production  and 
severing  thousands  from  American  pay  rolls.  There  was  no 
cut  in  the  cost  of  living  but  a  visible  hack  at  the  capacity  to 
live. 

The  Democratic  party  is  always  concerned  about  the 
American  consumer.  Our  Republican  achievement  is  the 
making  of  a  nation  of  prospering  producers,  and  by  producers 
I  mean  every  human  being  who  applies  muscle  or  skill  or 
brain  or  all  to  the  conversion  of  nature's  abundance  into 
the  necessities  and  luxuries  of  life  or  participates  in  the  ways 
and  means  of  their  transportation  and  exchange.  Far  better 
a  high  cost  of  living  and  ability  to  buy  than  a  lowering  of 
cost  attended  by  destruction  of  purchasing  capacity. 

The  Cost  of  Living 

It  is  worth  while  to  recall  the  magnified  importance  given 
to  the  high  cost  of  living  four  years  ago;  first  to  emphasize 
Democracy's  failure  to  reduce  it,  though  it  risked  and  almost 
accomplished  the  ruin  of  our  good  fortune  in  attempting  it; 
second,  to  declare  there  is  no  such  thing.  What  was  thought 
to  be  the  high  cost  were  only  the  higher  demands  and  the 
larger  capacity  to  buy,  which  were  the  natural  reflexes  of 
higher  standard  of  living  reared  under  Republican  protection. 

The  one  notable  advance  in  cost  has  profited  the  American 
farmer,  for  whose  befitting  share  in  good  fortune  we  have 
stood  unfailingly  and  sincerely.  His  reward  is  a  Republican 
achievement  and  we  prefer  to  cling  to  the  conditions  which 
brought  to  agriculture  its  delayed  but  deserved  reward  and 
hold  it  secure  in  Republican  maintenance  of  a  home  market 
unmatched  in  all  the  world.  More,  we  want  our  basic  pros- 
perity to  be  home-created  and  home-sustained,  and  not  de- 
pendent on  conditions  abroad. 

Let  us  agree — nay,  let  us  boast — that  American  industry  can 
compete  with  any  in  all  the  world,  under  like  conditions.  But 
we  also  boast  a  condition,  created  through  isolation  and 
maintained  by  protection,  wherein  the  rate  of  American  wages 
is  twice  or  thrice  to  ten  times  that  of  old-world  competitron. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  25 

Reduce  our  wages  and  we  shall  have  conditions  more  nearly- 
equal,  but  no  Republican  will  consent  to  that.  We  are  willing 
to  standardize  the  wages  of  the  world.  We  are  as  fit  to  lead 
in  doing  that  as  we  were  to  fix  the  newer  guaranties  of  liberty 
and  independence;  but  we  Republicans  do  not  mean  to  lower 
our  scales  to  effect  the  leveling.  We  want  the  world  measure- 
ments raised  to  our  heights.  Until  it  is  done  we  shall  cling 
to  American  wages  for  American  workmen,  American  markets 
for  American  products,  and  hold  the  Republican  guaranty  of 
our  material  good  fortune. 

Democratic  Repentance 

The  nations  abroad  and  the  Democratic  party  at  home  are 
bearing  witness  to  Republican  wisdom.  German  industrial 
self-reliance  is  the  sequence  to  her  adoption  of  a  Republican 
protective  tariff,  and  England's  manifest  conversion  to  this 
fostering  plan  will  magnify  the  prophetic  wisdom  of  Re- 
publican protectionists.  Even  the  Democratic  party  is  peni- 
tent now  and  makes  confession  in  action  if  not  in  words. 
The  proposed  destruction  of  American  sugar  has  been  re- 
pealed, and  simulated  grief  about  the  American  breakfast 
table  has  been  put  aside.  With  that  facility  for  changing 
position  which  has  been  made  manifest  from  Baltimore  to 
Vera  Cruz,  the  party  in  power  proposes  to  restore  the  tariff 
commission  which  it  had  hastened  to  destroy. 

This  change  of  attitude  is  not  because  of  its  great  and  man- 
ifest love  of  commissions  alone,  but  because  failure  is  writ- 
ten across  every  paragraph  of  Democratic  revision  and  fear 
is  haunting  the  White  House  slumbers.  The  Wilson  adminis- 
tration has  sensed  the  country's  anxiety  about  industrial  con- 
ditions when  the  revelry  in  munitions  and  the  immunity 
granted  by  war  are  ended.  It  has  made  a  reflective  estimate 
of  the  perils  of  1914,  once  called  psychological,  and  means  to 
apply  a  stolen  remedy,  with  more  concern  about  the  effects 
than  the  ethics  involved.  We  do  not  oppose  a  tariff  com- 
mission. We  favor  it.  It  is  a  Republican  creation.  We  do 
not  want  one,  however,  conceived  in  Democratic  hostility  to 
American  industry  or  managed  in  Democratic  opposition  to 
business  success.  We  would  hasten  the  protective  defense 
against  foreign  invasion,  to  guarantee  our  industrial  security, 
and  then  let  a  tariff  commission  deliberately  and  scientifically 
work  out  the  needs  of  American  preference. 

Square  Deal  for  Business 

No  honest  business  in  this  country  is  too  big  to  be  good  and 
useful,  or  too  little  to  be  protected  and  encouraged,  and 
both  big  and  little  deserve  the  American  shield  against  de- 
struction by  foreign  competition,  and  protection  from  the 
raiders,  political  or  otherwise,  at  home.  Business  and  its 
agencies  of  transportation  are  so  inseparable  from  each  other 
and  from  the  common  weal  that  the  political  party  which  does 
not  pledge  them  a  square  deal,  no  m.ore  and  no  less,  does  not 
deserve  the  confidence  of  the  people.  The  strength  of  the 
business  heart  shows  in  every  countenance  in  all  the  land, 
and  the  weakness  of  that  heart  holds  a  nation  ill.  We  must 
strengthen  the  heart  of  American  business  In  government 
co-operation  rather  than  ofBcIal  opposition. 

It  is  not  inspiring  to  recite  Democratic  failures.  I  shall  not 
dwell  on  that  party's  insincerity  or  incapacity.  The  country 
indicts  and  the  record  convicts.  It  proclaimed  the  sacredness 
of  Its  pledges  and  then  profaned  them.  It  professed  economy 
(  and  is  staggered  by  its  own  extravagance.  It  has  turned  ade- 
quacy of  revenue  under  Indirect  and  unfelt  taxes  to  insuf- 
ficiency and  direct  taxation.  It  has  espoused  the  freedom  of 
the  seas  and  wrought  only  the  freedom  of  the  Panama  Canal. 
It  reaffirmed  Its  devotion  to  Jeffersonian  principles  and  sim- 
plicity of  government   and  Is   voting  millions   of  the  public 


26  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

treasury  to  the  establishment  of  federal  factories  to  destroy 
private  industry.  It  declared  for  enlarged  shipping  facilities 
without  added  burdens  upon  the  public  treasury,  and  now 
proposes  that  fifty  to  five  hundred  millions  of  public  funds 
shall  go  to  shipping,  federally  owned  and  privately  managed, 
with  every  menace  that  federal  ownership  involves.  We  be- 
lieve in  a  great  merchant  marine,  federally  encouraged^  and 
privately  erected,  wrought  in  the  committal  to  the  achieve- 
ment of  private  enterprise  and  measured  to  the  requirements 
of  our  commerce  in  peace. 

The  National  Expansion 

The  President  has  said  ours  is  a  provincial  party,  evidently 
forgetting  the  Federalist  founding  of  our  nationality  and  Re- 
publican expansion  to  greater  national  glory.  The  Demo- 
cratic party  not  only  fails  to  grasp  our  immensity  and  im- 
portance, it  is  sectional  on  the  mainland  and  unheeding  of 
our  island  possessions.  Its  vision  does  not  catch  the  splendor 
of  Old  Glory  in  the  sunlight  of  the  world.  Right  now  when 
the  devouring  flames  of  war  are  burning  most  fiercely,  when 
our  national  view  must  be  world-wide  to  be  comprehensive, 
the  Democratic  administration  has  proposed  to  set  adrift  an 
island  empire,  in  violation  of  our  obligations  to  the  world,  to 
the  Philippine  people  and  ourselves.  Amid  proclamations 
of  our  ministrations  in  behalf  of  mankind  it  undertook  to 
renounce  its  guardianship  of  a  race  of  people  and  leave  them 
to  walk  alone  when  they  had  not  been  fully  taught  to  creep. 
A  few  rebellious  Democrats  joined  the  Republican  minority 
in  sparing  us  this  national  disgrace,  but  the  design  is  written 
among  the  vacillations  of  the  present  administration.  The 
Democratic  party  once  hauled  down  the  flag  which  had  been 
unfurled  in  honor  in  the  Pacific  and  met  rebuke  at  the  first 
popular  expression  at  the  polls.  No  administration  which 
hauls  down  the  flag  and  none  which  proposes  to  haul  it  down 
ever  can  succeed  itself  in  directing  the  affairs  of  the  Amer- 
ican people. 

Our  Widened  Relationship 

One  century  of  marvellous  development  has  led  us  _  into 
another  century  of  international  sponsorship.  This^  mighty 
people,  idealizing  popular  government  and  committed  to 
human  progress,  can  no  longer  live  within  and  for  ourselves 
alone.  Obliterated  distance  makes  it  impossible  to  stand  aloof 
from  mankind  and  escape  widened  responsibility.  If  we  are 
to  become  the  agency  of  a  progressive  civilization  and  God's 
great  intent — and  to  believe  otherwise  is  to  deny  the  proofs 
of  American  development — we  must  assume  the  responsibil- 
ities of  fiifluence  and  example,  and  accept  the  burdens  of 
enlarged  participation.  The  cloistered  life  is  not  possible  to 
the  potential  man  or  the  potential  nation.  Moreover,  the 
Monroe  doctrine,  stronger  for  a  century's  maintenance,  fixes 
an  obligation  of  new-world  sponsorship  and  pld-world  re- 
lationship. Our  part  must  not  be  dictatorial,  it  must  be 
trusted  leadership  in  a  fraternity  of  American  republics. 

Our  Strength  at  Home 

To  nteet  the  obligations  we  must  first  make  sure  of  main- 
tained mental,  moral  and  physical  health  at_  home.  It  is 
good  to  recall  that  ours  is  the  only  major  political  party  ever 
formed  in  this  country  on  a  great  moral  issue.  Our  first 
proclamation  was  human  liberty,  to  be  glorified  by  the 
spiritual  and  material  development  of  a  free  people.  We 
opened  the  way  to  higher  human  attainments  and  empha- 
si2ed  human  rights  under  the  guaranties  of  civil  liberty.  We  . 
need  only  to  go  on,  imbued  with  the  spirit  which  has  thus 
far  pointed  our  way.  The  light  of  a  moral  people  is  the  halo  , 
of  liberty  itself.     Let  us  be  honest,  not  only  in  proclamation, 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  27 

but  in  practice;  not  alone  in  campaigns  but  in  incumbency 
of  office;  not  only  before  altars  of  worship  but  in  our  daily 
affairs  and  in  every  human  relationship.  If  popular  govern- 
ment is  to  be  held  dependable  and  command  the  confidence 
as  well  as  the  loyalty  of  its  citizenship,  political  parties  and 
their  platforms  and  their  spokesmen  must  be  honest  and 
sincere. 

A  People's  Welfare 

If  we  are  to  urge  the  world's  attention  to  international 
justice  we  must  hold  secure  our  civil  justice  at  home  and 
make  social  justice  and  attending  welfare  typical  of  our 
national  life.  We  have  advanced  wonderfully.  The  reward 
of  merit  is  eternal,  but  we  can  promote  the  development  of 
merit.  I  have  spoken  so  emphatically  for  the  American 
producer  that  I  want  to  add  here  a  committal  to  improved 
conditions  of  production.  It  is  good  to  gaze  afar  toward 
markets  we  hope  to  attain  in  peaceful  commercial  conquest, 
but  production  is  itself  the  maker  of  markets  at  home.  To 
the  safety  and  inviting  environment  of  the  laborer  we  must 
add  his  growing  merits  of  compensation.  There  can  be  no 
permanent  material  good  fortune  that  is  not  righteously 
shared,  there  can  be  no  real  moral  achievement  that  does 
not  lift  the  great  rank  and^  file  to  an  ever  higher  plane. 
Maintained  Republican  policies  provide  conditions  for  the 
ideal  advancement  and  continued  uplift,  and  it  is  not  too 
much  to  hope  that  we  shall  acclaim  the  day  when  choice 
instead  of  necessity  fixes  the  status  of  the  American  wage- 
earner. 

My  countrymen,  for  two  generations,  with  short  interrup- 
tions, the  Republican  party,  in  conscience,  courage  and 
capacity,  has  been  translating  the  dependable  popular  senti- 
ment of  the  republic  into  governmental  policy.  We  have 
not  yielded  to  the  expediency  of  adopting  every  ephemeral 
whim,  because  devotion  to  country  and  its  ultimate  good  oft- 
times  demand  opposition  to  a  momentary  popularity.  The 
final  appeal  to  sober  intelligence  has  justified  our  course 
in  political  righteousness.  But  we  have  been  so  engrossed 
in  developing  America  that  we  have  not  stopped  to  search 
our  own  hearts  for  the  soul  of  Americanism. 

The  American  Spirit 

In  the  travail  of  Life,  Liberty  and  the  f*ursuit  of  Happiness 
the  American  soul  was  born.  Set  aglow  at  Bunker  Hill,  it 
was  reflected  in  the  faces  of  the  patriots  of  a  fearless  republic, 
where  men  dedicated  themselves  to  the  solemn  and  momen- 
tous task  which  was  traced  by  an  infinite  hand.  They  were  not 
all  Americans  by  birth,  but  they  were  dedicated  Americans 
in  the  baptismal  rites  of  a  new  republic  and  a  new  patriotism. 
They  could  not  all  sign  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  but 
they  committed  all  Americans  to  it  for  all  succeeding  time. 
They  could  not  all  join  in  making  the  constitution,  but  they 
pledged  the  succeeding  millions  of  Americans  to  its  everlast- 
ing defense. 

There  were  stalwart  Americans  then,  Americans  from  Great 
Britain  nvith  British  ideals  and  their  devotion  to  orderly 
government.  There  were  Americans  from  the  land  of  Na- 
poleon and  Lafayette,  to  give  of  the  enthusiasm  and  heroism 
of  France  in  establishing  new  freedom.  There  were  Amer- 
icans from  Germany  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  republic  and 
blend  their  sturdiness  and  thoroughness  in  the  progress  of 
a  new  people,  not  a  new  race.  There  were  Americans  from 
the  green  fields  of  Ireland,  with  a  passion  for  liberty,  Amer- 
icans from  Southern  Europe  to  battle  for  opportunity.  There 
were  Americans  who  came  from  oppression  and  stood  erect 
in  the  freedom  of  the  republic.  They  all  made  common 
cause.  There  was  lack  of  homogeneity  of  race,  but  there  was 
kinship  of  soul,  and  that  soul  was  American.     The  gates  to 


28  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

our  ports  have  swung  inward  ever  since,  there  has  been  a 
welcome  to  the  foreign-born,  whom  we  asked  to  drink  freely 
of  the  waters  of  our  political  life  and  find  their  places  in  the 
sun  of  American  opportunity.  They  are  an  inseparable  and 
important  and  valued  part  of  American  citizenship,  and  the 
few  zealots  of  any  origin  who  violate  our  neutrality  do  not 
and  cannot  impugn  the  loyalty  or  the  American  patriotism 
of  that  great  body  which  adds  to  the  swelling  chorus  of 

"My  Country,  'tis  of  thee, 
Sweet  Land  of  Liberty." 

National  Sympathies 

It  is  not  surprising  that  in  their  hearts  there  is  sympathy 
or  partiality  for  the  land  of  their  nativity  when  it  is  involved 
in  a  life  and  death  struggle  like  that  which  saturates  Europe 
with  the  blood  of  their  kinsmen.  Search  your  hearts  deeply, 
my  countrymen.  One  must  be  human  to  be  an  American, 
he  must  have  human  sympathies  and  human  loves,  and  I 
should  pity  the  foreign-born  and  the  sons  of  foreign-born 
whose  very  souls  are  not  wrung  by  the  cataclysmal  sorrow  of 
the  old  world.  But  sorrow  is  the  test  of  soul  and  the  very 
altar  of  reconsecration.  This  is  the  momentous  hour  for  the 
blazing  soul  of  American  allegiance.  The  spirit  of  the  fathers 
is  calling,  and  the  safety  of  unborn  Americans  is  demanding 
and  the  security  of  the  republic  is  requiring  that  now  and 
here  and  everywhere,  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  we  pro- 
claim a  plain,  simple,  glad  and  unalterable  Americanism.  It 
must  be  the  offering  of  loyalty  and  devotion  and  love  and 
trust,  and  life,  if  need  be,  to  these  United  States,  now  and 
everlastingly. 

The  Americanism  which  indexes  these  United  States  must 
be  more  than  the  consecration  of  the  individual.  In  the  great 
fulfillment  we  must  have  a  citizenship  less  concerned  about 
what  the  government  can  do  for  it  and  more  anxious  about 
what  it  can  for  the  nation.  There  must  be  the  submersion  of 
local  and  sectional  views  and  the  standards  of  nationality 
reared  in  their  stead.  Holding  to  the  ideals  of  just  American 
rights,  the  government  must  protect  those  rights,  at  home, 
on  our  borders,  on  the  seas,  in  every  land  and  under  every 
sky. 

Our  Foreign  Relations 

Seeking  to  practice  the  very  Americanism  I  preach  as  Re- 
publican   gospel,    I    am    reluctant    to    speak   of   a    division    of 
American  sentiment  relating  to  our  foreign  affairs.     One  must 
be  an  American  first  and  a  partisan   afterwards,   though   we 
believe  Republicanism  is  the  culture  of  highest  Americanism. 
But  it  must  be  said,  for  the  truth's  sake  and  clearer  under- 
standing we  have  hungered  in  vain  for  that  unflinching  Amer- 
icanism at  Washington  which  is  needed  to  exalt  the  America) 
soul.      There    is    no    geographic    modification    of    America: 
rights.     They  are  the  same  in  Mexico  that  they  are  on  th 
high  seas,  they  are  the  same  in  Europe  that  they  are  in  Asia, 
and  are  sacred  everywhere,  and  the  American  spirit  demand: 
their  fullest  protection.  ^  * 

/  Whatever  the  ultimate  solution  may  be,  history  will  writ 
i  Mexico  as  the  title  to  the  humiliating  recital  of  the  greates 
i  fiasco  in  our  foreign  relations.  Uncertainty,  instability,  Mex- 
ican contempt  and  waning  self-respect  will  be  recorded  in 
every  chapter,  and  the  pitiable  story  of  sacrificed  American 
lives  and  the  destruction  of  lawfully-held  American  property 
will  emphasize  the  mistaken  policy  of  watchful  waiting  and 
wobbling  warfare. 

Under  the  pretext  of  non-interference  the  Democratic  ad- 
ministration  miserably  meddled.  In  the  name  of  peace  thai 
same  administration  encouraged  revolution,  and  the  cost  o) 
Atnerican  sacrifices  was  charged  to  needless  war  on  Huerti 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  29 

where  the  real  American  expenditure  required  only  the  voice 
of  authority  demanding  protection  to  American  rights.  The 
unbiased  critic  will  recite  that  the  Democratic  administration 
first  coddled  Villa  as  a  patriot,  then  chased  him  as  a  bandit. 

Our  civilization  has  evolved  the  rules  of  right  conduct, 
and  written  them  into  forms  of  government  by  law.  They 
were  conceived  in  justice  and  developed  in  righteousness. 
They  have  become  instinctive  in  our  American  life,  and  are 
cherished  as  a  part  of  our  people's  inheritance.  Our  people 
do  not  understand  any  suspension,  they  are  impelled  to  march 
on,  confident  and  unafraid.  When  the  spirit  of  American  ac- 
complishment, or  the  mercies  of  American  ministration,  or 
the  inclinations  of  American  teaching,  or  the  adventures 
of  American  development  take  our  people  abroad,  under  the 
compacts  of  civilization,  they  have  a  right  to  believe  that 
every  guaranty  of  American  citizenship  goes  w^ith  them. 
When  it  does  not  we.  have  forfeited  the  American  inherit- 
ance. 

Our  Course  With  Europe 

No  political  party  can  draw  a  variable  chart  for  our  ship 
of  state  amid  Europe's  warring  ambitions,  lust  for  power  or 
battles  for  self-preservation.  Justice  points  the  way  through 
the  safe  channel  of  neutrality.  There  are  dangers,  seeming  or 
real,  looming  on  every  side,  but  we  should  feel  secure  along 
the  course  marked  by  international  law  and  our  own  con- 
scientious convictions  of  American  rights.  "STRAIGHT 
AHEAD"  shall  be  the  command,  and  when  peace  comes  the 
sober  judgment  of  the  world  will  exalt  us  ever  higher  and 
higher  as  a  people  strong  in  heart  and  noble  in  the  espousal 
of  justice  and  justice's  humanity.  In  that  w^orld-wide  re- 
spect and  confidence  which  needs  only  to  be  preserved,  we 
shall  have  a  lofty  place  in  the  great  reconstruction,  and  we 
reasonably  may  hope  to  see  this  mighty  republic  again  minis- 
tering to  the  reestablishment  of  peace  and  all  its  precious 
blessings. 

My  countrymen,  Americanism  begins  at  home  and  radiates 
abroad.  The  Republican  conception  gives  the  first  thought 
to  a  free  people  and  a  fearless  people,  and  bespeaks  condi- 
tions at  home  for  the  highest  human  attainment.  We  believe 
in  American  markets  for  American  products,  American  wages 
for  American  workmen,  American  opportunity  for  American 
genius  and  industry,  and  American  defense  for  American 
soil.  American  citizenship  is  the  reflex  of  American  con- 
ditions, and  we  believG,  our  policies  make  for  a  fortunate 
people  for  whom  moral,  material  and  educational  advance- 
ment is  the  open  way.  The  glory  of  our  progress  confirms. 
The  answered  aspirations  of  a  new  world  civilization  ac- 
claim. We  have  taken  the  ideal  form  of  popular  govern- 
ment and  applied  the  policies  which  had  led  a  continent  to  the 
altars  of  liberty  and  glorified  the  republic.  We  have  justi- 
fied pride  and  fortified  hope.  We  need  only  to  preserve  and 
defend,  and  go  unfalteringly  on.  Power  is  the  guarantor  of 
peace  and  conscience  the  buckler  of  everlasting  right.  Verily, 
it  is  good  to  be  an  American.  And  we  may  rejoice  to  be 
Republicans. 

The  poor,  dear  old  foolish  Democratic  party  is  going 
through  the  same  game  that  she  can  be  generally  trusted  to 
go  through  with  soon  after  she  gets  into  power  *  *  *  That 
is  the  Democratic  party;  that  is  its  history;  that  is  what  led 
old  Tom  Reed  to  say  in  1894  and  1895 — "You  cannot  last  long 
because  you  are  not  accustomed  to  governing  anybody  or 
anything;  you  cannot  govern  the  country;  you  cannot  even 
govern  yourselves;  you  are  incompetent. — John  Sharp  Wil- 
liams, Democratic  Senator  from  Mississippi,  in  the  Senate. 
April  8,  1914. 


Hughes  Accepts 

HIS  FORCEFUL  AND  COMPREHENSIVE  TELEGRAM 
TO   CHAIRMAN   HARDING 

Mr.  Hughes'  telegram  to  Chairman  Harding  of  the  Re- 
publican National  Convention,  formally  accepting  the  Re- 
publican nomination  for  the  Presidency,  was  as  follows: 

Hon,  Warren  G.  Harding^  Chairman  Republican  National  Con- 
vention, Chicago,  III. 

I  have  not  desired  the  nomination.  I  have  wished  to  re- 
main on  the  bench.  But  in  this  critical  period  in  our  na- 
tional history  I  recognize  that  it  is  your  right  to  summon  and 
that  it  is  my  paramount  duty  to  respond. 

You  speak  at  a  time  of  national  exigency,  transcending 
merely  partisan  consideration.  You  voice  the  demand  for  a 
dominant,  thorough-going  Americanism,  witH  firm  protective 
upbuilding  policies  essential  to  our  peace  and  security;  and 
to  that  call,  in  this  crisis,  I  cannot  fail  to  answer  with  the 
pledge  of  all  that  is  in  me  to  the  service  of  our  country. 
Therefore,   I   accept  the   nomination. 

Stands  for  Americanism 

I  stand  for  the  firm  and  unflinching  maintenance  of  all 
the  rights  of  American  citizens  on  land  and  sea.  I  neither 
impugn    motives   nor   underestimate   difficulties. 

But  it  is  most  regrettably  true  that  in  our  foreign  relations 
we  have  suffered  incalculably  from  the  weak  and  vacillating 
course  which  has  been  taken  with  regard  to  Mexico — a  course 
lamentably  wrong  with  regard  to  both  our  rights  and  our 
duties. 

We  interfered  without  consistency;  and  while  seeking  to 
dictate  when  we  were  not  concerned,  we  utterly  failed  to  ap- 
preciate and  discharge  our  plain  duty  to  our  own  citizens. 

Brave  Words  Stripped  of  "Force" 

At  the  outset  of  the  administration  the  high  responsi- 
bilities of  our  diplomatic  intercourse  with  foreign  nations 
were  subordinated  to  a  conception  of  partisan  requirements, 
and  we  presented  to  the  world  a  humiliating  spectacle  of  in- 
aptitude. 

Belated  efforts  have  not  availed  to  recover  the  influence 
and  prestige  so  unfortunately  sacrificed;  and  brave  words 
have  been  stripped  of  their  force  by  indecision. 

•J  desire  to  see  our  diplomacy  restored  to  its  best  stand- 
ards and  to  have  those  advanced;  to  have  no  sacrifices  of 
national  interest  to  partisan  expediencies;  to  have  the  first 
ability  of  the  country  always  at  its  command  here  and  abroad, 
in  diplomatic  intercourse;  to  maintain  firmly  our  rights  under 
international  law;  insisting  steadfastly  upon  all  our  rights  as 
mutual  and  fully  performing  our  international  obligations, 
and  by  the  clear  correctness  and  justness  of  our  position  and 
our  manifest  ability  and  disposition  to  sustain  them  to  dignify 
our  place  among  the  nations. 

Knows  No  Ulterior  Purpose 

I  stand  for  an  Americanism  that  knows  no  ulterior  pur- 
pose; for  a  patriotism  that  is  single  and  complete.  Whether 
native  or  naturalized,  of  whatever  race  or  creed,  we  have  but 
one  country,  and  we  do  not  intend  to  tolerate  any  division  of 
allegiance. 

I  believe  in  making  prompt  provision  to  asstirc  ab- 
solutely our  national  securitv. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK  -1916  31 

I  believe  in  preparedness,  not  only  entirely  adequate  for 
our  defense,  with  respect  to  numbers  and  equipment,  in  both 
army  and  navy,  but  with  all  thoroughness  to  the  end  that  in 
each  branch  of  the  service  there  may  be  the  utmost  efficiency 
under  the  most  competent  administrative  heads. 

Urges  Proper  Preparedness 

We  are  devoted  to  the  ideals  of  honorable  peace.  We  wish 
to  promote  all  wise  and  practical  measures  for  the  just  settle- 
ment of  international  disputes.  In  view  of  our  abiding 
ideals,  there  is  no  danger  of  militarism  in  this  country. 

We  have  no  policy  of  aggression,  no  lust  for  territory,  no 
zeal    for    strife. 

It  is  in  this  spirit  that  we  demand  adequate  provision  for 
national  defense,  and  we  condemn  the  inexcusable  neglect 
that  has  been  shown  in  this  matter  of  first  national  impor- 
tance. 

We  must  have  the  strength  which  self-respect  demands, 
the  strength  of  an  efficient  nation  ready  for  every  emergency. 

For  Readjustment  of  Tariff 

Our  preparation  must  be  industrial  and  economic  as 
well  as  military.  Our  severest  tests  will  come  after  the  war 
is  over.  We  must  make  a  fair  and  wise  readjustment  of  the 
tariff,  in  accordance  with  sound  protective  principle,  to  in- 
sure our  economic  independence  and  to  maintain  American 
standards  of  living. 

We  must  conserve  the  just  interests  of  labor,  realizing 
that  in  democracy  patriotism  and  national  strength  must  be 
rooted  in  even-handed  justice.  In  preventing,  as  we  must, 
unjust  discriminations  and  monopolistic  practices,  we  must 
still  be  zealous  to  assure  the  foundations  of  honest  business. 

Particularly  should  we  seek  the  expansion  of  foreign 
trade.  We  must  not  throttle  American  enterprise,  here  or 
abroad,  but  rather  promote  it  and  take  pride  in  honorable 
achievements. 

Stands  for  Civil  Service 

We  must  take  up  the  serious  problems  of  transportation, 
of  interstate  and  foreign  commerce,  in  a  sensible  and  candid 
manner,  and  provide  an  enduring  basis  for  prosperity  by  the 
intelligent  use  of  the  constitutional  powers  of  Congress,  so 
as  adequately  to  protect  the  public  on  the  one  hand,  and,  on 
the  other,  to  conserve  the  essential  instrumentalities  of  prog- 
ress. 

I  stand  for  the  principles  of  our  civil  service  laws.  In 
every  department  of  government  the  highest  efficiency  must 
be  insisted  upon.  For  all  laws  and  programs  are  vain  with- 
out efficient   and   impartial  administration. 

Fully  Indorses   Platform 

I  cannot,  within  the  limits  of  this  statement,  speak  upon 
all  the  subjects  that  will  require  attention.  I  can  only  say 
that   I    fully   indorse    the    platform   you    have   adopted. 

I  deeply  appreciate  the  responsibility  you  impose.  I 
should  have  been  glad  to  have  that  responsibility  placed  upon 
another.  But  I  shall  undertake  to  meet  it,  grateful  for  the 
confidence  you  express.  I  sincerely  trust  that  all  former 
differences  may  be  forgotten,  and  that  we  may  have  united 
effort  in  a  patriotic  realization  of  our  national  need  and  op- 
portunity. 

I    have   resigned   my   judicial   office,   and    I   am    ready   to 
devote  myself  unreservedly  to  the  campaign. 
Washington,  D.C. 
June  10,  1910, 

CHARLES   E.   HUGHES. 


Colonel  Roosevelt  s  Letter 
to  Progressives 


DECLARES  THAT  IT  WOULD  BE  A  GRAVE  DETRI- 
MENT TO  THE  COUNTRY  TO  RE-ELECT 
PRESIDENT  WILSON 

To  the  Progressive  National  Committee: 

Gentlemen — In  accordance  with  the  message  I  sent  to  the  Pro- 
gressive National  Convention  as  soon  as  I  had  received  the  noti- 
fication that  it  had  nominated)  me  for  President,  I  now  com- 
municate CO  you  my  reasons  for  declining  the  honor  which  I  so 
d'eeply  appreciate.  Since  the  adjournment  of  the  convention,  I 
have  received  between  two  and  three  thousand  letters  and  tde- 
grams  from  men  who  had  supported  me  fpr  the  nomination,  the 
majority  expressing  the  desire  that  I  would  refuse  to  run,  while 
a  minority  urged  that  I  should  accept  the  nomination.  As  it  is  a 
physical  impossibility  to  answer  these  letters  and  telegrams  in- 
dividually, I  beg  of  the  courtesy  of  the  senders  that  they  will 
accept  this  public  statement  in  lieu  of  such  answers. 

Praises  Progressive  Convention 

Before  speaking  of  anything  else,  I  wish  to  express  my  heart- 
iest and  most  unstinted  admiration  for  the  character  and  serv- 
ices of  the  men  and  women  who  made  up  the  Progressive 
National  Convention  in  1916.  I  can  give  them  no  higher  praise 
than  to  say  that  in  all  respects  they  stood  level  with  the  men  and 
women  who  in  1912  joined  at  Chicago  to  found  the  Progressive 
Party.  These  two  conventions,  in  character,  in  disinterestedness, 
in  vision,  in  insight,  in  high  purpose  and  in  desire  to  render 
practical  service  to  the  people,  typified  exactly  what  such  bodies 
ought  to  be  in  a  great  self-governing  democracy.  They  repre- 
sented the  spirit  which  moved  Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  political 
associates  during  the  decade  preceding  the  clooe  of  the  Civil  War. 
The  platform  put  forth  in  1912  was  much  the  most  important 
public  document  promulgated  in  this  country  since  the  death  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.  It  represented  the  first  effort  on  a  large  scale 
to  translate  abstract  formulas  of  economic  and  social  justice  into 
concrete  American  nationalism ;  the  effort  to  apply  the  principles 
of  Washington  and  Lincoln  to  the  need  of  the  United  States 
in  the  twentieth  century.  No  finer  effort  was  ever  made  to  serve 
the  American  people  in  a  spirit  of  high  loyalty  to  all  that  is. 
loftiest  in  the  American  tradition. 

Events  have  shown  that  the  Progressive  Par'iy  in  1912  offeredl 
the  only  alternative  fo  the  triumph  of  the  Democratic  Party. 
Moreover,  these  events  have  shown  that  the  application  of  the 
principles  which  we  then  advocated  is  even  more  necessary  to  this 
nation  than  we  at  the  time  supposed. 

Need  of  Preparedness 

The  results  of  the  terrible  world  war  of  the  past  two  years 
have  now  made  it  evident  to  all  who  are  willing  to  see,  that  in 
this  country  there  must  be  spiritual  and  industrial  preparedness^ 

33 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  33 

along  the  lines  of  efficiency,  of  loyal  service  to  the  nation,  and 
of  practical  application  of  the  precept  that  each  man  must  be  his 
brother's  keeper.  iFurthermore,  it  is  no  less  evident  that  this 
preparedness  for  the  tasks  of  peace  forms  the  only  sound  basis 
for  that  indispensable  military  preparedness  whiich  rests  on  uni- 
versal military  training,  and  which  finds  expression  in  universal 
obligatory  service  in  time  of  war.  Such  universal  obligatory 
training  and  service  are  the  necessary  complements  of  universal 
suffrage,  and  represent  the  realization  of  the  true  American,  the 
democratic  ideal  in  both  peace  and  war. 

Sooner  or  later  the  national  principles  championed  by  the 
Progressives  of  1912  must  in  their  general  effect  be  embodied 
in  the  structure  of  our  national  existence.  With  all  my  heart  I 
shall  continue  to  work  for  these  great  ideas,  shoulder  to  shoulder 
with  the  men  and  women  who  in  1912  championed  them;  and  T 
am  sure  that  these  men  and  women  will  show  a  like  loyalty  to  the 
other,  the  fundamental  ideals  which  the  events  of  the  past  two 
years  have  proven  to  be  vital  to  the  permanency  of  our  national 
existence.  The  method  by  which  we  are  to  show  our  loyalty 
to  these  ideals  must  be  determined  in  each  case  by  the  actual 
event.  Our  loyalty  is  to  the  fact,  to  the  principle,  to  the  ideal, 
and  not  merely  to  the  name,  and  least  of  all  to  the  party  name. 

Work  Done  by  Progressives 

The  Progressive  movement  has  been  given  an  incalculable  im- 
petus by  what  the  Progressive  Party  has  done.  Our  strongest 
party  antagonists  have  accepted  and  enacted  into  law,  or  em- 
bodied in  their  party  platforms,  very  many  of  our  most  im- 
portant principles.  Much  has  been  •accomplished  in  awakening 
the  public  to  a  better  understanding  of  the  problems  of  social 
and  industrial  welfare. 

Yet  it  has  become  entirely  evident  that  the  people  under  exist- 
ing conditions  are  not  prepared  to  accept  a  new  party. 

It  is  impossible  for  us  Progressives  to  abandon  our  convic- 
tions. But  we  are  faced  with  the  fact  that  as  things  ac'cually  are 
the  Progressive  National  Organization  no  longer  offers  the  means 
whereby  we  can  make  these  convictions  efTective  in  our  national 
life.  Under  such  circumstances  our  duty  is  to  do  the  best  we 
can  and  not  to  sulk  because  our  leadership  is  rejected.  That  we 
ourselves  continue  to  believe  that  the  course  we  advocated  was 
in  the  highest  interest  of  the  American  people  is  aside  from  the 
question.  It  is  unpatriotic  to  refuse  to  do  the  best  possible 
merely  because  the  people  have  not  put  us  in  position  to  do  what 
we  regard  as  the  very  best.  It  remains  for  us,  good  humoredly 
and  with  common  sense  to  face  the  situation  and  endeavor  to 
get  out  of  it  the  best  that  it  can  be  made  to  yield  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  interests  of  the  nation  as  a  whole. 

Administration  Arraigned 

This  was  the  situation  at  the  opening  of  the  present  year.  It 
was  clearly  evident  that  unless  a  cataclysm  occurred  the  presiden- 
tial election  would  result  in  the  choice  of  either  the  Republican 
or  the  Democratic  nominee.     The  present  administration,  during 


U  liEPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

its  three  years  of  life,  has  bccrt  guilty  of  shortcomings  more 
signal  than  'chose  of  any  administration  since  the  days  of  Bu- 
chanan. From  the  standpoint  of  national  honor  and  interest  it 
stood  on  an  even  lower  level  than  the  administration  of  Bu- 
chanan. No  administration  in  our  history  had  done  more  co  re- 
lax the  spring  of  the  national  will  ^and  to  deaden  the  national 
conscience.  Within  the  Republican  Party  conflicting  forces  were 
at  work.  There  were  men  among  the  organization  leaders  who 
advocated  a  course  of  action  such  as  offered  no  improvement 
upon  the  Democratic  position,  and  advocated  the  nomination  of 
candidate  whose  election  Would  have  represented  no  improve- 
ment upon  the  continuance  in  office  of  Mr.  Wilson.  If  such  a 
course  were  followed  it  would  obviously  become  our  duty  to  run 
a  third  ticket.  But  it  was  plainly  our  duty  to  do  everything 
short  of  sacrificing  our  most  sacred  convictions  in  order  to  secure 
the  alignment  under  one  leadership  of  the  forces  opposed  to  the 
continuance  in  power  of  Mr.  Wilson  and  the  Democratic  Party. 

Efforts  for  Harmony 

Under  these  circumstances  'che  Progressive  National  Com- 
mittee, at  Chicago  in  January,  outlined  our  d^ity  to  seek  common 
action  with  the  Republican  Party,  using  the  following  words: 
"Our  people  are  seeking  leadership — leadership  of  the  highest 
order  and  most  courageous  character ;  leadership  that  will  draft  to 
itself  for  the  country's  benefit  the  unselfish  and  patriotic  serv- 
ices of  its  ablest  citizens.  The  surest  way  to  secure  for  our 
country  the  required  leadership  will  be  by  having  if  possible,  both 
the  Progressive  and  Repubican  parties  choose  the  same  standard 
bearer  and  the  same  principles." 

Six  weeks  later,  March  9,  in  my  Trinidad  statement,  I  asked 
for  a  similar  combination  against  the  Democratic  Party,  on  a 
platform  of  "clean-cut,  straightout  national  Americanism,"  and 
for  a  candidate  "who  will  not  merely  stand  for  such  a  program 
before  election,  but  will  resolutely  and  in  good  faith  put  it 
through  if  elected." 

This  was,  in  effect,  the  same  statement  that  I  made  in  my 
telegram  to  ex-Senator  Jackson,  pending  the  convention,  which 
ran,  in  part,  as  follows: — "Can  we  not,  forgetting  past  differ- 
ences, now  join  for  the  safety  and  honor  of  our  countr>',  to  en- 
force the  policies  of  genuine  Americanism  and  genuine  prepared- 
ness ?  Surely  we  can  afford  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  words 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  when  he  said,  'May  not  all  having  a  com- 
mon interest  reunite  in  a  common  effort  to  save  our  common 
country?  May  we  ask  those  who  have  not  differed  with  us  to 
join  in  this  same  spirit  toward  those  who  have?*  As  far  as  my 
own  soul  is  known  to  me  it  is  in  this  same  spirit  that  at  this  time 
I  make  my  appeal  to  the  Republicans  and  Progressives  assembled 
at  Chicago." 

Colonel  Roosevelt's  Attitude 

In  addition  to  these  public  statements  I  had  also  stated  my  own 
attitude  verbally,  and  in  letters,  during  the  weeks  immediately 
preceding  the  convention,  to  scores  of  leading  Progressives 
from  all  jiarts  of  the  country,  including  many  of  the  leaders  at 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  35 

the  convention.  To  these  men  I  expressed  my  earnest  hope  that 
the  Republicans  would  so  act  as  to  make  possible  for  the  Pro- 
gressives to  join  with  them.  I  stated  to  them,  however,  that  in 
view  of  the  attitude  of  some  of  the  Republican  leaders  it  was  at 
least  conceivable  that  we  should  be  put  in  a  position  where  our 
highest  duty,  our  fealty  to  the  countrj-,  our  sense  of  what 
patriotism  demanded  in  a  great  crisis  would  make  it  imperative 
upon  us  to  run  a  separate  ticket;  and  that  whether  in  such  event 
it  would  be  necessary  for  me  to  head  that  ticket  could  not  be 
determined  in  advance.  I  stated  in  these  interviews  and  in  these 
letters,  with  the  utmost  emphasis,  that  the  decision  of  this  point, 
like  the  whole  matter  of  running  a  separate  ticket,  would,  have 
to  be  determined  by  what  the  interests  of  the  country  demanded 
in  view  of  the  action  finally  taken  by  the  convention  at  Chicago. 
At  the  time  many  of  the  Republican  leaders  asserted  that  my 
statements  were  not  made  in  good  faith;  that  I  really  intended 
to  insist  upon  my  own  nomination  by  the  Republican  Convention, 
and  that  if  I  was  not  so  nominated,  I  intended  to  accept  the 
Progressive  nomination  and  run  on-  a  third  ticket.  Of  course, 
my  fellow  Progressives  were  under  no  such  error.  They  knew 
that  I  spoke  in  good  faith  and  meaat  exactly  what  I  said.  They 
knew  that  my  utterances  were  to  be  accepted  at  their  exact  face 
value  as  meaning  that  if  the  Republicans  nominated  a  man  whom 
we  could  conscientiously  support  we  would  support  him.  The 
Progressive  convention  came  together  knowing  my  public  state- 
ments and  therefore  knowing  exactly  what  my  attitude  was. 

Hughes  Meets  the  Conditions 

In  my  judgment  the  nomination  of  ]\lr.  Hughes  meets  the  con- 
ditions set  forth  in  the  statement  of  the  Progressive  National 
Committee,  issued  last  January,  and  in  my  own  statements.  Un- 
der existing  conditions  the  nomination  of  a  third  ticket  would, 
in  my  judgment,  be  merely  a  move  in  the  interest  of  the  election 
of  Mr.  Wilson.  I  regard  Mr.  Hughes  as  a  man  whose  public 
record  is  a  guarantee  that  "he  will  not  merely  stand  for  a  pro- 
gram of  clean-cut,  straightout  Americanism  before  election, 
but  will  resolutely  and  in  good  faith  put  it  through  if  elected." 
Me  is  beyond  all  comparison  better  fitted  to  be  President  than  Mr. 
Wilson.  It  would  be  a  grave  detriment  to  the  country  to  re-elect 
Mr.  Wilson.  I  shall,  therefore,  strongly  support  Mr.  Hughes. 
Such  being  the  case,  it  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  I  cannot  accept 
the  nomination  on  a  third  ticket.  I  do  not  believe  that  there 
should  be  a  third  ticket.  I  believe  that  when  my  fellow  Pro- 
gressives coolly  consid'er  the  question  they  will  for  the  most  part 
take  this  position.  They  and  I  have  but  one  purpose — the  pur- 
pose to  serve  our  common  country.  It  is  my  deep  conviction  that 
at  this  moment  we  can  serve  it  only  by  supporting  Mr.  Hughes. 

German-American  Support 

It  is  urged  against  Mr.  Hughes  that  he  was  supported  by  the 
various  so-called  German-American  alliances.  I  believe  that  the 
attitude  of  these  professional  German-Americans  was  due  not 
in  the  least  to  any   liking  for    Mr.   Hughes,  but   solely   to  their 


36  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

antagonism  to  me.  They  were  bound  to  defeat  me  for  the  nomi- 
nation. The  only  way  by  which  they  could  achieve  this  object 
was  by  supporting  Mr.  Hughes,  and  chey  supported  him  accord- 
ingly, without  any  regard  to  other  considerations. 

I  need  hardly  repeat  what  I  have  already  said  in  stern  reproba- 
tion of  this  professional  German-American  element — the  element 
typified  by  the  German-American  alliances  and  the  similar  bodies, 
which  have,  in  the  pre-nomination  campaign,  played  no'c  merely 
an  un-American  but  a  thoroughly  anti-American  part.  These 
men  have  nothing  in  common  with  the  great  body  of  Americans 
who  are  in  whole  or  in  part  of  German  blood,  and  who  are  pre- 
cisely as  good  Americans  as  those  of  any  other  ancestry.  There 
are  not,  and  never  have  been,  in  all  our  land,  better  citizens  than 
the  great  mass  of  the  men  and  women  of  German  bir'ch  or  descent 
who  have  been  or  are  being  completely  merged  in  our  common 
American  nationality ;  a  nationality  distinct  from  any  in  Europe, 
for  Americans  who  are  good  Americans  are  no  more  German- 
Americans  than  they  are  English-Americans,  or  Irish-Americans, 
or  Scandinavian-Americans.  They  are  Americans  and  nothing 
else.  No  good  American,  whatever  his  ancestry  or  creed,  can 
have  any  feeling  except  scorn  and  detestation  for  those  profes- 
sional German  Americans  who  seek  to  make  the  American  Presi- 
dent in  effect  a  viceroy  of  'the  German  Emperor. 

The  professional  German-Americans  of  this  type  are  acting 
purely  in  the  sinister  interest  of  Germany.  Thfey  have  shown 
their  eager  readiness  to  sacrifice  the  interest  of  thei  United  States 
whenever  its  interest  conflicted  with  that  of  Germany.  They 
represent  that  adherence  to  the  politico-racial  hyphen  which  is 
the  badge  and  sign  of  mioral  treason  to  the  Republic.  I  have 
singled  these  men'  out  for  specific  denunciation,  and  assuredly  if 
I  support  a  candidate  it  may  be  accepted  as  proof  that  I  am 
certain  that  the  candidate  is  incapable  of  being  influenced  by  the 
evil  intrigues  of  these  hyphenated  Americans. 

Mr.  Hughes'  character  and  his  whole  course  of  conduct  in  pub- 
lic affairs  justfy  us  in  the  assured  conviction  that  the  fact  that 
these  men  have  for  their  own  purposes  supported  him  will,  in  no 
shape  or  way,  affect  his  public  actions  before  or  after  election. 
His  entire  public  life  is  a  guarantee  of  this. 

President  Wilson's  Course  Criticised 

The  events  of  the  last  three  and  a  half  years  have  shown  that 
as  much  cannot  be  said  for  Mr.  Wilson.  In  Mr.  Wilson's  case 
we  do  not  have  to  consider  his  words,  but  his  deeds.  His  deeds 
absolutely  contradict  his  words;  and  for  the  mattor  of  that  his 
words  absolutely  contradict  one  another.  It  is  folly  to  pay  heed 
to  any  of  the  promises  in  the  platform  on  which  he  now  stands 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  almost  every  important  promise  con- 
tained in  the  platform  on  which  he  stood'  four  years  ago  has  since 
been  broken.  We  owe  all  of  our  present  trouble  with  the  pro- 
fessional German-American  element  in  the  United  States  to  Mr. 
Wilson's  timid  and  vacillating  course  during  the  last  two  years. 

The  defenders  of  Mr.  Wilson  have  alleged  in  excuse  for  him 
that  he  confronted  a  difficult  situation.    As  regards  Mexico,  the 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  37 

situation  which  Mr.  Wilson  confronted  was  nothing  like  as  diffi- 
cult as  that  which  President  McKinley  confronted  in  connection 
with  Cuba  and  the  Philippines  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  War. 
Under  the  actual  circumstances  we  could,  with  only  a  minimum 
of  risk,  have  protested  on  behalf  of  Belgium,  a  small,  well  be- 
haved nation,  when,  she  was  exposed  to  the  last  extremity  of  out- 
rage by  the  brutal  violation  of  her  neutral  rights;  this  violation 
being  itself  a  violation  of  The  Hague  conventions  to  which  we 
were  a  signatory  power. 

As  regards  the  foreign  situation  generally  during  the/  great  war, 
the  fact  of  the  existence  of  the  war  made  it  far  easier  and  safer 
for  Mr.  Wilson  to  assert  our  rights  than  if  he  had  had  to  deal 
with  some  single  strong  power  which  was  at  the  time  unhamrp- 
ered  by  war.  During  the  past  twenty  years  questions  have  arisen 
with  powers  of  the  first  rank,  such  as  England,  Japan  and  Ger- 
many, each  of  which  has  necessitated  far  greater  courage,  reso- 
lution' and  judgment  on  the  part  of  the  President  dealing  with  it 
than  President  Wilson  need  have  shown  in  order  to  put  a  com- 
plete stop  to  the  continually  repeated  murder  of  American  men, 
women  and  children  on  the  high  seas  by  German  submarines — 
the  Lusitania  being  merely  the  worst  of  many  such  cases.  The 
same  feebleness  that  was  shown  by  President  Wilson  in  dealing 
with  Germany  abroad'  was  also  shown,  by  him  in  dealing  with  the 
organized  German  outrages  within  our  own  land,  and,  finally,  in 
dealing  with  the  organized  German-American  vote.  The  con- 
tinued existence  of  the  German-American  menace  at  home  is 
directly  due  to  Mir.  Wilson's  course  of  action  during  the  past  two 
years. 

Appeal  to  Progressives 

Certain  of  my  friends  who  feel  that  the  Progressives  should 
run  a  third  ticket  base  their  feelings  on  objection  to  the  char- 
acter or  actions  of  the  Republican  National  Convention.  As  re- 
gards this  point,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  members  of  the 
Republican  National  Convention  were  unquestionably  induced  to 
nominate  Mr.  Hughes  primarily  because  of  the  belief  that  his  in- 
tegrity and  force  of  character  and  his  long  record  of  admirable 
public  service,  would  make  him  peculiarly  acceptable,  not  only  to 
the  rank  and  file  of  the  Republican  Party  but  to  the  people  gen- 
erally, I  do  not  believe  that  Mr.  Hughes  would  have  been  nomi- 
nated if  it  had  not  been  for  the  fight  on  behalf  of  public  decency 
and  efficiency  which  the  Progressive  Party  has  waged  during  the 
past  four  years. 

In  any  event,  and  without  any  regard  to  what  the  personal 
feelings  of  any  of  us  may  be  as  rcjgards  the  actiom  of  the  Re- 
publican Convention,  I  wish  very  solemnly  to  ask  the  representa- 
tives of  the  Progressive  Party  to  consider  at  this  time  only  the 
welfare  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  We  shall  prove  false 
to  our  ideals  and  our  professions  if,  in  this  grave  crisis  of  the 
^nation's  life,  we  permit  ourselves  to  be  swerved  from  the  one 
prime  duty  of  serving  with  cool  judgment  and  single-minded 
devotion  the  nation's  needs.  Otir  own  political  fortunes,  indi- 
vidually and  collectively,  are  of  no  consequence  whatever  when 
compared  with  the  honor  and  welfare  of  the  people  of  the  United 


38  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

States.  Such  things  do  not  count  when  weighed  in  the  balance 
against  our  duty  to  serve  well  the  country  in  which,  after  we 
are  dead,  our  children  and  our  children's  children  are  to  live. 

The  world  is  passing  through  a  great  crisis  and  no  man  can 
tell  what  trial  and  jeopardy  will  have  to  be  faced  by  this  nation 
during  the  years  immediately  ahead.  There  is  now  no  longer 
before  us  for  decision  the  question  as  to  what  particular  man'  we 
may  severally  most  desire  to  see  at  the  head  of  the  government. 
We  can  decide  only  whether  during  these  possibly  vital  years 
this  country  shall  be  intrusted  to  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Hughes 
or  Mr.  Wilson. 

Tried  and  Found  Wanting 

Mr.  Wilson  has  been  tried  and  found  wan'ting.  His  party  be- 
cause of  its  devotion  to  the  outworn  theory  of  State  rights,  and 
because  of  its  reliance  upon  purely  sectional  support,  stands 
against  that  spirit  of  farsighted  nationalism,  which  is  essen'cial 
if  we  are  to  deal  adequately  with  our  graver  social  and  indus- 
trial problems.  Mr.  Wilson  and  his  party  have  in  actual  practice 
lamentably  failed  to  safeguard  the  interests  and  honor  of  the 
United  States.  They  have  brought  us  to  impotence  abroad  and 
to  division  and  weakness  at  home.  They  have  accustomed  us  to 
see  the  highest  and  most  responsible  offices  of  government  filled 
by  incompetent  men  appointed  only  for  reasons  of  partisan  poli- 
tics. They  have  dulled  the  moral  sense  of  the  people.  They 
have  taught  us  that  peace,  the  peace  of  cowardice  and  dishonor 
and  indifference  to  the  welfare  of  others  is  to  be  put  above 
righteousness,  above  the  stern  and  unflinching  performance  of 
duty,  whether  the  duty  is  pleasant  or  unpleasant.  Yet  in  Mexico 
they  have  failed  even  to  secure  the  peace  which  they  thus  sought ; 
and  they  have  failed  in  spite  of  the  most  ample  opportunity 
and  most  ample  warnings,  to  prepare  in  amy  real  fashion  to  meet 
the  crisis  which  their  own  policy  invited.  They  have  taught  us 
to  put  ''safety  first,"  safety  before  duty  and  honor;  to  put  that 
materialism  which  expresses  itself  in  mere  money  making,  and  in 
the  fatted  ease  of  life,  above  all  spiritual  things,  above  all  the 
high  and  fine  instincts  of  the  soul.  They  have  taught  us  to 
accept  adroit  elocution  as  a  substitute  for  straightforward  and 
efficient  action.  They  have  raised  indecision,  hesitancy  and  va- 
cillation into  a  settled  governmental  policy. 

Mr.   Hughes   Eulogized 

Mr.  Hughes  has  shown  in  his  career  the  instinct  of  efficiency 
which  will  guarantee  that  under  him,  the  government  will  once 
more  work  with  vigor  and  force.  He  possesses  that  habit  of 
straightforward  thinking  which  means  that  his  words  will  be 
correlated  with  his  deeds  and  translated  into  facts.  His  past 
career  is  the  warrant  for  our  belief  that  he  will  be  the  unfalter- 
ing opponent  of  that  system  of  invisible  government  which  finds 
expression  in  the  domination  of  the  party  boss  and  the  party 
machine.  His  past  career  is  a  guarantee  that  whatever  he  says 
before  election)  will  be  made  good  by  his  acts  after  election. 
Morally,  his  public  record  shows  him  to  be  a  man  of  unbending 
integrity;   intellectually,   it    shows   him   to  be   a  man  of   original 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  89 

and  trained  a'bility.  We  have  che  alternative  of  continuing  in 
office  au'  administration  which  has  proved  a  lamentable  failure, 
or  of  putting  into  office  an  administration  which  we  have  every 
reason  to  believe  will  function  with  efficiency  for  the  interest  and 
honor  of  all  our  people.  I  earnestly  bespeak  from  my  fellow 
Progressives  'cheir  ungrudging  support  of  Mr.  Hughes. 

Yours   truly.  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

Sagamore  Hill,  June  22,  1916. 


MR.  HUGHES  TO  PROGRESSIVE  COMMITTEE 

Hotel  Astor,  New  York  City, 

June  26,  1916. 
O.  K.  Davis,  Secretary  Progressive   National  Committee,  Black- 
stone  Hotel,  Chicago,  III. : 

I  welcome  the  support  of  Progressives.  We  make  common 
cause  in  the  interest  of  national  honor,  of  national  security,  of 
national  efficiency.  We  unite  in  the  demand  for  an  undivided 
and  unwavering  loyalty  to  our  country,  for  a  wholehearted 
patriotic  dtevotion  overriding  all  racial  differences.  We  want  a 
revival  of  the  American  spirit — a  nation  restored.  We  insist 
upon  prompt  and  adequate  provision  for  the  common,  defence, 
upon  the  steadfast  maintenance  of  all  the  rights  of  our  cit,izens 
and  upon  the  integrity  of  international  law. 

The  most  serious  difficulties  the  present  Administration  has 
encountered  have  been  due  to  its  own  weakness  aud  incertitude. 
I  am  profoundly  convinced  that  by  prompt  and  decisive  action, 
which  existing  conditions  manifestly  called  for,  the  Lusitania 
tragedy  would  have  been  prevented. 

We  strongly  denounce  the  use  of  our  soil  as  a  base  for  alien 
intrigues,  for  conspiracies  and  the  fomenting  of  disorders  in 
the  interest  of  any  foreign  nation,  but  the  responsibility  lies  at 
the  door  of  the  Administration.  The  moment  notice  is  ad- 
mitted responsibility  is  affixed.  For  that  sort  of  thing  could'  not 
continue  if  the  Administration  took  proper  measures  to  stop  it. 
That  responsibility  the  Administration  cannot  evade  by  con- 
demning others. 

Indictment  of  Mexican  Policy 

It  was  officially  stated  by  the  Secretary  of  State  In  the  Mexican 
note  of  June  20,  1916,  that  "for  three  years  the  Mexican  Re- 
public has  been  torn  with  civil  strife;  the  lives  of  Americans 
and  other  aliens  have  been  sacrificed ;  vast  properties  developed 
by  American  capital  and  enterprise  have  been  destroyed  or 
rendered  non-productive ;  bandits  have  been  tpermitted  to  roam 
at  will  through  territory  contiguous  to  the  United  States  and  to 
seize,  without  punishment  or  without  effective  attempt  at  pun- 
ishment, the  property  of  Americans,  while  the  lives  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States  who  ventured  to  remain  in  Mexican  terri- 
tory or  to  return  there  to  protect  their  interests  have  been  taken, 
in  some  cases  barbarously  taken,  and  the  murderers  have  neither 
been  apprehended  nor  brought  to  justice." 

What  an  Indictment  by  the  Administration  of  its  Mexican 
policy!  And  still  we  are  unprepared.  That  unpreparedness  in 
the  midst  of  perils,  and  after  the  experiences  of  three  years,  is  a 
demonstration  of  an  unpardonable  neglect  for  which  the  Ad- 
ministration is   responsible. 

The  Government  now  has  and  must  have  most  emphatically 
the  unstinted  'and  patriotic  support  of  every  citizen  in  the  exist- 
ing exigency.  IBtit  unquestioning,  loyal  and  patriotic  support  of 
the  Government  is  one  thing;  approval  of  the  fatuous  course 
which  the  Adtninlstration  has  followed  is  quite  another.  I  can- 
not in  this  messa.'^e  adequately  review  that  course;  that  I  shall  do 
later. 


40  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Renews  Plea  for  Proteption 

No  intelligent  rticin  is  deceived  by  the  'cemporary  prosperity 
due  to  abnormal  conditions,  and'  no  one  can  fail  to  appreciate 
the  gravity  of  the  problems  with  which  we  shall  be  faced  when 
the  war  ends.  We  are  alive  to  the  imperative  necessity  of  as- 
suring the  bases  of  honest  business.  I  am  in  deep  sympathy 
with  the  effort  to  improve  the  conditions  of  labor;  to  prevent 
exploitation ;  to  safeguard  the  future  of  the  nation  by  protecting 
our  wometi  and  children.  I  believe  in  workmen's  compensation 
laws;  in  wise  conservation  of  our  national  resources,  so  that  they 
may  be  protected,  developed  and  used  to  the  utmosrt  public  ad- 
vantage. But  underlying  every  endeavor  to  promote  social  justice 
is  the  indispensable  condition  that  there  shall  be  a  stable  founda- 
tion for  honorable  en'terprise. 

American  industry  must  have  proper  protection  if  labor  is  to 
be  safeguarded.  We  must  rescue  our  insitrumentalities  of  inter- 
state and  foreign  commerce,  our  transportation  facilities  from 
uncertainty  and  confusion.  We  must  show  that  we  know  how 
to  protec't  the  public  without  destroying  or  crippling  our  produc- 
tive energies. 

Has  Not  the  National  Outlook 

To  wha't  agency  shall  we  look  for  the  essential  ^constructive 
programme  on  which  our  security  and  prosperity  mus-t  depend? 
It  is  vain  to  expeot  it  from  the  Democratic  Party.  That  party 
has  not  the  national  outlook.  Both  its  traditions  and  dominating 
influences  are  fatal  handicaps.  I  have  no  sectional  word  to 
utter.  We  are  to  elect  a  President  of  the  whole  country,  not 
of  a  part.  The  South,  as  well  as  the  North,  East  and  West, 
wall  be  the  gainers  from  our  en-deavors.  iBut  it  is  sober  truth 
as  I  see  it  that  as  we  go  forward  we  must  make  'the  Republican 
Party  the  instrument  of  our  advance.  We  want  deeds,  not 
words;  far  reaching  national  policies. 

The  Progressives  have  insisted  on  responsible,  not  invisible, 
governmenit ;  on  efficient  administration.  I  yield  'to  no  one  in 
that  demand.  I  am  eager  to  call  the  best  ability  of  the  country 
to  our  aid.  For  the  cond'uct  of  the  great  departments  the 
Executive  is  directly  responsible  and  there  is  no  excuse  what- 
ever for  the  toleration  of  incompetence  in  order  to  satisfy  parti- 
san obligations. 

I  am  deeply  appreciative  of  your  indorsement.  I  find  no 
difference  in  platform  or  in  aim  which  precludes  the  most  hearty 
co-operation  and  the  most  complete  unity.  It  is  within  the  party 
■that  the  liberalizing  spirit  you  invoke  can  have  the  widest  and 
most  effective  influence.  I  solicit  your  earnest  effort  for  the 
common  cause.  CHARLES  E.  HUGHES. 


MR,    HUGHES    TELLS    COLONEL    ROOSEVELT    OF 
NATION'S  DEBT  TO  HIM 

Hotel  Astor,  New  York  City, 

June  26,  1916. 
Mly  Dear  Colonel  Roosevelt:  I  warmly  appreciate  the  cor- 
dial letter  of  indorsement  which  you  have  sent  to  the  Progressive 
committee.  No  one  is  more  sensible  than  I  of  the  lasting  indebt- 
edness of  the  nation  to  you  for  the  quickening  of  the  national 
spirit,  for  the  demand  for  an  out  and  out  one  hundred  per 
cent  Americanism  and  for  the  insistence  upon  the  immediate 
necessity  of  a  thoroughgoing  preparedness,  spiritual,  military 
and  economic. 

I  am  in  this  campaign  because  of  my  conviction  that  we  must 
not  only  frame  but  execute  a  broad  constructive  programme,  and 
that  for  this  purpose  we  must  have  a  united  party — a  party  in- 
spired by  its  great  traditions  and  reconsecrated)  to  its  loftiest 
ideals.  I  know  that  you  have  been  guided  in  this  emergency  by 
the  sole  desire  to  be  of  the  largest  service  to  the  United  States. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  41 

You  have  sounded  forth  the  trumpet  that  shall  never  call  re- 
treat. And  I  v^ant  you  to  feel  that  I  wish  to  have  all  the  aid 
that  you  are  able  and  willing  to  give.  I  want  the  most  effective 
co-operation  with  all  those  who  have  been  fighting  by  your 
side.  Let  us  work  together  for  our  national  security  and  for 
the  peace  of  righteousness  and  justice. 

I  enclose  a  copy  of  my  telegram  to  the  committee,  in  which 
I  have  set  forth  my  attitude.  I  shall  later  undertake  a  full  dis- 
cussion of  the  issues  of  the  campaign. 

Hoping  that  I  may  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  at  an  early 
day  I  am,  my  dear  Colonel  Roosevelt,  with  cordial  regards. 
Faithfully    yours,  CHARLES  E.  HUGHES. 

Hughes  and  the  Flag 

This  flag  means  more  than  association  and  reward.  It  is 
the  symbol  of  our  national  imity,  our  national  endeavor,  our 
national  aspiration.  It  tells  you  of  the  struggle  for  inde- 
pendence, of  Union  preserved,  of  liberty  and  union  one  and 
inseparable,  of  the  sacrifices  of  brave  men  and  women  to 
whom  the  ideals  and  honor  of  this  nation  have  been  dearer 
than  life. 

It  means  America  first;  it  means  an  undivided  allegiance. 
It  means  America  united,  strong  and  efficient,  equal  to  her 
tasks.  It  means  that  you  cannot  be  saved  by  the  valor  and 
devotion  of  your  ancestors;  that  to  each  generation  comes 
its  patriotic  duty;  and  that  upon  your  willingness  to  sacri- 
fice and  endure,  as  those  before  you  have  sacrificed  and  en- 
dured, rests  the  national  hope. 

It  speaks  of  equal  rights;  of  the  inspiration  of  free  institu- 
tions exemplified  and  vindicated;  of  liberty  imder  law  intelli- 
gently convinced  and  impartially  administered.  There  is  not 
a  thread  in  it  but  scorns  self-indulgence,  weakness,  and  ra- 
pacity. It  is  eloquent  of  our  common  interests,  outweighing 
all  divergences  of  opinion;  and  of  our  common  destiny. 

Given  as  a  prize  to  those  who  have  the  highest  standing, 
it  happily  enforces  the  lesson  that  intelligence  and  zeal  must 
go  together;  that  discipline  must  accompany  emotion,  and 
that  we  must  ultimately  rely  upon  enlightened  opinion. — 
From  address  by  Justice  Ilughes  at  National  Cathedral 
School,  June  5,   1916. 


I  have  an  abiding  confidence  in  the  progress  of  the  people. 
Resistlessly  they  move  forward  to  the  attainment  of  their 
goal.  Every  privilege  maintained  at  the  expense  of  the  com- 
mon interest  will  finally  go  the  way  of  despotism  and  ancient 
tyranny.  But  in  our  progress  we  must  seek  to  avoid  false 
steps.  Ours  must  be  the  rule  of  reason,  clear-eyed,  calm, 
patient  and  steadfast;  defeating  the  conspiracies  of  intrigue 
and  escaping  the  pitfalls  of  folly.  Supreme  must  be  the 
sense  of  justice,  with  its  recognition  of  our  mutual  depen- 
dence. We  cannot  change  human  nature  or  bring  about  a 
state  of  society  or  of  administration  of  government  which 
does  not  reflect  its  failings. — Charles  E.  Hughes,  at  Youngs- 
town,  Ohio,  1908. 


The  prosperity  of  the  workingman  fundamentally  depends 
upon  wise,  conserving  and  upbuilding  policies;  and  demands 
that  efforts  to  reform  industrial  evils  should  be  carefully  con- 
ceived and  prosecuted  without  endangering  the  stability  of 
legitimate  business  enterprise.  And  it  is  to  the  Republican 
party  under  its  wise  and  experienced  leadership  that  we  must 
look  in  the  present  exigency  for  proper  guidance  to  these 
ends.  It  is  not  a  time  for  nostrums  or  for  the  rule  of  a  party 
which  proposes  them. — Charles  E.  Hughes,  at  Youngstown, 
Ohio,  1908. 


The  Republican  Party 

"RESOLVED,  That,  postponing  and  suspending  all  differences  with 
regard  'co  political  economy  or  administrative  policy,  in  view 
of  the  imminent  danger  that  Kansas  and  Nebraska  will  be 
grasped  by  Slavery,  and  a  thousand  miles  of  slave  soil  be 
thus  interposed  between  the  free  States  of  the  Atlantic  and 
those  of  the  Pacific,  we  will  act  cordially  and'  faithfully  in 
unison  to  avert  and  repeal  this  gigantic  wrong  and  shame. 

"Resolved,  That  in  view  of  the  necessity  of  battling  for  the  first 
principles  of  Republican  government,  and  against  the 
schemes  of  an  aristocracy,  the  most  revolting  and  oppressive 
with  which  the  earth  was  ever  cursed  or  man  debased,  we 
will  co-operate  and  be  known  as  'Republicans'  until  the  con- 
test be  terminated," 

With  this  pledge,  on  the  6th  day  of  July,  1854,  the  Republican 
pafcy  was  born  "under  the  oaks,"  at  Jackson,  Michigan.  This 
was  not,  however,  the  first  gathering  of  Republicans  nor  the  first 
time  the  name  of  the  new  party  had  been  used.  As  when  the 
seed  is  sown  and  the  blades  of  grass  spring  up  almost  simul- 
taneously, now  here,  now  there,  in  different  pares  of  the  field,  so 
in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1854  from  the  seeds  of  Abolition 
and  Anti-Slavery  Extension  sprang  the  Republican  party  in 
Wisconsin,  Michigan,  New  York,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  Iowa, 
Ohio  and  other  Northern  States.  But  because  of  the  fact  that, 
ill  formal  convention  assembled  a  platform  was  adopted  and  a 
full  State  ticket  nominated  on  the  6th  of  July  1854  at  Jackson, 
Michigan,  that  day  and  plaice  must  be  conceded  to  be  the  birth- 
day and  birthplace  of  the  Republican  party. 

For  two  generations  the  Republican  party  has  stood  for  the 
underlying  principle  that  was  the  purpose  of  its  formation — the 
preservation  and  progress  of  the  Union.  Its  first  great  leader 
Abraham  Lincoln,  and  its  first  work  were  devoted  to  the  restora- 
tion of  national  unity  and  the  rehabilitationn*  of  sound  financial 
and  industrial  conditions.  Two  days  before  Lincoln  v/as  tirst 
inaugurated  the  Morrill  tariff  was  approved  and  was  a  fore- 
runner of  a  fiscal  policy  that  has  been  the  principal  creed  of  Re- 
publicanism and  the  foundation  of  the  country's  progress  and 
prosperity.  The  conflict  of  the  Sixties  was  not  only  well 
financed  by  the  Republican  party  but  a  sound  monetary  system 
followed,  culminating  in  the  establishment  of  the  gold 
standard. 

These  financial  and  industrial  safeguards  brought  to  the 
United  States  a  degree  of  supremacy  and  wealth  and  power  un- 
equalled in  the  history  of  nations.  They  brought  a  measure  of 
employment  and  wages  and  a  standard  of  living  unparalleled  on 
the  face  of  the  globe.  Not  only  has  the  Republican  party  in- 
sured to  our  own  people  a  physical,  moral  and  intellectual  plane 
of  existence  enjoyed  by  no  other  people,  but  it  has  elevated 
millions  who  have  come  to  our  shores  from  other  land's  and  who 
have  enjoyed  the  opportunities  here  found. 

With  the  Union  restored,  with  a  sound  financial  and  tariff 
system  entrenched,  the  Republican  party  went  about  the  up- 
building of  a  strong  government  and  a  forceful  people,  land  to 

42 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  43 

make  a  nation  that  should  be  the  envy  of  all  civilization.  Among 
the  historic  record  of  achievement  v^^ill  readily  be  recalled  the 
following: 

The  replacement  of  the  destructive  Free  Trade  law^  of  1846 
and  1857  by  a  protective  tariff  that  immediately  brought  indus- 
trial (activity  and  unexampled  progress  and  prosperity. 

The  abolition  of  slavery  and  the  restoration  of  the  Union. 

The  Homestead  Law,  passed  by  a  Republican  Congress  and 
signed  by  Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  acts  for  the  issuance  of  legal  tenders  and  national  bank 
notes,  which  gave  the  people  a  currency  of  equal  and  stable 
value  in  all  parts  of  the  country. 

The  system  of  internal  revenue  taxation,  by  which  approxi- 
mately one-half  of  the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  Government 
have  been  visited  upon  malt  and  spiritous  liquors,  tobacco  and 
cigars. 

The  thirteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  which  abol- 
ished slavery. 

The  fourteenth  amendment,  which  created  citizenship  of  the 
United  States  as  distinguished  from  citizenship  of  the  several 
States,  and  provided  that  no  State  should  abridge  the  privileges 
or  immtmities  of  the  United  States. 

The  fifteenth  amendment,  which  established  equality  of  suf- 
frage. 

The  Civil  Rights  Act,  which  extended  to  all  persons  the  equal 
protection  of  the  laws. 

All  existing  laws  for  the  payment  of  pensions  to  veterans  of 
the  Civil  War  and  their  surviving  relatives. 

The  liberal  legislation  respecting  mineral  lands,  which  built  up 
the  mining  industry,  added  enormously  to  tihe  wealth  of  the 
country  in  the  precious  and'  semi-precious  metals,  and  made  it 
possible  to  resume  specie  payments. 

The  resumption  of  specie  payments. 

The  reduction  of  postage,  the  money  order  system,  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Railway  Mail  Service,  free  delivery.  Rural  free 
delivery,  and  other  improvements  that  make  the  Post-Office 
establishment  of  the  United  States  the  most  efficient  agency  of 
that  (Character  that  can  be  found  on  the  globe. 

The  Life-Saving  Service. 

The  artificial  propagation  and  distribution  of  fish. 

The  distribution  of  seeds  and  other  measures  of  vast  im- 
portance in  the  promotion  of  agriculture. 

The  endowment  of  public  schools,  agricultural  colleges,  etc, 
by  grants  of  land  from  the  public  domain. 

The  Administrative)  Customs  Act,  to  insure  justice  and 
equality  in  the  collection  of  duties. 

The  International  Copyright  Law,  which  respects  the  rights  of 
authors  in  the  product  of  their  brains,  but  at  the  same  time  pro- 
tects our  publishing  industry  by  requiring  that  books  shall  be 
printed  in  this  country  to  entitle  them  'to  copyright. 

The  establishment  of  the  Circuit  Court  of  Appeals,  to  relieve 
the  Supreme  Court  and  no  longer  require  litigants  to  suffer  a 
delay  of  three  or  four  years  in  securing  a  decision  on  appeal. 


44  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

The  admission  of  the  States  of  Kansas,  Nebraska,  Nevada, 
Colorado,  North  and  South  Dakota,  Washington,  Montana, 
Idaho,  Wyoming,  Oklahoma,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico. 

The  Anti-Trust  Act.  (This  was  drawn  by  Senators  Sherman 
and  Edmunds,  and  introduced  by  the  former.  In  the  House  its 
passage  was  secured  by  William  McKinley  against  an  attempt  to 
have  it  sidetracked  in  behalf  of  a  bill  for  the  free  coinage  of 
silver,  which  received  the  vote  of  every  Democratic  member,  with 
one  exception.  So  it  may  be  said  that  the  law  was  placed  upon 
the  statute  books  over  the  united  opposition  of  the  Democratic 
party  as  represented  in  the  House.) 

The  National  Bankruptcy  Acts  of  1867  and  1898,  which  relieved 
many  thousands  of  unfortunate  men  from  their  burdens  of  debt 
and  restored  them  to  commercial  or  industrial  activity. 

The  establishment  of  the  Gold  Standard,  which  placed  our 
monetary  system  on  a  stable  basis  and  in  harmony  with  the  great 
nations  of  the  world. 

Every  schedule  of  duties  on  imports  adopted  within  the  past 
fifty  years,  in  which  the  policy  of  protection  to  American  labor 
has  been  distinctly  recognized  and  efficiently  applied,  has  been  the 
product  of  a  Republican  Congress. 

Railway  rates  to  be  fixed,  by  Interstate  Commerce  Commis- 
sion;  rebates  and  other  discriminations  penalized;  sleeping  car, 
express  companies  and  pipe  lines  made  common  carriers;  rail- 
way passes  prohibited. 

Building  of  Panama  Canal  85-foot  level,  wi'ch  locks;  Panama 
Canal  bonds  to  enjoy  the  same  privileges  as  all  other  United 
States  bonds ;  Panama  Canal  supplies  to  be  domestic  products. 

Pure  Food:  Label  must  tell  the  truth,  especially  on  popular 
remedies. 

Meat  inspection,  "from  hoof  to  can,"  at  Government  expense. 

Free  alcohol,  denatured,  for  use  in  the  arts. 

Consular  service  reorganized  on  merit  basis. 

Quarantine  against  yellow  fever  nationalized. 

Financial  law  whereby  banks  in  periods  of  financial  stringency 
issue  currency  to  the  amount  of  $500,000,000,  depositing  as 
security  therefor  bonds,  commercial  paper  or  other  assets,  such 
emergency  currency  being  so  taxed  as  to  insure  its  retirement  as 
soon  as  the  stringency  has  passed. 

National  monetary  commission  created  to  devise  a  sound  mone- 
tary system  for  the  Government. 

Consular  service  reorganized,  abolishing  unnecessary  consul- 
ships and  consul-generalships  and  establishing  those  most  needed. 

Widows*  pensions  increased  from  $8  to  $12  a  month  and  certain 
unnecessary  restrictions  abolished. 

Importation  of  impure  tea,  tea  si f tings,  etc.,  prohibited. 

Model  child  labor  law  for  District  of  Columbia. 

Employers'  liability  law. 

Government  compensation  law,  providing  compensation  to  cer- 
tain federal  employes  for  injuries  received  in  line  of  duty. 

Restrictions  on  lands  of  the  Five  Civilized  Tribes  removed, 
adding  $150,000,000  to  taxable  property  of  Oklahoma. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  45 

Excise  tax  imposed  on  all  corporations,  consisting  of  i  per 
cent,  measured  by  the  amount  of  their  net  receipts. 

Philippine  tariff  law,  adjusting  duties  in  the  archipelago  to 
those  of  the  United  States. 

The  census  laws,  providing  for  "the  taking  of  the  Census  and 
Permanent  Census  Bureau. 

The  railroad  rate  bill,  compelling  railroads  to  secure  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  before  advancing 
rates;  authorizing  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  to  in- 
stitu'te  proceedings  without  waiting  for  the  complaint  of  a 
shipper;  creating  a  special  Commerce  Court;  granting  the  com- 
mission complete  authority  over  classifications  and  regulations; 
and  bringing  telegraph  and  telephone  companies  under  the  scope 
of  the  interstate  commerce  act. 

The  creation  of  a  special  committee  to  investigate  the  extent 
and  character  of  railroad  stocks  and  report  on  the  feasibility  of 
federal  supervision  of  all  railroad  securities. 

The  creation  of  a  system  of  postal  savings  banks,  thus  gaining 
for  small  depositors  the  security  of  the  United  States  Treasury 
and  guaranteeing  2  per  cent  interest  on  their  deposits. 

Red  Cross  Incorporation. 

Conservation  legislation,  making  legal  land  withdrawals  already 
made,  and  authorizing  for  the  future  all  those  the  President 
may  deem  wise. 

Conservation  of  coal  lands  promoted  by  authorization  of  agri- 
cultural entries  on  the  surface,  while  title  to  coal  deposits  is  re- 
served to  the  Government. 

Preservation  of  national  forests  by  permitting  States  and 
Territories  to  select  other  lands  in  lieu  of  those  contained  in  the 
reserves. 

Creation  of  a  Tariff  Board  to  ascertain  the  difference  in  the 
cost  of  production  at  home  and  abroad. 

Providing  for  publicity  of  campaign  contributions. 

The  $20,000,000  bond  issue,  authorized  to  permit  of  prompt 
completion  of  irrigation  projects  already  undertaken. 

The  reorganization  of  the  Light-House  Board  along  lines  of 
modern  administrative  policy. 

The  creation  of  a  Bureau  of  Mines,  designed  to  minimize 
dangers  to  mine  employees. 

Common  carriers  required  to  furnish  d'etailed  reports  of  acci- 
dents to  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission. 

Law  requiring  use  of  safety  appliances  on  railroads  made 
broader  and  more  complete. 

Adulteration  and  misbranding  of  insecticides  and  fungicides 
prohibited  at  the  request  of   farmers  and  orchardists. 

White  slave  traffic  penalized  by  a  system  of  heavy  fines  for 
interstate  commerce  therein. 

Drastic  regulations  designed  to  prevent  collisions  at  sea. 

The  parole  of  federal  prisoners  whose  conduct  after  conviction 
warrants  clemency. 

Seal  fisheries  of  Alaska  protected  by  up-to-date  legislation. 

Gold  coin  fixed  as  the  medium  for  paying  the  public  debt  of 
the  United  States. 


46  REPUBLIC  AX    CAM  I' A  KIN    TEXJ-BOOK— 1916 

The  act  reconstructing  tlic  government  of  Hawaii  in  im- 
portant particulars. 

Creation  of  a  Commission^  of  Fine  Arts. 

Provision  made  for  raising  the  battleship  Maine. 

An  appropriation  to  enable  the  Department  of  Agriculture  to 
conduct  tests  looking  to  the  discovery  of  a  substitute  for 
spruce  in  the  manufacture  of  pulp  paper. 

An  appropriation  to  enable  the  Geological  Survey  to  carry  on 
the  .work  of  gauging  streams  and  for  the  promotion  of  the 
conservation  of   water  power  sites. 

An  appropriation  granted  the  Department  of  Justice  for  the 
prosecution  of  violators  of   the   Sherman   anti-trust   law. 

An  appropriation  for  the  use  of  the  joint  commission  charged 
with  the  duty  of  settling  questions  relating  to  boundary  waters 
between  the  United  States  and  Canada. 

The  creation  of  the  Glacier  National  Park  in  Montana. 

The  big-tree  forest  of  California  protected  by  additional  safe- 
guards. 

The  various  Tariff  Acts  from  the  Morrill  law  to  the  Payne 
law,  all  of  inestimable  value  to  the  country  and  the  people. 

To  these  can  be  added  a  legion  of  minor  acts  all  looking  to  and 
resulting  in  the  material  advancement  of  the  nation  and  the 
welfare  of  the  people.  Our  common  school  system,  our  splendid 
network  of  railroads,  our  coast  and  lake  commerce  and  postal 
service,  our  generous  treatment  of  the  survivors  and  the  widows 
and  orphans  of  those  who  gave  their  lives  for  their  country,  all 
this  and  more  is  a  part  of  the  work  of  the  Republican  party. 
Every  beneficent  law  put  on  our  statute  books  from  1861  to  1913 
was  the  outcome  of  Republican  legislation  made  effective  by  Re- 
publican administration. 

The  result  of  Republican  enactment  and  execution  has  always 
been  constructive.  Decade  after  decade,  administration  af^er  ad- 
ministration, the  Republican  'party  has  met  each  new  condition 
and  solved  every  fresh  problem,  always  building  up — ever  ad- 
vancing— till  in  1912  the  United  States  led  as  a  nation  and  as  a 
people  in  every  line  of  human  endeavor.  The  Republican  party 
kept  a  surplus  in  the  National  Treasury  and  filled  our  Savings 
banks  to  overflowing.  It  has  given  better  shelter  and  more  food 
and  raiment  to  our  people  than  can  be  found  in  any  other  land. 

The  beneficent  results  of  Republican  initiation  and  accomplish- 
ment cannot  be  fully  described  in  words  or  measured  in  figures, 
but  a  few  statements  will  give  an  idea  of  the  progress  of  the 
United  States  under  its  government.  Otir  wealth  increased  from 
$16,000,000,000  to  $190,000,000,000;  our  population  increased  from 
,^0,000,000  to  95,000,000;  bank  clearings  increased  from  $10,- 
000,000,000  to  $170,000,000,000;  money  in  circulation  from  $435,- 
000,000  to  $3,300,000,000;  savings  bank  deposits  from  $150,- 
000,000  to  $4,450,000,000;  total  bank  deposits  from  $1,- 
000,000^000  to  $17,000,000,000;  government  receipts  from  $56,- 
000,000  to  $700,000,000 ;  foreign  trade  from  $600,000,000 
to  $4,000,000,000;  value  of  farms  from  $8,000,000,000 
to  $45,000,000,000;  agricultural  output  from  $1,000,000,000  to 
$9,000,000,000;  manufacturing  output  from  $1,885,000,000  to  $22,- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  47 

000,000,000;  railroad  mileage  from  30,000  to  260,000;  postal  ex- 
penditures from  $20y000,ooo  to  $250,000,000;  public  school  ex- 
penditures from  $50,000,000  to  $500,000,000.  Such  statements 
could  be  continued  through  every  phase  of  our  financial,  com- 
mercial, industrial  and  social  activities.  •< 

The  United  States  and  its  people  never  vi^ent  backv^^ards  under 
Republican  rule — capital  has  been  regulated  and  labor  elevated.  Not 
only  in  the  nation  at  large  but  in  the  States  and  communities 
the 'Republican  party  has  been  for  sixty  years  a  power  for  good 
in  moral,  physical  and  material  advancement  of  a  nation  and  its 
people.  There  have  been  a  few  checks  by  the  temporary  as- 
ceodency  of  the  Democratic  party,  but  the  Republican  party  has 
always  come  to  the  rescue  and  not  only  repaired  the  devastation 
of  Democracy  but  soon  gave  still  greater  impetus  to  the  progress 
and  prosperity  of  all.  A  reunited  party  will  bring  a  victory  next 
November,  which  means  a  restoration  of  confidence  to  labor  and 
capital  and  will  bring  renewed  vigor,  increased  aspiration  and 
beneficent  results  to  more  than  a  hundred  million  of  people. 

The  roll  of  honor  which  recites  the  list  of  Republican  leaders  is 
incomparable.  Engraved  on  the  tablets  of  fame  are  the  names 
of  Presidents  Lincoln,  Grant,  Hayes,  Garfield,  Arthur,  Harrison, 
McKinley,  Roosevelt  and  Taf t ;  and  besides  these  such  names  as 
Seward,  Sumner,  Wilson,  Cameron,  Chandler,  Morton,  Logan, 
Blaine,  Evarts,  John  Sherman,  Reed,  Hay,  Allison,  Hobart, 
Dingley  and  James  S.  Sherman  and  the  living  leaders  to-day  in 
the  councils  of  State  and  nation. 

The  history  of  our  country  for  over  half  a  century  has  been 
almost  identical  with  the  history  of  the  Republican  party.  Its 
leaders  have  been  men  of  thought  and  action;  its  work  has  been 
the  construction  of  a  mighty  nation  and  the  elevation  of  a  splen- 
did people.  The  history  of  the  Republican  party  is  its  own 
augury  for  the  future. 


"It  is  the  function  of  law  to  define  and  punish  wrong-doing 
and  not  to  throttle  business.  In  the  fields  of  industrial  ac- 
tivity the  need  is  that  trade  should  be  fair;  that  honest  in- 
dustry, obtaining  success  upon  its  merits,  denying  no  just 
opportunity  to  its  competitors,  should  not  be  put  under  pro- 
hibitions which  mingle  the  innocent  and  the  guilty  in  a  com- 
mon condemnation." — Charles  E.  Hughes,  at  Youngstown, 
Ohio,  Sept.  6,  1908. 


The  Republican  party  makes  appeal  to  public  confidence 
as  the  most  important  political  agency  for  conservation  and 
for  progress.  By  virtue  of  its  achievemtnts,  its  leadership 
and  its  aims,  it  stands  forth  as  an  efficient  instrument  for 
strong  and  capable  administration,  as  a  safeguard  of  stability, 
and  of  the  prosperity  which  depends  upon  stability,  and  as  an 
unrivaled  power  for  the  correction  of  abuses.  It  stands  in 
striking  contrast  to  the  record  of  vacillation,  and  ineptitude 
presented  by  the  chief  opposing  party.  That  opposing  party 
memorializes  the  fallacies  and  unsafe  policies  we  are  asked 
to  forget,  and  it  points  the  way  to  business  uncertainty  and 
to  the  impairment  of  the  confidence  which  is  the  security  of 
industry  and  trade. — Charles  E.  Hughes,  at  Youngstown,  Ohio, 
1908. 


Republican  Platform — 1916 

In  1861  the  Republican  party  stood  for  the  Union.  As  it 
stood  for  the  Union  of  States,  it  now  stands  for  a  united 
people,  true  to  American  ideals,  loyal  to  American  traditions, 
knowing  no  allegiance  except  to  the  Constitution,  to  the 
government  and  to  the  flag  of  the  United  States.  We  believe 
in  American  policies  at  home  and  abroad. 

Protection  of  American  Rights 

We  declare  that  we  believe  in  and  will  enforce  the  protec- 
tion of  every  American  citizen  in  all  the  rights  secured  to 
him  by  the  Constitution,  by  treaties  and  the  law  of  nations, 
at  home  and  abroad,  by  land  and  sea.  These  rights,  which, 
in  violation  of  the  specific  prornise  of  their  paifty  made  at 
Baltimore  in  1912,  the  Democratic  President  and  the  Demo- 
cratic Congress  have  failed  to  defend,  we  will  unflinchingly 
maintain. 

Foreign  Relations 

We  desire  peace,  the  peace  of  justice  and  right,  and  be- 
lieve in  maintaining  a  straight  and  honest  neutrality  between 
the  belligerents  in  the  great  war  in  Europe.  We  must  per- 
form all  our  duties  and  insist  upon  all  our  rights  as  neutrals 
without  fear  and  without  favor.  We  believe  the  peace  and 
neutrality  as  well  as  the  dignity  and  influence  of  the  United 
States  cannot  be  preserved  by  shifty  expedients,  by  phrase- 
making,  by  performances  in  language,  or  by  attitudes  ever 
changing  in  an  effort  to  secure  groups  of  voters. 

The  present  administration  has  destroyed  our  influence 
abroad  and  humiliated  us  in  our  own  eyes.  The  Republican 
party  believes  that  a  firm,  consistent  and  courageous  foreign 
policy,  always  maintained  by  Republican  Presidents  in  ac- 
cordance with  American  traditions,  is  the  best,  as  it  is  the 
only  true  way,  to  preserve  our  peace  and  restore  us  to  our 
rightful  place  among  the  nations.  We  believe  in  the  pacific 
settlement  of  international  disputes  and  favor  the  establish- 
ment of  a  world  court  for  that  purpose. 

Mexico 

We  deeply  sympathize  v/ith  the  15,000,000  people  of  Mexico 
who  for  three  years  have  seen  their  country  devastated,  their 
homes  destroyed,  their  fellow-citizens  murdered  and  their 
women  outraged,  by  armed  bands  of  desperadoes  led  by  self- 
seeking,  conscienceless  agitators,  who,  when  temporarily  suc- 
cessful in  any  locality,  have  neither  sought  nor  been  able 
to  restore  order  or  establish  and  maintain  peace. 

We  express  our  horror  and  indignation  at  the  outrages 
which  have  been  and  are  being  perpetrated  by  these  bandits 
upon  American  men  and  women  who  were  or  are  in  Mexico 
by  invitation  of  the  laws  and  of  the  government  of  that 
countr}'-  and  whose  rights  to  security  of  person  and  property 
are  guaranteed  by  solemn  treaty  obligations.  We  denounce 
the  indefensible  methods  of  interference  employed  by  this 
administration  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Mexico  and  refer 
with  shame  to  its  failure  to  discharge  the  duty  of  this  country 
as  next  friend  to  Mexico,  its  duty  to  other  powers  who  have 
relied  upon  us  as  such  friend,  and  its  duty  to  our  citizens  in 
Mexico,  in  permitting  the  continuance  of  such  conditions, 
first  by  failure  to  act  promptly  and  firmly,  and,  second,  by 
lending  its  influence  to  the  continuation  of  such  conditions 
through  recognition  of  one  of  the  factions  responsible  for 
these  outrages. 

We  pledge  our  aid  in  restoring  order  and  maintaining  peace 
in    Mexico.     We   promise   to   our   citizens   on   and   near   our 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  49 

border,  and  to  those  in  Mexico,  wherever  they  may  be  found, 
adequate  and  absolute  protection  in  their  lives,  liberty  and 
property, 

Monroe  Doctrine 

We  reaffirm  our  approval  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  de- 
clare its  maintenance  to  be  a  policy  of  this  country  essential 
to  its  present  and  future  peace  and  safety  and  to  the  achieve- 
ment of  its  manifest  destiny. 

Latin  America 

We  favor  the  continuance  of  Republican  policies,  which  will 
result  in  drawing  more  and  more  closely  the  commercial, 
financial  and  social  relations  between  this  country  and  the 
countries  of  Latin  America. 

Philippines 

We  renew  our  allegiance  to  the  Philippine  policy  inaugu- 
rated by  McKinley,  approved  by  Congress  and  consistently 
carried  out  by  Roosevelt  and  Taft.  Even  in  this  short  time 
it  has  enormously  improved  the  material  and  social  condi- 
tions of  the  islands,  given  the  Philippine  people  a  constantly 
increasing  participation  in  their  government  and  if  persisted 
in  will  bring  still  greater  benefits  in  the  future. 

We  accepted  the  responsibility  of  the  islands  as  a  duty  to 
civilization  and  the  Filipino  people.  To  leave  with  our  task 
half  done  would  break  our  pledges,  injure  our  prestige  among 
nations  and  imperil  what  has  already  been  accomplished. 

We  condemn  the  Democratic  administration  for  its  attempt 
to  abandon  the  Philippines,  which  was  prevented  only  by 
the  vigorous  opposition  of  Republican  "members  of  Congress, 
aided  by  a  few  patriotic  Democrats. 

Treaty  With  Russia 

We  reiterate  our  unqualified  approval  of  the  action  taken  in 
December,  191 1,  by  the  President  and  Congress  to  secure 
with  Russia,  as  with  other  countries,  a  treaty  that  will  recog- 
nize the  absolute  right  of  expatriation  and  prevent  all  dis- 
crimination of  whatever  kind  between  American  citizens, 
whether  native-born  or  alien,  and  regardless  of  race,  religion 
or  previous  political  allegiance. 

We  renew  the  pledge  to  observe  this  principle  and  to  main- 
tain the  right  of  asylum,  which  is 'neither  to  be  surrendered 
nor  restricted,  and  we  unite  in  the  cherished  hope  that  the  war 
which  is  TTow  desolating  the  world  may  speedily  end,  with  a 
complete  and  lasting  restoration  of  brotherhood  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth  and  the  assurance  of  full  equal  rights, 
civil  and  religious,  to  all  men  in  every  land. 

Protection  of  the  Country 

In  order  to  maintain  our  peace  and  make  certain  the  se- 
curity of  our  people  within  our  own  borders  the  country 
must  have  not  only  adequate  but  thorough  and  complete 
national  defense,  ready  for  any  emergency.  We  must  have 
a  sufficient  and  eflfective  regular  army  and  a  provision  for  am- 
ple reserves,  already  drilled  and  disciplined,  who  can  be 
called  at  once  to  the  colors  when  the  hour  of  danger  comes. 

We  must  have  a  navy  strong  and  so  well  proportioned  and 
equipped,  so  thoroughly  ready  and  prepared,  that  no  enemy 
can  gain  command  of  the  sea  and  effect  a  landing  in  force 
on  either  our  western  or  our  eastern  coast.  To  secure  these 
results  we  must  have  a  coherent  and  continuous  policy  of 
national  defense,  which  even  in  these  perilous  days  the  Demo- 
cratic party  has  utterly  failed  to  develop,  but  which  we 
promise  to  give  to  the  country. 


50  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TP:XT-BOOK— 1916 

Tariff 

The  Republican  party  stands  now,  as  always,  in  the  fullest 
sense  for  the  policy  of  tariff  protection  to  American  industries 
and  American  labor  and  does  not  regard  an  anti-dumping 
provision  as  an  adequate  substitute.  Such  protection  should 
be  reasonable  in  amount  but  sufficient  to  protect  adequately 
American  industry  and  American  labor  and  be  so  adjusted  as 
to  prevent  undue  exactions  by  monopolies  or  trusts.  It 
should,  moreover,  give  special  attention  to  securing  the  in- 
dustrial independence  of  the  United  States  as  in  the  case  of 
dycstuffs. 

Through  wise  tariff  and  industrial  legislation  our  industries 
can  be  so  organized  that  they  will  become  not  only  a  com- 
mercial bulwark  but  a  powerful  aid  to  national  defense. 

The  Underwood  Tariff  Act  is  a  complete  failure  in  every 
respect.  Under  its  administration  imports  have  enormously 
increased  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  intercourse  with  foreign 
countries  has  been  largely  cut  off  by  reason  of  the  war,  while 
the  revenues  of  which  we  stand  in_such  dire  need  have  been 
greatly  reduced.  Under  the  normal  conditions  wlTich  pre- 
vailed prior  to  the  war  it  was  clearly  demonstrated  that  this 
act  deprived  the  American  producer  and  the  American  wage- 
earner  of  that  protection  which  entitled  them  to  meet  their 
foreign  competitors,  and,  but  for  the  adventitious  conditions 
created  by  the  war,  w^ould  long  since  have  paralyzed  all 
forms  of  American  industry  and  deprived  American  labor 
of  its  just  reward. 

It  has  not  in  the  least  reduced  the  cost  of  living,  which  has 
constantly  advanced  from  the  date  of  its  enactment.  The 
welfare  of  our  people  demands  its  repeal  and  the  substitution 
of  a  measure  which  in  peace  as  well  as  in  war,  will  produce 
ample  revenue  and  give  reasonable  protection  to  all  forms  of 
American  production  in  mine,  forest,  field  and  factory. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a  tariff  commission  with  complete 
power  to  gather  and  compile  information  for  the  use  of  Con- 
gress in  all  matters  relating  to  the  tariff. 

Business 

The  Republican  party  has  long  believed  in  the  rigid  super- 
vision and  strict  regulation  of  the  transportation  and  of  the 
great  corporations  of  the  country.  It  has  put  its  creed  into 
its  deeds,  and  all  really  effective  laws  regulating  the  railroads 
and  the  great  industrial  corporations  are  the  work  of  Re- 
publican Congresses  and  Presidents.  For  this  policy  of  regu- 
lation and  supervision  the  Democrats,  in  a  stumbling  and 
piecemeal  way,  are  undertaking  to  involve  the  Government 
in  business  which  should  be  left  within  the  sphere  of  private 
enterprises  and  in  direct  competition  with  its  own  citizens,  a 
policy  w^hich  is  sure  to  result  in  waste,  great  expense  to  the 
taxpayer  and  in  an  inferior  product. 

The  Republican  party  firmly  believes  that  all  who  violate 
the  laws  in  regulation  of  business  should  be  individually  pun- 
ished. But  prosecution  is  very  different  from  persecution, 
and  business  success,  no  matter  how  honestly  attained,  is 
apparently  regarded  by  the  Democratic  party  as  in  itself 
a  crime.  Such  doctrines  and  beliefs  choke  enterprise  and  stifle 
prosperity.  The  Republican  party  believes  in  encouraging 
business  and  will  seek  to  advance  all  American  interests. 

Rural  Credits 

We  favor  an  effective  system  of  rural  credits  as  opposed 
to  the  ineffective  law  proposed  by  the  present  Democratic 
administration. 

Rural  Free  Delivery 

We  favor  the  extension  of  the  rural  free  delivery  system 
and  condemn  the  Democratic  administration  iir  curtailing 
and  crippling  it. 


r.EPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  &1 

Merchant  Marine 

In  view  of  the  policies  adopted  by  all  the  maritime  nations 
to  encourage  their  shipping  interests  and  in  order  to  en- 
able us  to  compete  with  them  for  the  ocean-carrying  trade, 
we  favor  the  payment  to  ships  engaged  in  the  foreign  trade 
of  liberal  compensation  for  services  actually  rendered  in 
carrying  the  mails,  and  such  further  legislation  as  will  build 
up  an  adequate  American  merchant  marine,  and  give  us  ships 
which  may  be  requisitioned  by  the  Government  in  time  of 
national  emergency. 

We  are  utterly  opposed  to  the  Government  ownership  of 
vessels  as  proposed  by  the  Democratic  party,  because  govern- 
ment-owned ships,  while  effectively  preventing  the  develop- 
ment of  the  American  merchant  marine  by  private  capital, 
will  be  entirely  unable  to  provide  for  the  vast  volume  of 
American  freights  and  will  leave  us  more  helpless  than  ever  in 
the  hard  grip  of  foreign  syndicates. 

Transportation 

Interstate  and  intrastate  transportation  have  become  so 
interwoven  that  the  attempt  to  apply  two  and  often  several 
sets  of  laws  to  its  regulation  has  produced  conflicts  of  au- 
thority, embarrassment  in  operation  and  inconvenience  and 
expense  to  the  public. 

The  entire  transportation  system  of  the  country  has  be- 
come essentially  national.  We,  therefore,  favor  such  action 
by  legislation  or,  if  necessary,  through  an  amendment  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  as  will  result  in  placing  it 
under  exclusive  Federal  control. 

Economy  and  a  National  Budget 

The  increasing  cost  of  the  National  Government  and  the 
need  for  the  greatest  economy  of  its  resources  in  order  to 
meet  the  growing  demands  of  the  people  for  government 
service,  call  for  the  severest  condemnation  of  the  wasteful  ap- 
propriations of  this  Democratic  administration,  of  its  shame- 
less raids  on  the  Treasury,  and  of  its  opposition  to  and  re- 
jection of  President  Taft's  oft-repeated  proposals  and  earnest 
efforts  to  secure  economy  and  efficiency  through  the  establish- 
ment of  a  simple  businesslike  budget  system  to  which  we 
pledge  our  support  and  which  we  hold  to  be  necessary  to 
effect  any  real  reform  in  the  administration  of  national 
finances. 

Conservation 

We  believe  in  a  careful  husbandry  of  all  the  natural  re- 
sources of  the  nation — a  husbandry  which  means  develop- 
ment without  waste;  use  without  abuse. 

Civil  Service  Reform 

The  Civil  Service  law  has  always  been  sustained  by  the 
Republican  party  and  we  renew  our  repeated  declaration  that 
it  shall  be  thoroughly  and  honestly  enforced  and  extended 
wherever  practicable.  The  Democratic  party  has  created 
since  March  4,  1913,  30,000  offices  outside  of  the  civil  service 
law  at  an  annual  cost  of  $44,000,000  to  the  taxpayers  of  the 
country. 

We  condemn  the  gross  abuse  and  the  misuse  of  the  law 
by  the  present  Democratic  administration  and  pledge  our- 
selves to  a  reorganization  of  this  service  along  lines  of  ef- 
ficiency and   economy. 

Territorial  Officials 

Reaffirming  the  attitude  long  maintained  by  the  Republican 
party,  we  hold  that  officials  appointed  to  administer  the  gov- 
ernment of  any  territory  should  be  bona  fide  residents  of 
the  territory  in  which  their  duties  are  to  be  performed. 


52  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK~19l6 

Labor  Laws 

We  pledge  the  Republican  party  to  the  faithful  enforcement 
of  all  Federal  laws  passed  for  the  protection  of  labor.  We 
favor  vocational  education;  the  enactment  and  rigid  enforce- 
ment of  a  Federal  child  labor  law;  the  enactment  of  a 
generous  and  comprehensive  workman's  compensation  law, 
within  the  commerce  power  of  Congress,  and  an  accident 
compensation  law  covering  all  Government  employees.  We 
favor  the  collection  and  collation  under  the  direction  of  the 
Department  of  Labor  of  complete  data  relating  to  indus- 
trial hazards  for  the  information  of  Congress,  to  the  end 
that  such  legislation  may  be  adopted  as  may  be  calculated  to 
secure  the  safety,  conservation  and  protection  of  labor  from 
the  dangers  incident  to  industry  and  transportation. 

Woman  Suffrage 

The  Republican  party,  reaffirming  its  faith  in  Government 
of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people,  as  a  measure 
of  justice  to  one-half  the  adult  people  of  this  country,  favors 
the  extension  of  the  suffrage  to  women,  but  recognizes  the 
right  of  each  State  to  settle  this  question  for  itself. 

Conclusion 

Such  are  our  principles,  such  are  our  purposes  and  policies. 
We  close  as  we  began.  The  times  are  dangerous  and  the 
future  is  fraught  with  peril.  The  great  issues  of  the  day 
have  been  confused  by  words  and  phrases.  The  American 
spirit,  which  made  the  country  and  saved  the  Union,  has  been 
forgotten  by  those  charged  with  the  responsibility  of  power. 
We  appeal  to  all  Americans,  whether  naturalized  or  native 
born,  to  prove  to  the  world  that  we  are  Americans  in  thought 
and  in  deed,  with  one  loyalty,  one  hope,  one  aspiration.  We 
call  on  all  Americans  to  be  true  to  the  spirit  of  America,  to 
the  great  traditions  of  their  common  country,  and  above  all 
things,  to  keep  the  faith. 


FROM  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM— 1912 
We  favor  a  single  Presidential  term  and  to  that  end  urge 
the  adoption  of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  making 
the  President  of  the  United  States  ineligible  for  re-election, 
and  we  pledge  the  candidate  of  this  convention  to  this 
principle. 


FROM  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM— 1912 
The  constitutional  rights  of  American  citizens  should  pro- 
tect them  on  our  borders  and  go  with  them  throughout  the 
world,  and  every  American  citizen  residing  or  having  property 
in  any  foreign  country  is  entitled  to  and  must  be  given  the 
full  protection  of  the  United  States  Government,  both  for 
himself  and  his  property. 


Lincoln  said,  "In  the  absence  of  formal  written  platform  the 
antecedents  of  candidates  become  their  platforms."  It  may 
also  be  said  that  in  the  presence  of  formal  written  platforms 
the  antecedents  of  candidates  cannot  be  forgotten.  Silence 
is  often  eloquent. — Charles  E.  Hughes,  at  Youngstown,  Ohio, 
1908. 


Platforms  must  be  read  in  the  light  of  history  and  they  may 
be  eloquent  of  past  mistaken  and  misguided  agitations  which 
their  sponsors  would  gladly  ignore,  but  which  the  nation  will 
do  well  to  remember. — Charles  E.  Hughes,  at  Youngstown, 
Ohio,  1908. 


Democratic  Platform — 1916 

The  Democratic  party,  in  national  convention  assembled, 
adopts  the  following  declaration,  to  the  end  that  the  people 
of  the  United  States  may  both  realize  the  achievements 
wrought  by  four  years  of  Democratic  administration  and  be 
apprised  of  the  policies  to  which  the  party  is  committed  for 
the  further  conduct  of  national  affairs. 

Record  of  Achievement 

We  indorse  the  administration  of  Woodrow  Wilson.  It 
speaks  for  itself.  It  is  the  best  exposition  of  sound  Demo- 
cratic policy  at  home  and  abroad. 

We  challenge  comparison  of  our  record,  our  keeping  of 
pledges  and  our  constructive  legislation  with  those  of  any 
party  of  any  time. 

We  found  our  country  hampered  by  special  privileges,  a 
vicious  tariff,  obsolete  banking  laws  and  an  inelastic  cur- 
rency. Our  foreign  affairs  were  dominated  by  commercial 
interests  for  their  selfish  ends.  The  Republican  party,  de- 
spite repeated  pledges,  was  impotent  to  correct  abuses  which 
it  had  fostered.  Under  our  administration,  under  a  leader- 
ship which  has  never  faltered,  these  abuses  have  been  cor- 
rected and  our  people  have  been  freed  therefrom. 

Our  archaic  banking  and  currency  system,  prolific  of  panic 
and  disaster  under  Republican  administrations — long  the 
refuge  of  the  money  trust — has  been  supplemented  by  the  Fed- 
eral Reserve  Act,  a  true  Democracy  of  credit  under  govern- 
ment control,  already  proved  a  financial  bulwark  in  a  world 
crisis,  mobilizing  our  resources,  placing  abundant  credit  at 
the  disposal  of  legitimate  industry,  and  making  a  currency 
panic  impossible. 

We  have  created  a  Federal  Trade  Commission  to  accommo- 
date the  perplexing  questions  arising  under  the  antitrust  laws, 
so  that  monopoly  may  be  strangled  at  its  birth  and  legiti- 
mate industry  encouraged.  Fair  competition  in  business  is 
now  assured. 

We  have  effected  an  adjustment  of  the  tariff  adequate  for 
revenue  under  peace  conditions  and  fair  to  the  consumer 
and  to  the  producer.  We  have  adjusted  the  burden  of  taxa- 
tion so  that  swollen  incomes  bear  their  equitable  share.  Our 
revenues  have  been  sufficient  in  times  of  world  stress,  and 
will  largely  exceed  the  expenditures  for  the  current  fiscal 
year. 

We  have  lifted  human  labor  from  the  category  of  com- 
modities, and  have  secured  to  the  workingman  the  right  to 
voluntary  association  for  his  protection  and  welfare.  We 
have  protected  the  rights  of  the  laborer  against  the  unwar- 
ranted issuance  of  writs  of  injunction,  and  have  guaranteed 
to  him  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  in  cases  of  alleged  contempt 
committed  outside  the  presence  of  the  court. 

We  have  advanced  the  parcel  post  to  genuine  efficiency, 
enlarged  the  postal  savings  system,  added  10,000  rural  delivery 
routes  and  extensions,  thus  reaching  two  and  one-half  mil- 
lions additional  people,  improved  the  postal  service  in  every 
branch,  and  for  the  first  time  in  our  history  placed  the  post- 
office  system  on  a  self-supporting  basis,  with  actual  surplus 
in  1913,  1914  and  1916. 

Economic  Freedom 

The  reforms  which  were  most  obviously  needed  to  clear 
away  privilege,  prevent  unfair  discrimination  and  release  the 
energies  of  men  of  all  ranks  and  advantages  have  been  ef- 
fected by  recent  legislation.  We  must  now  remove,  so 
far  as  possible,  every  remaining  element  of  unrest  and  uncer- 
tainty from  the  path  of  the  business  men  of  America,  and 

S3 


54  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

secure  for  them  a  continued  period  of  quiet,  assured  and  con- 
fident prosperity. 

Tariff 

We  affirm  our  belief  in  the  doctrine  of  a  tariff  for  the  pur- 
pose of  providing  sufficient  revenue  for  the  operation  of  the 
Government  economically  administered,  and  unreservedly  in- 
dorse the  Underwood  tariff  law  as  truly  exemplifying  that 
doctrine.  We  recognize  that  tariff  rates  are  necessarily  sub- 
ject to  change  to  meet  changing  conditions  in  the  world's 
production  and  trade.  The  events  of  the  last  two  years  have 
brought  about  many  momentous  changes.  In  some  respects 
their  effects  are  yet  conjectural  and  wait  to  be  disclosed,  par- 
ticularly in  regard  to  our  foreign  trade. 

Two  years  of  a  war  which  has  directly  involved  most  of 
the  chief  industrial  nations  of  the  world,  and  which  has  in- 
directly affected  the  life  and  industry  of  all  nations,  are 
bringing  about  economic  changes  more  varied  and  far-reach- 
ing than  the  world  has  ever  before  experienced.  In  order  to 
ascertain  just  what  those  changes  may  be  the  Democratic 
Congress  is  providing  for  a  nonpartisan  tariff  commission  to 
make  impartial  and  thorough  study  of  every  economic  fact 
that  may  throw  light  either  upon  our  past  or  upon  our 
future  fiscal  policy  with  regard  to  the  imposition  of  taxes  on 
imports  or  with  regard  to  the  changed  and  changing  condi- 
tions under  which  our  trade  is  carried  on.  We  cordially  in- 
dorse this  timely  proposal  and  declare  ourselves  in  sympathy 
with  the  principle  and  purpose  of  shaping  legislation  within 
that  field  in  accordance  with  clearly  established  facts  rather 
than  in  accordance  with  trade  demands  of  selfish  interests  or 
upon  information  provided  largely,  if  not  exclusively,  by 
them. 

Americanism 

The  part  that  the  United  States  will  play  in  the  new  day  of 
international  relationships  which  is  now  upon  us  will  depend 
upon  our  preparation  and  our  character.  The  Democratic 
party,  therefore,  recognizes  the  assertion  and  triumphant 
demonstration  of  the  indivisibility  and  coherent  strength  of 
the  nation  as  the  supreme  issue  of  the  day,  in  which  the 
whole  world  faces  the  crisis  of  manifold  change.  It  sum- 
mons all  men,  of  whatever  origin  or  creed,  who  would  count 
themselves  Americans,  to  join  in  making  clear  to  all  the  world 
the  unity  and  consequent  power  of  America. 

'This  is  an  issue  of  patriotism.  To  taint  it  with  partisan- 
ship would  be  to  defile  it.  In  this  day  of  test  America  rnust 
show  itself,  not  a  nation  of  partisans,  but  a  nation  of  patriots. 
There  is  gathered  here  in  America  the  best  of  the  blood, 
the  industry  and  the  genius  of  the  whole  world,  the  elements 
of  a  great  race  and  a  magnificent  society  to  be  melted  into  a 
I  mighty  and  splendid  nation. 

Whoever,  actuated  by  the  purpose  to  promote  the  interest 
of  a  foreign  power  in  disregard  of  our  own_  country's  wel- 
fare or  to  injure  this  Government  in  its  foreign  relations  or 
cripple  or  destroy  its  industries  at  home,  and  whoever  b}- 
arousing  prejudices  of  a  racial,  religious  or  other  nature  cre- 
ates discord  and  strife  among  our  people  so  as  to  obstruct 
the  wholesome  process  of  unification,  is  faithless  to  the  trust 
which  the  privileges  of  citizenship  repose  in  him  and  dis- 
loyal  to   his   country. 

We,  therefore,  condemn  as  subversive  of  this  nation's  unity 
and  integrity,  and  as  destructive  of  its  welfare,  the  activities 
and  designs  of  every  group  or  organization,  political  or  other- 
wise, that  has  for  its  object  the  advancement  of  the  interest 
of  a  foreign  power,  whether  such  object  is  promoted  by  in- 
timidating the  Government,  a  political  party  or  representatives 
of  the  people,  or  which  is  calculated  and  tends  to  divide  our 
people  into  antagonistic  groups  and  thus  to  destroy  that  com- 
plete agreement  and  solidarity  of  the  people  and  that  unity  of 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  55 

sentiment  and  national  purpose  so  essential  to  the  perpetuity 
of  the  nation  and  its  free  institutions. 

We  condemn  all  alliances  and  combinations  of  individuals 
in  this  country,  of  whatever  nationality  or  descent,  who  agree 
and  conspire  together  for  the  purpose  of  embarrassing  or 
weakening  our  Government  or  of  improperly  influencing  or 
coercing  our  public  representatives  in  dealing  or  negotiating 
with  any  foreign  power.  We  charge  that  such  conspiracies 
among  a  limited  number  exist  and  have  been  instigated  for 
the  purpose  of  advancing  the  interests  of  foreign  countries 
to  the  prejudice  and  detriment  of  our  own  country.  We  con- 
demn any  political  party  which,  in  view  of  the  activity  of  such 
conspirators,  surrenders  its  integrity  or  modifies  its  policy. 
Preparedness 

Along  with  the  proof  of  our  character  as  a  nation  must  go 
the  proof  of  our  power  to  play  the  part  that  legitimately 
belongs  to  us.  The  people  of  the  United  States  love  peace. 
They  respect  the  rights  and  covet  the  friendship  of  all  other 
nations.  They  desire  neither  any  additional  territory  nor 
any  advantage  which  cannot  be  peacefully  gained  by  their 
skill,  their  industry  or  their  enterprise,  but  they^  insist  upon 
having  absolute  freedom  of  national  life  and  policy,  and  feel 
that  they  owe  it  to  themselves  and  to  the  role  of  spirited  in- 
dependence, which  it  is  their  sole  ambition  to  play,  that^  they 
should  render  themselves  secure  against  the  hazard  of  inter- 
ference from  any  quarter,  and  should  be  able  to  protect  their 
rights  upon  the  seas  or  in  any  part  of  the  world. 

We,  therefore,  favor  the  maintenance  of  an  army  fully  ade- 
quate to  the  requirements  of  order,  of  safety  and  of  the 
protection  of  the  nation's  rights,  the  fullest  development  of 
modern  methods  of  seacoast  defense  and  the  maintenance  of 
an  adequate  reserve  of  citizens  trained  to  arms  and  prepared 
to  safeguard  the  people  and  territory  of  the  United  States 
against  any  danger  of  hostile  action  which  may  unexpectedly 
arise,  and  a  fixed  policy  for  the  continuous  development  of 
a  navy  worthy  to  support  the  great  naval  traditions  of  the 
United  States  and  fully  equal  to  the  international  tasks  which 
the  United  States  hopes  and  expects  to  take  a  part  in  per- 
forming. The  plans  and  enactments  of  the  present  Congress 
afford  substantial  proof  of  our  purpose  in  this  exigent  matter. 

International  Relations 

The  Democratic  administration  has  throughout  the  present 
war  scrupulously  and  successfully  held  to  the  old  paths  of  neu- 
trality and  of  the  peaceful  pursuit  of  the  legitimate  objects 
of  our  national  life,  which  statesmen  of  all  parties  and  creeds 
have  prescribed  for  themselves  in  America  since  the  begin- 
ning of  our  history.  But  the  circumstances  of  the  last  two 
years  have  revealed  necessities  of  international  action  which 
no  former  generation  can  have  foreseen.  We  hold  that  it  is 
the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  use  its  power  not  only 
to  make  itself  safe  at  home,  but  also  to  make  secure  its  just 
interests  throughout  the  world,  and,  both  for  this  end  and  in 
the  interest  of  humanity,  to  assist  the  world  in  securing  settled 
peace  and  justice. 

We  believe  that  every  people  has  the  right  to  choose  the 
sovereignty  under  which  it  shall  live;  that  the  small  states 
of  the  world  have  a  right  to  enjoy  from  other  nations  the 
same  respect  for  their  sovereignty  and  for  their  territorial 
integrity  that  great  and  powerful  nations  expect  and  insist 
upon;  and  that  the  world  has  a  right  to  be  free  from  every 
disturbance  of  its  peace  that  has  its  origin  in  aggression  or 
disregard  of  the  rights  of  peoples  and  nations;  and  we  be- 
lieve that  the  time  has  come  when  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United 
States  to  join  with  the  other  nations  of  he  world  in  any  feas- 
ible association  that  will  effectively  serve  these  principles,  to 
maintain  inviolate  the  complete  security  of  the  highway  of 
the  seas  for  the  common  and  unhindered  use  of  all  nations. 


56  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

The  present  administration  has  consistently  sought  to  act 
upon  and  realize  in  its  conduct  of  the  foreign  affairs  of  the 
nation  the  principle  that  should  be  the  object  of  any  asso- 
ciation of  the  nations  formed  to  secure  the  peace  of  the 
world  and  the  maintenance  of  national  and  individual  rights. 
It  has  followed  the  highest  American  traditions.  It  has  pre- 
ferred respect  for  the  fundamental  rights  of  smaller  States, 
even  to  property  interests,  and  has  secured  the  friendship  of 
the  people  of  these  States  for  the  United  States  by  refusing 
to  make  a  mere  material  interest  an  excuse  for  the  assertion 
of  our  superior  power  against  the  dignity  of  their  sovereign 
independence. 

It  has  regarded  the  lives  of  its  citizens  and  the  claims  of 
humanity  as  of  greater  moment  than  material  rights,  and 
peace  as  the  best  basis  for  the  just  settlement  of  commercial 
claims.  It  has  made  the  honor  and  ideals  of  the  United 
States   its    standard    alike    in    negotiation    and    action. 

Pan  American  Concord 

We  recognize  now,  as  we  have  always  recognized,  a  definite 
and  common  interest  between  the  United  States  with  the 
other  peoples  and  republics  of  the  Western  Hemisphere  in 
all  matters  of  national  independence  and  free  political  de- 
velopment. We  favor  the  establishment  and  mamtenance  of 
the  closest  relations  of  amity  and  mutual  helpfulness  betv^een 
the  United  States  and  the  other  republics  of  the  American 
continents  for  the  support  of  peace  and  promotion  of  a  com- 
mon prosperity.  To  that  end  we  favor  all  measures  which 
may  be  necessary  to  facilitate  intimate  intercourse  and  pro- 
mote commerce  between  the  United  States  and  her  neighbors 
to  the  south  of  us,  and  such  international  understandings  as 
may  be  practicable  and  suitable  to  accomplish  these  ends. 

We  commend  the  action  of  the  Democratic  administration 
in  holding  the  Pan  American  financial  conference  at  Wash- 
ington in  May,  191 5,  and  organizing  the  international  high 
commission  which  represented  the  United  States  in  the  recent 
meeting  of  representatives  of  the  Latin  American  Republics 
at  Buenos  Aires,  April,  1916,  which  have  so  greatly  promoted 
the  friendly  relations  between  the  peoples  of  the  Western 
Hemisphere. 

Mexico 

The  Monroe  doctrine  is  reasserted  as  a  principle  of  Demo- 
cratic faith.  The  doctrine  guarantees  the  independent  re- 
publics of  the  two  Americas  against  aggression  from  another 
continent.  It  implies,  as  well,  the  most  scrupulous  regard 
upon  our  part  for  the  sovereignty  of  each  of  them. 

The  want  of  a  stable,  responsible  government  in  Mexico, 
capable  of  repressing  and  punishing  marauders  and  bandit 
bands,  who  have  not  only  taken  the  lives,  and  seized  and  de- 
stroyed the  property  of  American  citizens  in  that  country,  but 
have  insolently  invaded  our  soil,  made  war  upon  and  murdered 
our  people  thereon,  has  rendered  it  necessary  temporarily  to 
occupy,  by  our  armed  forces,  a  portion  of  the  territory  of 
that  friendly  state.  Until,  by  the  restoration  of  law  and  order 
therein,  a  repetition  of  such  incursions  is  improbable,  the 
necessity  for  their  remaining  must  continue. 

Intervention,  implying  as  it  does,  military  'subjugation,  is 
revolting  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  notwithstanding 
the  provocation  to  that  course  has  been  great,  and  should 
be  resorted  to,  if  at  all,  only  as  a  last  resort.  The  stubborn 
resistance  of  the  President  and  his  advisers  to  every  demand 
and  suggestion  to  enter  upon  it,  is  creditable  alike  to  them 
and  to  the  people  in  whose  name  he  speaks. 

Merchant  Marine 

Immediate  provision  should  be  made  for  the  development 
of  the  carrying  trade  of  the  United  States.    Our  foreign  com- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  57 

merce  has  in  the  past  been  subject  to  many  unnecessary  and 
vexatious  obstacles  in  the  way  of  legislation  of  Republican 
Congresses.  Until  the  recent  Democratic  tariff  legislation 
it  was  hampered  by  unreasonable  burdens  of  taxation.  Until 
the  recent  banking  legislation  it  had  at  its  disposal  few  of  the 
necessary  instrumentalities  of  international  credit  and  ex- 
change. Until  the  formulation  of  the  pending  act  to  pro- 
mote the  construction  of  a  merchant  marine  it  lacked  even 
the  prospect  of  adequate  carriage  by  sea. 

We  heartily  indorse  the  purposes  and  policy  of  the  pending 
shipping  bill  and  favor  all  such  additional  measures  of  con- 
structive or  remedial  legislation  as  may  be  necessary  to  re- 
store our  flag  to  the  seas  and  to  provide  further  facilities 
for  our  foreign  commerce,  particularly  such  laws  as  may  be 
made  to  remove  unfair  conditions  of  competition  in  the  deal- 
ings of  American  merchants  and  producers  with  competitors 
in   foreign   markets. 

Conservation 

For  the  safeguarding  and  quickening  of  the  life  of  our  own 
people  we  favor  the  conservation  and  development  of  the 
natural  resources  of  the  country  through  a  policy  which  shall 
be  positive  rather  than  negative — a  policy  which  shall  not 
withhold  such  resources  from  development,  but  which,  while 
permitting  and  encouraging  their  use,  shall  prevent  both 
waste  and  monopoly  in  their  exploitation,  and  we  earnestly 
favor  the  passage  of  acts  which  will  accomplish  these  objects, 
and  we  reaffirm  the  declaration  of  the  platform  of  1912  on  this 
subject. 

The  policy  of  reclaiming  our  arid  lands  should  be  steadily 
adhered  to. 

The  Administration  and  the  Farmer 

We  favor  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  investigations  and 
plans  to  render  agriculture  more  profitable  and  country  life 
more  healthful,  comfortable  and  attractive,  and  we  believe 
that  this  should  be  a  dominant  aim  of  the  nation  as  well  as 
of  the  states.  With  all  its  recent  improvement,  farming  still 
lags  behind  other  occupations  in  development  as  a  business, 
and  the  advantages  of  an  advancing  civilization  have  not  ac- 
crued to  rural  communities  in  a  fair  proportion.  Much  has 
been  accomplished  in  this  field  under  the  present  adminis- 
tration— far  more  than  under  any  previous  administration.  In 
the  Federal  Reserve  Act  of  the  last  Congress  and  the  rural 
Credits  Act  of  the  present  Congress  the  machinery  has  been 
created,  which  will  make  credit  available  to  the  farmer  con- 
stantly and  readily,  and  he  has  at  least  been  put  upon  a 
footing  of  equality  with  the  merchant  and  the  manufacturer 
in  securing  the  capital  necessary  to  carry  on  his  enterprises. 
Grades  and  standards  necessary  to  the  intelligent  and  suc- 
cessful conduct  of  the  business  of  agriculture  have  also  been 
established  or  are  in  the  course  of  beitig  established  by  law. 
The  long-needed  Cotton  Futures  Act  passed  by  the  Sixty-third 
Congress  has  now  been  in  successful  operation  for  nearly  two 
years, 

A  new  grain  grades  bill,  long  needed,  and  a  permissive 
warehouse  bill,  intended  to  provide  better  storage  facilities 
and  to  enable  the  farmer  to  obtain  certificates  upon  which 
he  may  secure  advances  of  money,  have  been  passed  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  have  been  favorably  reported  to 
the  Senate  and  will  probably  become  law  during  the  pres- 
ent session  of  Congress.  Both  houses  have  passed  a  good 
roads  measure  which  will  be  of  far-reaching  benefit  to  all 
agricultural  communities.  Above  all,  the  most  extraordinary 
and  significant  progress  has  been  made  under  the  direction 
of  the  Department  of  Agriculture  in  extending  and  perfect- 
ing practical  farm  demonstration  work  which  is  so  rapidly 


58  REPTTBIJCAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

substituting  scientific  for  empirical  farming.  But  it  is  also 
necessary  that  rural  activities  should  be  better  directed 
through  co-operation  and  organization,  and  that  unfair 
methods  of  competition  should  be  eliminated  and  the  con- 
ditions requisite  for  the  just,  orderly  and  economical  market- 
ing of  farm  products  created.  We  approve  the  Democratic 
administration  for  having  emphatically  directed  attention  for 
the  first  time  to  the  essential  interests  of  agriculture  involved 
in  farm  rnarketing  and  finance,  for  creating  the  office  of 
markets  and  rural  organization  in  connection  with  the  De- 
partment of  Agriculture,  and  for  extending  the  cooperative 
machinery  necessary  for  conveying  information  to  farmers 
by  means  of  demonstrations.  We  favor  continued  liberal 
provision,  not  only  for  the  benefit  of  production,  but  also  for 
the  study  and  solution  of  problems  of  farm  marketing  and 
finance  and  for  the  extension  of  existing  agencies  for  improv- 
ing country  life. 

Good  Roads 

The  happiness,  comfort  and  prosperity  of  rural  life  and  the 
development  of  the  city  are  alike  conserved  by  the  construc- 
tion of  public  highways.  We,  therefore,  favor  national  aid 
in  the  construction  of  post  roads  and  roads  for  military  pur- 
poses. 

Government  Employment 

We  hold  that  the  life,  health  and  strength  of  the  men, 
women  and  children  of  the  nation  are  its  greatest  asset,  and 
that  in  the  conservation  of  these  the  Federal  government, 
wherever  it  acts  as  the  employer  of  labor,  should  both  on  its 
own  account  and  as  an  example,  put  into  effect  the  following 
principles  of  just  employment: 

1.  A  living  wage  for  all  employees. 

2.  A  working  day  not  to  exceed  eight  hours,  with  one  day 
of  rest  in  seven. 

3.  The  adoption  of  safety  appliances  and  the  establishment 
of   thoroughly   sanitary   conditions   of   labor. 

4.  Adequate  compensation  for  industrial  accidents. 

5.  The  standards  of  the  "uniform  labor  law,"  wherever 
minors  are  employed. 

6.  Such  provisions  for  decency,  comfort  and  health  in  the 
employment  of  women  as  should  be  accorded  the  mothers 
of  the  race. 

7.  An  equitable  retirement  law  providing  for  the  retirement 
of  superannuated  and  disabled  employees  of  the  civil  service 
to  the  end  that  a  higher  standard  of  efficiency  may  be  main- 
tained. 

We  believe  also  that  the  adoption  of  similar  principles 
should  be  urged  and  applied  in  the  legislation  of  the  States 
with  regard  to  labor  within  their  borders,  and  that  through 
every  possible  agency  the  life  and  health  of  the  people  of 
the  nation  should  be  conserved. 

Labor 

We  declare  our  faith  in  the  Seamen's  Act,  passed  by  the 
Democratic  Congress,  and  we  promise  our  earnest  continu- 
ance  of   its   enforcement. 

We  favor  the  speedy  enactment  of  an  effective  Federal  child 
labor  law  and  the  regulation  of  the  shipment  of  prison-made 
goods  in  interstate  commerce. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a  Federal  bureau  of  safety  in  the 
Department  of  Labor  to  gather  facts  concerning  industrial 
hazards,  and  to  recommend  legislation  to  prevent  the  maim- 
ing and  killing  of  human  beings. 

We  favor  the  extension  of  the  powers  and  functions  of  the 
Federal   bureau   of  mines. 

We  favor  the  development  upon  a  systematic  scale  of  the 
means  alreadj'-  begun  under  the  present  administration  to  as- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  59 

sist  laborers  throughout  the  nation  to  seek  and  obtain  em- 
ployment, and  the  extension  by  the  Federal  government,  by 
the  same  assistance  and  encouragement  as  is  now  given  to 
agricultural   training. 

We  heartily  commend  our  newly  established  Department  of 
Labor  for  its  excellent  record  in  settling  industrial  strikes  by 
personal  advice  and  through  conciliating  agents. 

Public  Health 

We  favor  a  thorough  reconsideration  of  the  means  and 
methods  by  which  the  Federal  government  handles  questions 
of  public  health,  to  the  end  that  human  life  may  be  conserved 
by  elimination  of  loathsome  diseases,  the  improvement  of 
sanitation  and  the  diffusion  of  a  knowledge  of  disease  pre- 
vention. 

We  favor  the  establishment  by  the  Federal  government  of 
tuberculosis  sanitariums  for  needy  tubercular  patients. 

Senate  Rules 

We  favor  such  an  alteration  of  the  rules  of  procedure  of 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  as  will  permit  the  prompt 
transaction  of  the  nation's  legislative  business. 

Economy  and  the  Budget 

We  demand  careful  economy  in  all  expenditures  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  government,  and  to  that  end  favor  a  return  by 
the  House  of  Representatives  to  its  former  practice  of  initiat- 
ing and  preparing  all  appropriation  bills  through  a  single 
committee  chosen  from  its  membership  in  order  that  respon- 
sibility may  be  centered,  expenditures  standardized  and  made 
uniform,  and  w^aste  and  duplication  in  the  public  service  as 
much  as  possible  avoided.  We  favor  this  as  a  practicable 
first  step  toward  a  budget  system. 

Civil  Service 

We  reaffirm  our  declarations  for  the  rigid  enforcement  of 
the  civil  service  laws, 

Philippine  Islands 

We  heartily  indorse  the  provisions  of  the  bill,  recently 
passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  further  promoting? 
self-government  in  the  Philippine  Islands  as  being  in  fulfill- 
ment of  the  policy  declared  by  the  Democratic  party  in  its 
last  national  platform,  and  we  reiterate  our  indorsement  of 
the  purpose  of  ultimate  independence  for  the  Philippine 
Islands  expressed  in  the  preamble  of  that  measure. 

Woman  Suffrage 

We  recommend  the  extension  of  the  franchise  to  the  women 
of  the  country  by  the  States  upon  the  same  terms  as  to  men. 

Protection  of  Citizens 

We  again  declare  the  policy  that  the  sacred  rights  of  Amer- 
ican citizenship  must  be  preserved  at  home  and  abroad,  and 
that  no  treaty  with  any  other  government  shall  receive  the 
sanction  of  our  government  which  does  not  expressly  recog- 
nize the  absolute  equality  of  all  our  citizens,  irrespective  of 
race,  creed  or  previous  nationality,  and  which  does  not  recog- 
nize the  right  of  expatriation.  The  American  government 
should  protect  American  citizens  in  their  rights,  not  only  at 
home  but  abroad,  and  any  country  having  a  government 
should  be  held  to  strict  accountability  for  any  wrongs  done 
them,  either  to  person  or  property.  At  the  earliest  practical 
opportunity  our  country  should  strive  earnestly  for  peace 
among  the  warring  nations  of  Europe  and  seek  to  bring  about 


60  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

the  adoption  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  justice  and 
humanity,  that  all  men  shall  enjoy  equality  of  right  and  free- 
dom from  discrimination  in  the  land  wherein  they  dwell. 

Prison  Reform 

We  demand  that  the  modern  principles  of  prison  reform 
be  applied  in  our  Federal  penal  system.  We  favor  such  work 
for  prisoners  as  shall  give  them  training  in  remunerative  oc- 
cupations, so  that  they  may  make  an  honest  living  when 
released  from  prison;  the  setting  apart  of  the  net  wages  of 
the  prisoner  to  be  paid  to  his  dependent  family  or  to  be 
reserved  for  his  own  use  upon  his  release;  the  liberal  exten- 
sion of  the  principles  of  the  Federal  parole  law,  with  due 
regard  both  to  the  welfare  of  the  prisoner  and  the  interests 
of  society.  The  adoption  of  the  probation  system,  especially 
in  the  case  of  first  offenders  not  convicted  of  serious  crimes. 

Pensions 

We  renew  the  declarations  of  recent  Democratic  platforms 
relating  to  generous  pensions  for  soldiers  and  their  widows, 
and  call  attention  to  our  record  of  performance  in  this  par- 
ticular. 

Waterways  and  Flood  Control 

We  renew  the  declaration  in  our  last  two  platforms  relating 
to  the  development  of  our  waterways.  The  recent  devasta- 
tions of  the  lower  Mississippi  Valley  and  several  other  sec- 
tions by  floods  accentuate  the  movement  for  the  regulation  of 
river  flow  by  additional  bank  and  levee  protection  below  and 
diversion,  storage  and  control  of  the  flood  waters  above,  and 
their  utilization  for  beneficial  purposes  in  the  reclamation  of 
arid  and  swamp  lands,  and  development  of  water  power,  in- 
stead of  permitting  the  floods  to  continue,  as  heretofore, 
agents  of  destruction.  We  hold  that  the  control  of  the 
Mississippi  River  is  a  national  problem.  The  preservation 
of  the  depth  of  its  waters  for  purposes  of  navigation,  the 
building  of  levees  and  works  of  bank  protection  to  maintain 
the  integrity  of  its  channel  and  prevent  the  overflow  of  its 
valley,  resulting  in  the  interruption  of  interstate  commerce, 
the  disorganization  of  the  mail  service  and  the  enormous  loss 
of  life  and  property,  impose  an  obligation  which  alone  can 
be  discharged  by  the  national  government. 

We  favor  the  adoption  of  a  liberal  and  comprehensive  plan 
for  the  development  and  improvement  of  our  harbors  and 
inland  waterways  with  economy  and  efficiency,  so  as  to  permit 
their  navigation  by  vessels  of  standard  draft. 

Alaska 

It  has  been  and  will  be  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  party 
to  enact  all  laws  necessary  for  the  speedy  development  of 
Alaska  and  its  great  natural  resources. 

Territories 

We  favor  granting  to  the  people  of  Alaska,  Hawaii  and 
Porto  Rico  the  traditional  territorial  government  accorded 
to  all  territories  of  the  United  States  since  the  beginning 
of  our  government,  and  we  believe  the  officials  appointed  to 
administer  the  government  of  those  several  territories  should 
be  qualified  by  previous  bona  fide  residence. 

Candidates 

We  unreservedly  indorse  our  President  and  Vice  President, 
Woodrow  Wilson,  of  New  Jersey,  and  Thomas  Riley  Mar- 
shall, of  Indiana,  who  have  performed  the  functi9ns  of  their 
great  offices  faithfully  and  impartially  and  with  distinguished 
ability. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  61 

In  particular,  we  commend  to  the  American  people  the 
splendid  diplomatic  victories  of  our  great  President,  who 
has  preserved  the  vital  interests  of  our  government  and  its 
citizens,  and  kept  us  out  of  war. 

Woodrow  Wilson  stands  today  the  greatest  American 
of  his  generation. 

Conclusion 

This  is  a  critical  hour  in  the  history  of  America,  a  critical 
hour  in  the  history  of  the  world.  Upon  the  record  above  set 
forth,  which  shows  great  constructive  achievement  in  fol- 
lowing out  a  consistent  policy  for  our  domestic  and  internal 
development;  upon  the  record  of  the  Democratic  administra- 
tion, which  has  maintained  the  honor,  the  dignity  and  the 
interests  of  the  United  States,  and  at  the  same  time  retained 
the  respect  and  friendship  of  all  the  nations  of  the  world, 
and  upon  the  great  policies  for  the  future  strengthening  of 
the  life  of  our  country,  the  enlargement  of  our  national 
vision  and  the  ennobling  of  our  international  relations  as  set 
forth  above,  we  appeal  with  confidence  to  the  voters  of  the 
country. 

FROM  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM— 1912 
The  constitutional  rights  of  American  citizens  should  pro- 
tect them  on  our  borders  and  go  with  them  throughout  the 
world,  and  every  American  citizen  residing  or  having  property 
in  any  foreign  country  is  entitled  to  and  must  be  given  the 
full  protection  of  the  United  States  Government,  both  for 
himself  and  his  property. 


FROM  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM— 1912 
We  favor  a  single  Presidential  term  and  to  that  end  urge 
the  adoption  of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  making 
the  President  of  the  United  States  ineligible  for  re-election, 
and  we  pledge  the  candidate  of  this  convention  to  this 
principle. 


UNWORTHY  TO  ENDURE 

No  country  will  endure,  and  no  country  is  worthy  to  endure, 
that  will  not  protect  all  of  its  citizens  wherever  they  may  be, 
on  land  or  on  sea. — Speaker  Champ  Clark,  at  Fort  Myer. 

It  is  also  true  that  no  country  will  endure,  and  no  country 
is  worthy  to  endure,  that  refuses  to  protect  its  labor,  its  in- 
dustry and  its  business  against  the  unfair  competition  of 
lower  wages  and  lower  productive  cost  in  other  countries. 
Wherefrom  it  follows,  necessarily,  that  no  political  party  that 
will  not  protect  the  labor  and  industry  and  business  of  its 
own  country  will  endure,  or  is  worthy  to  endure. 

Could  anything  more  applicable  to  the  present  be  penned 
than  certain  lines  which  appear  in  Washington's  circular  letter 
of  congratulation  and  advice  to  the  governors  of  the  thirteen 
states?  He  then  wrote:  "It  appears  to  me  that  there  is  an 
option  still  left  the  United  States  of  America,  whether  they 
will  be  respectable  and  prosperous  or  contemptible  and  mis- 
erable as  a  nation.  This  is  the  time  of  their  political  proba- 
tion; this  is  the  moment  when  the  eyes  of  the  world  are  turned 
upon  them;  this  is  the  time  to  establish  or  ruin  their  national 
character  forever."  These  next  four  years  are  to  be  mo- 
mentous in  the  country's  history  and  it  seems  inconceivable 
that  the  red  blooded  men  of  the  land  will  grant  another  man- 
date to  the  vacillating  Wilson  adK.inistration  with  its  record 
of  extravagance,  broken  promises,  socialistic  schemes,  and  in- 
competence, solely  on  the  ground  that  "the  President  has 
kept  us  out  of  war,  anyway."  This  is  surely  the  moment  when 
the  eyes  of  the  world  are  upon  vs  and  this  is  the  time  to 
establish  or  rum  our  national  reputation. 


Broken  Pledges  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic Platform  of  1912 

VARIOUS  PROMISES  THERE  MADE  HAVE  EITHER 
BEEN  BROKEN  OR  DISREGARDED 

The  binding  plank  of  the  Democratic  platform  adopted  at  the 
Baltimore  Convention,  1912,  was  as  follows: 

Our  platform  is  one  of  principle  which  we  believe  to  be  essen- 
tial to  the  national  welfare.  Our  pledges  are  made  to  be  kept 
when  in  office  as  weil  as  relied  upon  during  the  campaign,  and 
we  invite  the  co-operation  of  all  citizens,  regardless  of  party,  who 
believe  in  maintaining  unimpaired  the  institutions  and  traditions 
of  the  country. 

During  the  campaign  Woodrow  Wilson,  the  candidate  for 
President,  said  at  Washington  Park,  N.  J.,  August  15,  1912: 

Our  platform  is  not  molasses  to  catch  flies.  It  means  busi- 
ness. It  means  what  it  'says.  It  is  the  utterance  of  earnest  and 
honest  men  who  intend  to  do  business  along  these  lines  and  who 
are  not  waiting  to  see  whether  they  can  catch  voters  with  those 
promises  before  they  d'etermine  whether  they  are  going  to  act 
upon  them  or  not. 

An  examination  of  various  planks  will  show  that  performance 
has  not  squared  with  promise. 

We  recognize  that  our  sj'stem  of  tariff  taxation  is  intimately  connected 
with  the  business  of  the  country,  and  we  favor  the  ultimate  attainment 
of  the  principles  we  advocate  by  legislation  that  will  not  injure  or  destroy 
legitimate    industry. — Democratic    Platform,    1912. 

And  yet  at  a  special  isession  of  Congress,  convened  April  7, 
1913,  a  tariff  law  was  enacted  which  went  into  operation  in  large 
measure  October  3,  1913,  and  which  at  once  destroyed  or  injured 
many  industries,  closed  or  partly  closed  many  mills  and  drove 
millions  of  laborers  to  idleness  or  part  idleness.  This  so-called 
Underwood  tariff  law  did  not  go  into  full  force  for  five  months, 
but  its  ruthless  destruction  began  as  soon  as  it  was  approved. 
The  winter  of  1913-14  was  one  of  more  distress  than  any  in  our 
history.  Philanthropical  and  charitable  institutions  joined  with 
liberal  individuals  to  appease  in  a  measure  the  suffering  of  the 
unemployed.  Property  of  all  kinds  as  well  as  securities  declined 
in  values.  Wages  decreased  by  millions,  indebtedness  increased 
and  the  general  suffering  was  intense.  Moreover,  revenues  of 
Government  began  to  fall  off  materially,  adding  to  the  direct 
burdens  of  an  already  suffering  people.  Legitimate  industry 
was  both  injured  and  destroyed,  contrary  to  the  pledge  of  the 
Democratic  platform.  The  disaster  was  immeasureable  and  in- 
estimable, and  ran  into  millions  and  hundreds  of  millions. 

We  assert  that  no  substantial  relief  can  be  secured  for  the  people  with- 
out import  duties  on  the  nccesi-aries  of  life  are  materially  reduced. — • 
l^emocratic  Platto«n. 

The  inference  that  relief  would  be  secured  through  a  material 
reduction  of  import  duties  has  not  been  borne  out.  Not  only  is 
the  cost  of  living  higher  than  ever,  but  1)ccausc  of  loss  of  revenue 
greater  burdens  have  been  imposed  in  the  way  of  direct  tax- 
ation. 

We  ass<>rt  that  American  v.;v.vf'^  inc  fstabli>iheil  by  competitive  con- 
ditions  and    not    by    the    taritf.  Democratic    IMatforni. 

P'or  over  a  hmi(li-c<l  Ncars  of  our  national -existence  it  has  been 

62 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  6:^ 

demonstrated  that  American  wages  are  established  and  main- 
tained by  a  protective  tariff,  and  that  competition  with  foreign 
labor  must  contribute  to  lower  wages  at  home.  This  has  been 
apparent  under  the  operation  of  the  present  Democratic  tariff, 
and  as  the  competition  with  cheap  labor  abroad  continues  the 
American  workman^  must  either  become  idle  or  accept  similar 
wages. 

This  will  be  most  disastrously  demonstrated  at  the  close  of  the 
war  if  our  tariff  is  not  changed  and  adequate  protection  given  to 
our  wage  earners. 

It  [Republican  Tariff]  is  a  system  of  taxation  which  makes  the  rich 
richer  and  the  poor  poorer. — Democratic  Platform. 

It  has  been  demonstrated  beyond  question  that  a  Democratic 

low  tariff  makes  no  one  richer  but  the  im.porter,  while  it  does 

make  all  classes  poorer. 

Under  its  [Republican  tariff]  operations  the  American  farmer  and 
laboring  man   are   the   chief  sufferers. — Democratic   platform. 

Neither  the  American  farmer  nor  laboring  man  ever  suffered 
under  and  because  of  a  Republican  tariff*.  All  are  beneficiaries, 
while  i»nder  a  Democratic  tariff  all  are  sufferers  unless  tem- 
porarily relieved  by  unusual  conditions. 

It  [Republican  Tariff]  raises  the  cost  of  the  necessities  of  life  to  them 
[farmers  and  laborers]  but  does  not  protect  their  product  or  wages. — 
Democratic  Platform. 

The  Republican  tariff  has  given  the  farmer  and  manufacturer 
profitable  prices  for  their  products,  and  at  the  same  time  has 
given  the  people  higher  wages  with  which  to  purchase  thenij.  A 
Republican  tariff  prote'ctsr  both  products  and  wages  against  foreign 
products  turned  out  at  wages  from  one-half  to  one-tenth  of  ours. 

We  favor  a  single  presidential  term,  and  to  that  end  urge  the  adoption 
of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  making  the  President  of  the  United 
States  ineligible  for  re-election,  and  we  pledge  the  candidate  of  this 
Convention    to   this   principle. — Democratic   Platform. 

The  candidate  of  that  convention  is  the  candidate  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  to-day. 

At  this  time,  it  is  opportune  to  point  to  the  record  of  accomplishment 
of  the  Democratic  House  ©f  Representatives  in  the  Sixty-second  Congress. 
We  indorse  its  action,  and  we  challenge  comparison  of  its  record  with 
that  of  any  Congress  which  has  been  controlled  by  our  opponents.— 
Democratic  Platform. 

There  was  not  a  single  "accomplishment"  except  extravagance 
that  can  be  called  a  great  construc'cive  measure. 

We  call  the  attention  of  the  patriotic  citizens  of  our  country  to  its 
[Democratic  party]  record  of  efficiency,  economy,  and  constructive  legis- 
lation. 

It  has,  among  other  achievements,  revised  the  rules  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  so  as  to  give  the  representatives  of  the  American  people 
freedom  of  speech  and  of  action  in  advocating,  proposing,  and  perfecting 
remedial    legislation. 

It  has  passed  bills  for  the  relief  of  the  people  and  the  development  of 
our  country;  it  has  endeavored  to  revise  the  tariff  taxes  downward  in  the 
interest  of  the  consuming  masses,  and  thus  reduced  the  high  cost  of 
living. — Democratic  Platform. 

Instead  of  being  efficient,  economical  and  constructive,  the 
Democratic  party  has  been  deficient,  extravagant  and  destructive. 
It  has  established  the  system  of  legislation  by  caucus,  a  most 
pernicious  system,  and  has  bowed  to  the  will  of  its  Master  re- 
gardless of  individual  preference  or  the  interest  of  the  people.^ 


64  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

It  has  revised  the  tariff  downward  with  no  benefit  to  the  con- 
suming masses;  it  has  sacrificed  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars 
in  revenue,  and  it  'has  not  reduced  the  high  cost  of  living,  but 
added  increased  burdens  in  the  way  of  direct  taxation. 

We  favor  the  exemption  from  toll  of  American  ships  engaged  in  coast- 
wise trade  passing  through  the  canal. — Democratic  Platform. 

This  pledge  was  repudiated  entirely  at  the  demand  of  President 
Wilson  and  with  the  vote  of  a  Democratic  Congress. 

We  direct  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Democratic  party's  demand  for 
a  return  to  the  rule  of  the  people  expressed  in  the  national  platform  four 
years  ago  has  now  become  the  accepted  doctrine  of  a  large  majority  of 
the    electors. — Democratic    Platform. 

For  over  a  century  the  people  have  ruled.  Because  of  Repub- 
lican legislation  the  people  have  elected  their  officials,  and  even 
United  States  Senators  are  now  elected  by  the  people  instead  of 
by  State  Legislatures.  Under  the  present  administration,  how- 
ever, we  have  departed  largely  from  the  rule  of  the  people  and 
even  our  Congress  has  to  obey  the  mandates  of  its  Master.  The 
only  way  to  return  to  a  rule  of  the  people  is  through  the  Repub- 
lican party. 

We  commend  the  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  for  extending 
the  doctrine  of  publicity  to  recommendation,  verbal  and  written,  upon 
which    presidential    appointments    are    made. — Democratic    Platform. 

This  plank  is  nothing  but  an  agglomeration  of  words.  During 
the  second  session  of  the  Sixty-third  Congress  a  bill  was  passed 
creating  an  additional  judgeship  in  the  Eastern  District  of  Penn- 
sylvania. An  effort  was  made  in  the  House  of  Representatives  to 
insert  a  provision  to  compel  the  President  to  make  public  the  en- 
dorsements of  his  appointee  to  the  position  'thus  created.  A  roll 
call  was  demanded  on  the  proposition  on  the  9th  day  of  February, 
1914.  Although  the  Democrats  have  145  majority  in  the  House 
this  provision  was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  145  for  to  137  against. 
That  vote  again  showed  the  lack  of  sincerity  and  honesty  of 
Democrats  in  so  far  as  their  platform  pledges  are  concerned. 

Mr.  Bryan,  "the  great  leader  of  the  Democratic  party,  had  this 
to  say  upon  the  subject  of  publicity  of  judicial  endorsement: 
"Why  should  the  President  desire  to  conceal  the  recommenda- 
tions upon  which  he  appoints  public  servants?  And  why  should 
he  be  permitted  'co  conceal  recommendations  if  he  does  desire  to 
do  so?  The  amendment  does  not  interfere  with  his  right  to 
appoint;  it  simply  asks  him  to  step  out  into  the  daylight  and  let 
the  people  see  to  what  endorsements  he  gives  weight  and  what 
endorsements  he  ignores.  Anything  wrong  about  that?  *  *  * 
It  should  be  endorsed  in  the  Congressional  platforms  *  *  * 
and  the  candidates  should  be  committed  to  publicity  or  left  at 
home.  A  man  who  really  believes  that  the  President  should  be 
permitted  to  make  his  appointments  on  secret  recommendations 
cannot  be  trusted  to  represent  a  Democratic  constituency." 

The  constitutional  rights  of  American  citizens  should  protect  them  on 
our  borders,  and  go  with  them  throughout  the  world,  and  every  American 
citizen  residing  or  having  property  in  any  foreign  country  is  entitled  to 
and  must  be  given  the  full  protection  of  the  United  States  Government, 
both  for  himself  and  his  property. — Democratic  Platform. 

What  rights  and  protection  have  been  guaranteed  or  given 
to  our  citizens  in  Mexico  or  on  the  border,  or  on  the  high  seas? 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  65 

The  law  pertaining  to  the  civil  service  should  be  hotiestly  and  rightly 
enforced,  to  the  end  that  merit  and  ability  shall  be  the  standard  of 
appointment  and  promotion  rather  than  service  rendered  to  a  political 
party. — Democratic    Platform. 

The  attitude  of  the  Democratic  party  towards  civil  service  is 
thoroughly  reactionary.  While  their  platform  professes  allegiance 
to  the  civil  service,  on  Oc'tober  22,  1913,  President  Wilson  ap- 
proved the  urgent  deficiency  bill,  to  which  had  been  attached  a 
rider  specifically  excepting  deputy  internal  revenue  collectors  and 
deputy  marshals  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  an  army  of 
subordinates  and  employes,  from  the  civil  service  laws  and  regu- 
lations.   These  positions  were  thrown  back  into  the  spoils  system. 

Colonel  George  Harvey,  in  the  North  American  Review  for  the 
month  of  December,  1913,  in  an  article  entitled  "Breaking  the 
Pledges,"  makes  this  caustic  comment  in  regard  to  this  back- 
ward step  taken  by  the  President  of  the  United  States; 

Why  did  President  Wilson  permit  this  backward  step  to  be 
taken.  That  is  the  question.  By  a  nod  of  his  head  he  could 
have  beaten  it  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  where  a  change 
of  only  three  votes  would  have  prevented  its  passage.  But  no 
intimation  was  forthcoming,  and  the  obnoxious  "rider"  was 
made  a  law  of  the  land  by  the  signature  at  the  bottom  of  "Wood- 
row  Wilson,  President  of  the  United  States,"  to  which  should 
have  been  added,  for  the  making  of  a  complete  rdcord,  "former 
vice  president  of  the  National  Civil  Service  Reform  League." 

In  the  consideration  of  the  Moon  bill,  amending  postal  civil 
service  laws,  an  effort  was  made  in  the  house  of  Representa- 
tives by  the  Democrats,  on  August  8,  1914,  to  take  all  as- 
sistant postmasters  out  of  the  civil  service,  as  well  as  all 
clerks  and  letter  carriers.  While  a  majority  of  the  Democratic 
side  of  the  House  voted  for  the  latter  provision  when  the 
House  was  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  where  no  record  votes 
are  taken,  they  were  afraid  finally  to  go  on  record  upon  the 
subject,  although  the  roll  call  shows  that  71  Democratic  mem- 
bers of  the  House  actually  did  vote  for  this  backward  step. 
Every  Republican  in  the  House  voted  against  the  provision. 

Yet  there  has  been  no  such  a  blow  to  our  civil  service  as  that 
given  by  the  present  administration.  Its  policy  has  been  the  re- 
ward of  political  service  and  contribution,  and  merit  and  ability 
has  not  always  been  the  standard  of  promotion  and  appointment. 

We  denounce  the  profligate  waste  of  the  money  wrung  from  the 
people  by  oppressive  taxation  through  the  lavish  appropriations  of  recent 
Republican  Congresses,  which  have  kept  taxes  high  and  reduced  the 
purchasing  power  of  the  people's  toil.  We  demand  a  return  to  that  sim- 
plicity and  economy  which  befits  a  democratic  government  and  a  reduc- 
tion in  the  number  of  useless  oflfices,  the  salaries  of  which  drain  the  sub- 
stance of  the  people. — Democratic  Platform. 

It  does  not  lie  in  the  mouth  of  the  Democrats  to  "denounce" 
the  "lavish  appropriations  of  recent  Republican  Congresses," 
when  the  Congress  which  they  controlled  in  both  the  Senate 
and  House  has  made  such  a  showing  of  reckless  extravagance 
that  the  Democratic  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Appro- 
priations, Hon.  John  J.  Fitzgerald,  of  New  York,  speaking  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  scolded  his  party  associates  in 
the   following   language: 

In  a  few  months  I  shall  be  called  upon  in  the  discharge  of  my 

official  duties  to  review  the  record  that  this  Democratic  House 

"  shall  have  made  in   its  authorization  of  the  expenditure  of  the 


66  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TFLXT-BOOK— 1916 

public  moneys.  Whenever  I  think  of  the  horrible  mess  that  I 
shall  be  called  upon  to  present  to  the  country  on  behalf  of  'che 
Democratic  party,  I  am  tempted  to  quit  my  place. 

And  Representative  Sisson,  a  Democrat  from  Mississippi, 
said : 

We  are  writing  ourselves  down  in  the  history  of  the  country  as 
being  the  most  outrageously  and  the  most  criminally  extravagant 
Congress  that  ever  sat  on  the  American  Continent, 

Not  by  miillions  of  dollars,  but  by  hundreds  of  millions  of 
dollars  have  the  Democrats  exceeded  Republican  expenditures. 
I'c  was  so  before  any  extraordinary  appropriations  were  neces- 
sary. 

These  are  only  a  few  of  the  instances  of  platform  violation  and 
mis-statement  by  'the  Democratic  party.  They  could  be  multiplied 
many  times,  but  show  sufficiently  and  clearly  the  hypocrisy  and 
misrepresentation  of  that  party. 


I  deny  that  there  is  any  need  for  additional  internal-reve- 
nue taxation  at  this  time.  I  assert  that  the  Government  can 
run  along  without  embarrassment  if  it  will  exercise  proper 
economy.  The  present  Democratic  administration  has  been 
more  grossly  extravagant  than  any  administration  which 
preceded  it.  The  requests  of  the  present  administration  for 
appropriations  have  been  for  larger  simis  than  ever  before 
asked  by  any  administration  of  the  Government.  The  ap- 
propriations which  have  been  made  are  larger  than  ever  made 
before.  These  larger  appropriations  have  been  made  in  re- 
sponse to  demands  of  the  administration  officials,  but  it  iff 
not  too  late  for  the  President  to  order  the  officials  under  him 
to  practice  economy,  and  many  of  the  appropriations  already 
made  do  not  need  to  be  expended,  at  least  for  the  present. 

If  the  President  will  stop  the  extravagance  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  practice  as  well  as  preach  economy,  there  is  no 
need  for  increased  taxation. 

The  Democratic  party  has  shown  that  it  does  not  know 
how  to  reduce  the  cost  of  living,  though  it  has  reduced  the 
means  of  earning  a  living. — Representative  Mann  (Rep.),  of 
Illinois,  in  the  House,  September  25,  1914. 


I  will  join  the  Members  of  this  Congress  in  an  effort  to  re- 
trench upon  wasteful  expenditures  or  to  rewrite  the  Under- 
wood bill. 

Whatever  we  may  do  about  the  production  of  revenue,  we 
ought  to  set  ourselves  to  cure  the  wasteful  expenditures  of 
this  Congress. 

When  the  present  administration  is  judged  by  the  standards 
of  economy,  there  is  but  one  verdict — gross  extravagance. 
The  supply  bills  of  this  Congress  already  passed,  not  includ- 
ing the  rivers  and  harbors  bill,  carry  $1,089,000,000,  which  is 
over  $60,000,000  more  than  the  appropriations  of  the  last  Re- 
publican Congress.  Had  the  $53,000,000  rivers  and  harbors 
bill  passed,  it  would  reach  an  excess  of  $100,000,000  beyond 
any  Republican  Congress,  either  in  peace  or  war.  The  saving 
to  the  Treasury  of  $33,000,000  on  the  indefensible  harbors  bill 
was  due  entirely  to  Republicans  in  the  Senate,  led  by  Senator 
Burton.  In  that  body  the  freedom  of  debate  is  still  respected. 
— Representative  Fess  (Rep.),  of  Ohio,  \i\  the  House,  Septem- 
ber 25,  1914. 


Democratic  Testimony  and\ 
Confession 

CONDEMNATION  OF  "PARTY  FAILURE,  INEF- 
FICIENCY, PERFIDY  AND  DISHONOR." 

Our  Platform  Is   Not  Molasses  to   Catch  Flies— Wilson. 

Our  platform  is  not  molasses  to  catch  flies.  It  means  bu.sine^.  It 
means  what  it  says.  It  is  the  utterance  of  earnest  and  honest  men,  who 
intend  to  do  business  along  those  lines  and  who  are  not  waiting  to  see 
whether  they  can  catch  votes  with  those  promises  before  they  determine 
whether  thev  are  going  to  act  upon  them  or  not. 

They  know  the  American  people  are  now  taking  notice  in  a  way  in  which 
they  never  took  notice  before,  and  gentlemen  who  talk  one  way  and  vote 
another  are  going  to  be  retired  to  very  quiet  and  private  retreat.  (Presi- 
dent Wilson,  at  Washington  Park,  N.  J.,  Aug.   15,  1912.) 

To  Repudiate  a  Platform  Promise  Is  Worse  Than  Defeat — Clark. 

There  are  many  things  worse  than  being  defeated  for  Congress  or  de- 
feated for  the  Speakership  or  even  worse  than  to  be  defeated  for  the 
Presidency,  and  one  of  them  is  to  repudiate  the  platform  on  which  you  are 
elected.     (Speaker  Clark,  Congressional  Record,  Mar.   31,   1914-) 

Bryan   on   Platform  Promises. 
The  representative  who  secures  office  on  a  platform  and  then  betrays  the 
people  who  elected  him  is  a  criminal  worse  than  he  who  embezzles  money. 

*  *  *  *  *  *  « 

I  believe  that  no  man  should  violate  his  conscience;  but  that  doesn't 
mean  that  he  should  violate  his  platform. 

«  ♦  ♦  »  *  ♦  » 

If  a  man  finds  his  platform  is  against  his  conscience — resign.  (Bryan 
at  Harrisburg,   May   14,    1913.) 

The  Broken  Promise   Not  to   Injure  or  Destroy  Legitimate   Industry. 

*  *  *  We  favor  the  ultimate  attainment  of  the  principles  we  ad- 
vocate by  legislation  that  will  not  injure  or  destroy  legitimate  industry. 
(Democratic  platform,  1912.) 

Senator  Thornton  (Democrat),  of  Louisiana,  on  the  Destruction  of  a  Great 
and  Legitimate  Ii^dustry  by  the  Democratic  Tariff  Law. 

It  has  been  admitted  on  the  floor  of  the  House"  of  Representatives  both 
hy  Mr.  Hardwick,  chairman  of  the  .Subcommittee  on  Ways  and  Meaivs 
that  took  the!  first  testimony  on  the  subject,  and  by  Mr.  Underwood,  the 
chairman  of  the  full  committee  that  took  the  last,  that  free  sugar  would 
destroy  the  Louisiana  sugar  industry,  though  both  feel  justified  in  their 
course  on  sugar  because  they  think  the  general  welfare  will  be  subserved 
hy   it. 

Aside  from  these  special  reasons  which  would  prevent  me  as  a  rep- 
resentative of  the  State  of  Louisiana  from  favoring  this  new-fangled 
Democratic  doctrine  of  free  sugar,  I  can  say  with  perfect  sincerity  that  I 
would  feel  most  hostile  to  the  abolition  of  the  sugar  duty,  not  only  because 
of  my  well-known  and  often-expressed  views  in  favor  of  legislation  that 
would  advance  the  agricultural  interests  of  any  part  of  my  country,  but 
because  of  the  tariff  policy  of  the  Democratic  Party,  with  which  I  have 
been  identified  since  I  was  old  enough  to  cast  my  first  vote. 

•An  effort  has  been  made,  however,  on  this  floor  to  prove  that  the  Balti- 
more platform  of  the  Democratic  Party  calls  for  free  sugar,  and  to  justify 
this  legislation  on  that  ground.  This  is  a  very  far-fetched  conclusion,  but 
some  justification  must  be  sought  for  this  sudden  departure  from  "the  time- 
honored  and  time-justified  precedents"  of  the  Democratic  Party,  and  this 
is  a  case  of  "any  port  in  a  storm." 

If  the  Louisiana  cane  and  western  beet-sugar  industry  of  this  country 
that  has  been  built  up  under  "our  system  of  tariff  taxation,"  and  which 
represents  over  $100,000,000  of  capital  invested  in  factories  alone,  to  say 
nothing  of  land,  teams,  and  implements,  and  which  in  cultivation  and  har- 
vesting alone  gives  employment  to  more  than  200,000  laborers,  and  directly 
or  indirectly  contributes  to  the  support  of  2,000,000  people  o^  the  United 
States,  is  not  a  legitimate  industry,  I  should  like  to  know  what  is.  (Senator 
Thornton,  Congressional  Record,  July  31,  1913.) 

Senator  Ransdell  (Democrat),  of  Louisiana,  Predicts  That^the  Democratic 
Party  Will  Hear  from  the  People  in  No  Uncertain  Tones  for  De- 
stroying Legitimate  Industry. 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  President,  without  claiming  the  gift  of  prophecy,  I  say 
unhesitatingly  that,  in  my  judgment,  before  the  three  years  have  rolled 
around  which  will  place  sugar  upon  the  free  list,  dismantle  the  factories 
of  Louisiana,  condemn  thousands  of  people  there  who  are  now  in  easy 
circumstances  to  poverty  and  distress,  and  bring  ruin  upon  a  great  many 
engaged  in  sugar  production  in  our  Western  States,  Hawaii,  and  Porto 
Rico,  the  Democratic  Party  will  hear  from  the  people  of  this  Nation  in  no 

67 


68  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

uncertain  tones.  (Hon.  Joseph  E.  RansdcU,  Congressional  Record,  63d 
Cong.,  1st  sess.,  Sept.  8,  1913-) 

The  Broken  Promise  to  Crush  Private  Monopoly 
A  private  monopoly  is  indefensible  and  intolerable.  We  therefore  favor 
the  vigorous  enforcement  of  the  criminal  as  well  as  the  civil  law  against 
trusts  and  trust  officials  and  demand  the  enactment  of  such  additional 
legislation  as  may  be  necessary  to  make  it  impossible  for  a  private 
monopoly  to  exist  in  the  United  States. 

We  regret  that  the  Sherman  anti-trust  law  has  received  a  judicial  con- 
struction depriving  it  of  much  of  its  efficacy,  and  we  favor  the  enactment 
of  legislation  which  will  restore  to  the  statute  the  strength  of  which  it  has 
been  deprived  by  such  interpretation.     (Democratic  platform,  1912.) 

Senator  O'Gorman  (Democrat),  of  New  York,  Is  Not  Inspired  by  Demo- 
crats Employing  Republican  Tariff  Arguments,  and  Inquires  if  Con- 
gress Is  Not  Devoting  All  of  Its  Energies  to  the  Protection  of  "Special 
Interests." 

Mr.  O'Gorman.  Mr.  President,  the  character  of  the  discussion  in  the 
Senate  to-day  might  very  well  suggest  the  inquiry  as  to  whether  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  is  not  devoting  all  of  its  energies  to  the  pro- 
tection of  special  interests  rather  than  to  the  promotion  of  the  general 
welfare.  That  question  must  suggest  itself  to  every  citizen  in  the  country 
who  takes  note  of  what  we  are  doing. 

*  *  *  I  could  scarcely  believe  my  ears  and  my  eyes  to-day  on  hearing 
Senators  professing  allegiance  to  the  Democratic  creed  paraphrasing  every 
stock  argument  has  been  made  by  Republicans  for  20  years  back  in 
support  of  the  protective  tariff.  It  is  not  an  inspiring  sight  to  see  Demo- 
crats employ  the  arguments  which  have  been  used  during  all  these  years  by 
Republicans  in  support  of  the  repudiated,  discredited,  and  un-American 
system  of  protection. 

*  *  *  i3ut  I  beg  to  remind  the  Senators  that  when  they  were  really 
orthodox  in  their  Democracy  a  year  ago  in  passing  the  tariff  law  they  found 
no  hesitation  in  putting  sugar  on  the  free  list,  even  though  it  inflicted 
a  loss  upon  the  industries  of  the  State  of  Louisiana  of  $40,000,000.  It  all 
depends  upon  whose  ox  is  goared.  Sometimes  principle  is  thrown  to  the 
winds  and  men  abandon  high  purpose  and  find  refuge  in  expediency. 
(Hon.   James   A.    O'Gorman,    Congressional   Record,   Aug.    17,    1914.) 

Senator   Reed    (Democrat),  of  Missouri,    Likens  the   Spirit  of  Republicans 
Who  Passed  the  Anti-trust  Law  to  That  of  the  Eagle,  and  the  Spirit  of 
His    Democratic    Colleagues    to    That   of   the    Barnyard    Fowl. 
Well,   old  John   Sherman  and  the  Republicans  of  that  day   did   pass  that 
law.     Their   "little    fingers   were    bigger   than    our   loins."     Theirs    was    the 
spirit  of  the  eagle,  ours  that  of  the  barnyard  fowl.      "Be  careful,  do  not  let 
it  be  proven  in  evidence  that  a  man  has  plead  guilty  to  violating  the  Sher- 
man law."     So  say  the  worthy  conferees.      (Senator  James  A.   Reed,   Sept. 
28,    1914,    Congressional   Record,   2d  sess.    63d   Cong.,   p.    17394.) 

Senator  Martine  (Democrat),  of  New  Jersey,  Declares  That  "Some  Influ- 
ence Uncanny,  Dangerous,"  Changed  the  "Anti-trust  Bill"  Until  It 
Tends  "to  Advance  the  Supremacy  of  Giant  Monopolies"  We  "Have 
Pledged    Ourselves   to    Destroy." 

*  *  *  I  oppose  this  measure  because  I  believe  that  some  influence — I 
can  not  say  what  influence,  but  some  influence,  it  seems  to  me  uncanny, 
dangerous  to  the  Republic — hasj  changed  the  text  and  character  of  the  bill 
until  it  does  not  stand  for  the  smaller  man  or  the  middleman,  but  tends  to 
advance  to  further  supremacy  the  giant  monopolies  that  you  and  I,  in 
both  platforms,  have  pledged  ourselves  to  destroy,  and  for  whose  destruc- 
tion these  many  years  we  have  struggled.  (Hon.  James  E.  Martine,  Con- 
gressional Record,  2d  sess,  63d  Cong.,  p.    17696.) 

Congressman  Witherspoon  (Democrat),  of  Mississippi,  Could  Not  Sur- 
render His  Convictions  to  Vote  for  a  Bill  to  Increase  the  Monopoly  of 
Money  "Because  Somebody  Told   Me  to  Do  It." 

*  *  *  To  vote  for  a  bi'.I  which  increases  the  monopoly  of  money 
meant  a  surrender  of  all  my  conceptions  of  the  functions  of  money  and 
banks  and  the  abandonment  of  all  my  convictions  as  to  the  political  evils 
of  the  day  and  of  the  proper  remedy  therefor.  I  could  not  do  this  because 
somebody  told  me  to  do  it.  (Hon,  S.  A.  Witherspoon,  Congressional 
Record,  2d  sess,  63d  Cong,,  p.   1733.) 

Senator  Vardaman  (Democrat),  of  Mississippi,  Denounces  the  Appointment 
by  President  Wilson  of  Thomas  D.  Jones  to  the  Federal  Reserve  Board 
as  an  "Act  That  Can  Not  Be  Defended  Before  the  American  People," 

*  *  *  No;  I^havc  no  objection  to  the  man  personally,  hut  his  mental 
attitude,  his  "big-business"  morals  totally  unlit  him  for  the  gicat  construc- 
tive, altruistic  work  to  which  the  President  would  call  him. 

The  most  iniquitous,  obnoxious,  outrageous,  iiulefensil)le,  predatory  trust 
in  all  America,  a  trust  that  the  national  Democratic  organization  de- 
nounced, a  trust  that  has  laid  its  jiredatory  hand  upon  the  earnings  of  every 
farmer  in  this  country,  a  triist  that  wc  promised  as  a  national  political 
organization  to  destroy — the  lnt(Mnational  tlarvester  Trust — we  are  now  to 
take  one  of  the  favorite  direclots  of  tliat  iniquitous  court-denounced  concern 
and  jnit  him  at  the  head  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Board,  or  a  member  of  it, 


HEPUBLICAN    campaign    text-book— 1916  69 

which  is  to  prescribe  the  rules  and  make  the  laws  for  the  Government  and 
control  of  the  great  banking  system  of  America,  which  was  originally  de- 
signed to  take  the  money  of  the  country  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Money 
Trust.  This  is  an  act  that  can  not  be  defended  before  the  American  people. 
To  my  mind  it  involves  a  violation  of  our  plighted  faith  as  a  party  to  the 
people. 

*  *  *  My  vote  against  the  nomination  can  not  be  taken  as  an  affront 
to  the  President.  It  might  be  taken  as  a  declaration  of  senatorial  independ- 
ence and  intellectual  self-respect,  which  I  submit;  would  not  be  out  of  place 
now,  but  it  is  not  in  any  respect  an  affront.  (Hon.  J.  K.  Vardaman  inter- 
view in  the  Washington  Post,  July  22,  1914.) 

Senator    Thornton     (Democrat),     of     Louisiana,     Says    the     Sugar    Trust, 

Through   "Gratitude"  or  "Self-interest"   Will  Contribute  Heavily  to  the 

Democratic   Campaign   Fund. 

The  report  says  "the  industrial  position  of  refming  requires  primary  con- 
sideration." 

Certainly,  in  so  far  as  the  position  of  the  eastern  cane-sugar  refiners  is 
concerned,  they  received  "primary  consideration"  in  the  last  sugar-tariff 
bill  and  in  the  present  one.  They  have  been  given  all  they  asked,  and  they 
could  not  well  expect  more. 

This  is  the  same  Mr.  Claus  Spreckels  who  contributed  $5,000  to  the 
Democratic  campaign  fund  last  year,  just  50  times  what  I  felt  able  to  con- 
tribute,!  and  then  compelled  to  give  it  in  two  monthly  instalments;  but  he 
had  a  great  special  interest  to  be  subserved  by  the  success  of  the  Demo- 
cratic Party,  while  I  had  only  the  general  interest  of  a  citizen. 

Moreover,  he  naturally  felt  sore  against  the  Republican  Party,  it  being 
through  that  party  he  had  been  sued  to  return  to  the  Government  $119,000 
of  the  sum  it  claimed  his  company  had  defrauded  it  out  of  through  false 
sugar  weights,  as  has  been  shown  by  my  colleague,  and  besides  he  knew 
he  could  not  expect  free  sugar  from  the  Republican  Party.  How  much 
more  was  subscribed  by  the  Sugar  Trust  under  various  names  I  do  not 
know. 

It  can  safely  be  assumed  that  these  eastern  refiners  will  contribute  heavily 
to  the  next  national  Democratic  campaign  fund,  for  if  gratitude  does  not 
compel  them  to  do  so  self-interest  certainly  will.  (Senator  Thornton, 
Congressional  Record.) 

The  Broken  Promiso  to  Keep  Each  Great  Branch  of  Government  Within 
Its  Own  Bounds.  (Executive  Dictation.) 
We  believe  in  the  preservation  and  maintenance  in  their  full  strength  and 
integrity  of  the  three  co-ordinate  branches  of  the  Federal  Government — 
the  executive,  the  legislative,  and  the  judiciary — each  keeping  within  its  own 
bounds  and  not  encroaching  upon'  the  just  powers  of  either  of  the  others. 
(Democratic   platform,    1912.) 

Senator  O'Gorman  (Democrat),  of  New  York,  Rebels  at  Executive  Dicta- 
tion to  Congress  and  Sees  "Grave  Peril"  in  it  That  May  Produce  a 
"National  Catastrophe." 

Those  who  say  we  must  act  because  the  President  so  advises  have  a  very 
erroneous  conception  of  the  senatorial  office.  They  forget  our  powers  and 
responsibilities,  as  well  as  the  limitation  imposed  by  the  Constitution  on  the 
Executive.  We  are  too  important  a  branch  of  the  Government  to  aliow  uur 
action  to  be  controlled  by  the  request,  caprice,  or  dictation,  of  any  other 
branch  of  the  Government. 

Of  all  the  departments  the  Senate  is  the  only  body  possessing  legislative, 
executive,  and  judicial  functions.  With  the  House  we  legislate;  with  the 
President  we  share  the  duty  of  making  appointments  and  adopting  treaties; 
and  in  the  impeachment  of  public  officers  we  perform  judicial  functions.  I 
shall  never  tolerate  the  degradation  of  the  Senate.  I  shall  never  consent  to 
making  it  subordinate  or  subject  to  another  branch  of  the  Government.  The 
President  is  discharging  his  duty  as  he  sees  it.  He  has  his  duties  to  perform 
under  the  Constitution  and  I  have  mine.  No  one  impugns  his  honor  or 
patriotism.  I  simply  challenge  his  judgment.  It  can  not  be  vindicated,  and 
posterity  will  condemn  it. 

If  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  is  to  vote  blindly  with  regard  to 
great  public  questions,  trusting  alone  to  the  Executive,  and  acting  on  his 
judgment,  whether  right  or  wrong,  we  invite  a  danger  which  may  involve 
this  country  in  grave  peril  and  which  may  at  any  time  produce  a  national 
catastrophe. 

No  Senator  questions  the  patriotism  and  high  purposes  of  the  President, 
but  if  legislation  is  to  be  made  dependent  upon  his  will  alone,  no  one  can 
predict  the  mischief  to  which  a  precedent  will  expose  this  Government 
in  future  years.  The  welfare  of  one  hundred  millions  of  freemen  can  not 
be  dependent  upon  the  judgment  of  one  man.  For  the  making  of  the  laws 
of  the  Nation  Congress  is  responsible,  and  this  responsibility  can  not  be 
evaded.  The  fathers  of  the  Republic  wisely  placed  a  limitation  on  the 
power  of  the  Executive,  and  these  limitations  can  not  be  disregarded  without 
doing  violence  to  the  Constitvition  which  we  have  all  solemnly  sworn  to  up- 
hold.    (63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  Congressional  Record,  p.  8539-) 

Speaker  Clark  Refuses  to  Be  a  "Rubber-Stamp"   Representative,  and  Says 
the  President's  Leadership  Has  Its  Limitations. 
I   assume  that   every   Member  will   vote  honestly  the   way   dictated   by   his 
,   intellect  and  his  conscience;  but  why  should  I  be  denied  the  same  privilege? 


70  liEPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

No  man  here  should  be  a  "rubber-stamp"  Congressman.  I  refuse  absolutely 
to  be  either  a  "rubber-stamp"  Representative  or  a  "rubber-stamp"  Speaker. 
[Applause.]  If  I  did,  you  would  have  no  respect  ^r  me.  I  stand  for  the 
digrnity,  the  privileges,  the  immunities,  the  prerogatives,  and  the  good  name 
of  the  House  of  Representatives.  I  do  not  want  to  see  this  House  degraded 
by  passing,  right  or  wrong,  without  any  tenable  reason,  a  bill  which  re- 
verses our  solemnly  recorded  action  of  two  years  ago,  and  which  the 
Democrats  indorsed  at  Baltimore.     *     »     » 

One  of  tiie  wisest  things  the  fathers  did  was  to  distribute  the  powers  of 
government  among  three  departments— legislative,  judicial,  and  executive; 
and  they  endeavored  to  so  arrange  things  that  no  one  department  should 
encroach  upon  the  prerogatives  of  the  others. 

Under  this  system  of  checks  and  balances  certain  duties  are  devolved 
upon  the  President  which  he  is  sworn  to  discharge,  and,  truth  to  tell, 
President  Wilson  shows  no  reluctance  in  discharging  his  duties  and  exer- 
cising his  powers  to  the  utmost. 

When  he  was  elected  governor  of  New  Jersey  he  declared  that  he  had 
been  elected  leader  of  the  people  of  that  State.  When  he  was  elected 
President  he  declared  that  he  had  become,  ipso  facto,  leader  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States.  In  both  declarations  he  was  correct,  but  even  leader- 
ship has   its   limitations. 

I  am  willing  to  follow  where  he  leads  so  long  as  he  is  in  the  White 
House  and  so  long  as  he  does  not  ask  us  to  repudiate  a  plain  platform 
declaration,  and  there  I  draw  the  line. 

Under  our  system  a  national  convention  is  the  grand  inquest  of  a 
political  party,  the  highest  authority  for  the  declaration  of  party  principles, 
higher  than  President  or  congressional  caucuses;  indeed,  higher  than  Presi- 
dent and  congressional  caucuses  combined.  There  is  no  question  about 
that. 

The  fathers  also  devolved  upon  Congress  certain  duties  which  we  are 
sworn  to  discharge  faithfully  and  well,  duties  which  we  can  not  shirk  or 
fail  to  discharge  without  self-stultification  and  the  condemnation  of  the 
people  and  of   our   consciences. 

The  President  discharges  his  duties.  The  question  is,  Have  we  the 
wisdom,  the  courage  and  the  patriotism  to  discharge  ours?  If  not,  we 
should  make  way  for  men  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  '76,  to  the  end  that 
we  may  transmit  our  priceless  heritage  of  liberty  to  our  children  and  our 
children's  children  unimpaired.  (Speaker  Clark,  Congressional  Record, 
Mar.  31,  1914-) 

Congressman    Moon    (Democrat),    of    Tennessee,    Becomes    Impatient    of 
Executive  Control  of  Congress  and  the  Dictation  of  a  Department. 

I  do  not  know  the  origin  of  that  objection.  It  has  been  stated  upon  the 
floor  of  this  House  and  elsewhere  that  the  President  was  utterly  opposed  to 
it,  and  therefore  the  Members  under  his  direction  and  control  have  offered 
opposition  before  the  Committee  on  Rules,  or  before  the  Democratic  portion 
of  it,  to  the  consideration  of  this  question.  I  do  not  know  whether  that  is 
true  or  not.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  perhaps  it  is  not  true.  I  hope 
that  the  President  of  the  United  States  has  not  descended  to  the  poitit 
where  he  will  demand,  as  the  Executive  of  this  Government,  that  men  shall 
vote  in  accordance  with  his  will  and  not  in  accordance  witl^l  their  own  on 
this  floor,     I  can  not  believe  that  to  be  true. 

But,  sir,  there  have  been  other  influences.  There  is  nobody  in  public  life 
that  I  think  more  of,  personally,  than  the  Postmaster  General.  He  is  a 
most  estimable,  conscientious,!  and  able  man,  and  he  has  made  a  splendid 
Postmaster  General,  and  I  have  upheld  him  in  the  past  and  propose  in  the 
future  to  uphold  and  sustain  him  wherever  I  can.  But  I  think  that  when 
we  consider  the  differences  between  the  co-ordinate  branches  of  this  Govern- 
ment, the  power  of  each,  and  the  necessity  of  each  tO|  refrain  from  inter- 
fering with  the  functions  of  each  other  under  the  Constitution,  the  Post- 
master General  made)  a  slight  mistake  when  he  addressed  an  open  letter  to 
me,  as  chairman  of  this  committee,  in  opposition  to  that  section.  It  was 
well  that  he  might  voice  to  me  j/ersonally  or  hy  letter,  or  to  members  of  the 
committee,  his  objection;  but  when  that  objection  has  gone  so  far"  that  the 
Committee  on  Rules,  or  the  Democratic  part  of  it,  shall  make  a  visit  to  him 
and  take  the  dictation  of  the  department  and  decline  to  report  a  rule  here. 
it  is  going  a  little  further  than  I  am  willing  to  see  a  Democrat  or  anybody 
else  go. 

*  *  *  Let  me  tell  you  that  no  President,  however  great,  however 
powerful,  can,  for  the  purpose  of  enforcing  his  policies,  directly  or  in- 
directly, for  a  moment  attempt  to  influence,  according  to  his  will,  another 
co-ordinate  branch  of  the  Government,  without  bringing  his  administration 
into  disrepute. 

*  *  *  The  great  questions  upon  which  the  battle  between  the  parties 
was  fought,  in  my  opinion,  had  no  more  effect  than  that  one  proposition 
that  the  Government  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  was  being  admin- 
istered by  one  man  instead  of  one  executive,  one  legislative,  and  one 
judicial  branch  of  the  Government. 

Whether  there  is  any  merit  in  the  proposition  or  not.  we  must  preserve 
the  integrity,  the  dignity,  and  power  of  the  legislative  branch  of  the 
Government  or  you  will  sink  lower  in  the  estimation  of  a  great  and 
virtuous  people  than  you  are  now.  (Hon.  John  A.  Moon,  Congressional 
Record,  2d  scss.  63d  Cong.,  pp.  2279,  2280.) 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  71 

Senator  Shields  (Democrat),  of  Tennessee,  Against  a  "Change  of  Front" 
and  "Repudiation"  of  the  Democratic  Doctrine  of  State  Rights  Declared 
for  in  the  Democratic  Platform. 

And  the  last  announcement  of  the  party,  in  the  platformi  adopted  at  the 
convention  held  at  Baltimore  in  19 12,  is  iu  tlicse  words: 

"Believing  that  the  most  efficient  results  under  our  system  of  government 
are  to  be  obtained  by  the  full  exercise  by  the  States  of  their  reserved 
sovereign  powers,  we  denounce  as  usurpation  the  efforts  of  our  opponents 
to  deprive  the  State  of  any  of  the  rights  reserved  to  them  and  to  enlarge 
and  magnify  by  indirection  the  powers  of  the  Federal  Government." 

*  *  *  It  is  now  proposed  that  the  Senate,  in  which  the  Democratic 
Party  has  a  majority  and  under  ^  Democratic  administration,  enact  a  law 
controlling  the  nomination  of  candidates  for  the  office  of  Senator  to  repre- 
sent the  several  States,  and  thus  go  far  beyond  anything  that  has  heretofore 
ever  been  even  proposed  in  the  interference  of  the  domestic  and  local 
affairs  of  the  States.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  Senators,  whose 
l>redecessors  fovight  such  measures  for  more  than  half  a  century,  will 
change  front  upon  this  question,  and  whether  the  Democratic  Party  will 
repudiate  its  doctrine  that  "the  Federal  Government  is  one  of  limited  pow- 
ers, derived  solely  from  the  Constitution,"  and  that  it  is  "inexpedient  and 
dangerous  to  exercise  doubtful  constitutional  powers."  (Hon.  John  K. 
Shields,  Congressional  Recod,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  p.  3412.) 


The    Broken    Promise   to    Make    Public    the    Recommendations    on    Which 
Presidential   Appointments    Are    Made. 

We  commend  the  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  for  extending  the 
doctrine  of  publicity  to  recommendations,  verbal  and  written,  upon  which 
l>residential    appointments    are   made.      (Democratic   Platform,    1912.) 

Note. — On  the  vote  on  the  Senate  amendment  striking  out  the  Ctillop 
amendment,  providing  for  publicity  of  judgeship  indorsements,  the  ayes 
were  145,  nays  137.  One  hundred  and  one  Democrats  voted  against 
publicity.      (Congressional   Record,   Feb.   9,    1914,  p.   3348.) 

Congressman  Saunders  (Democrat),  of  Virginia,  on  the  "Publicity"  Plank, 
Says  Democrats  Are  Too  Ready  to  Abandon  Their  Principles  and 
Promises.  / 

Permit  me  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Democrats  of  this  Chamber  to 
tliis  feature  of  our  party  platform.  After  commending  the  Democratic 
House  of  Representatives  for  quite  a  number  of  things,  the  platform 
proceeded   to  say : 

"We  commend  the  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  for  extending 
the  doctrine  of  publicity  to  recommendations,  verbal  and  written,  upon 
which  presidential  appointments  are  made.'' 

A" or  was  the  platform  limited  to  a  specific  indorsement  of  the  Demo- 
cratic attitude  in  this  respect,  but,  in  order  to  assure  the  country  that 
what  we  had  declared  that  we  would  do  would  be  done  if  the  oppor- 
tunity for  action  was  afforded,  we  concluded  that  platform  in  the  following 
terms: 

"Our  platform  is  one  of  the  principles  which  we  believe  to  be  essential 
to  our  national  welfare.  Our  pledges  are  made  to  be  kept  when  in 
office  as  well  as  relied  upon  during  the  campaign,  and  we  invite  the 
co-operation  of  all  citizens,  regardless  of  party,  who  believe  in  main- 
taining unimpaired  the  institutions  and  traditions  of  our  country." 

After  emphasizing  the  things  that  we  commended  in  the  record  of 
the  Democratic  Party  by  reciting  them  in  orderly  succession,  we  held  out 
to  the  people  of  the  entire  United  States  the  assurance  that  if  the  op- 
portunity for  action  was  given  our  party  would  afford  to  the  world  an 
exemplification  of  a  party  that  not  only  made  promises  with  a  view  to 
getting  into  power,  but  of  a.  party  that  kept  and  maintained  those  prom- 
ises when   once   this   power   was   attained. 

Mr.   Campbell.      Will   the  gentleman  yield? 

Mr.  Saunders.     Yes. 

Mr.  Campbell.  Has  there  been  any, publicity  yet  of  any  indorsements 
that  have  been  made  to  the  President,  either  written  or  verbal,  for  any 
appointments  that  he  has  so  far  made? 

Mr.   Saunders.       I  do  not  know  whether  there  has  been  or  not. 

Mr,   Campbell.     I  ask  for  information. 

Mr.  Saunders.  I  can  only  reply  that  I  do  not  know ;  but  the  propo- 
sition before  the  House  is  one  which  requires  a  recession  on  our  part 
from  an  attitude  which  we  deliberately  and  with  full  knowledge  assumed 
on  several  occasions.  I  take  it  that,  unless  this  House  is  going  to 
make  itself  ridiculous  before  the  country,  we  will  not  yield  merely  because 
the  Senate  stands  pat.  No  sufficient  reasons  have  been  afforded  why  this 
recession  on  our  part  should  take  place.  I  am  not  discussing  in  this  con- 
nection the  right  of  Congress  to  enact  a  publicity  law,  for  the  simple 
reason  that  this  ground  has  been,  covered  heretofore ;  *  *  *  but  con- 
fine myself  for  the  present  to  the  proposition  that  when  the  Democratic 
Party  takes  an  attitude  in  a  party  platform,  they  have  pledged  their  faith 
to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  and  that  pledge  is  not  to  be  lightly 
withdrawn.  There  is  too  much  present  talk  about  abandoning  and  too 
much  apparent  readiness  to  abandon  the  principles  and  promises  that  we 
included  in  our  platform  of  191 2.  "Pledges  are  made  to  be  kept  when  in 
office  as  well  as  relied  upon  during  the  campaign."  (Hon.  E.  W.  Saunders, 
Congressional  Record,   63d   Cong.,   2d  sess.^  p.   3345) 


72  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK~1916 

Congressman  Thompson   (Democrat),   of  Oklahoma,  Does  Not  Understand 
How  Democratic   Leaders   Underwood  and   Palmer   Can  Ask   Democrats 
to  Violate  the  "Publicity"  Plank  of  thc(  Democratic   Platform. 
I    note,    Mr.    Speaker,    that    the    distinguished    gentleman    from    Pennsyl- 
vania [Mr.  Palmer]   and  the  great  leader  of  this  House    [Mr.  Underwood] 
voted  in  favor  of  the  Cullop  amendment  at  that  time.     I  do  not  understand 
with   what   consistency   they   can  come   before   tli:   House  at  this   time   and 
ask   the    Democrats   to   violate   a   platform   pledge    made   at  the    Baltimore 
convention  in  favor  of  publicity.     Mr.   Bryan,  the  great  leader  of  our  party 
in  three  great  national  campaigns — 1896,    1900,  and   1908 — had  this   to  say 
with  reference   to   the   votes   of  Democrats  on  that  Democratic  amendment 
offered  in  the  Sixty-second   Congress  by  the  distinguished  gentleman  from 
Indiana    [Mr.    Cullop]. 

The  Cullop  amendment  reads  as  follows : 

"Hereafter,  before  the  President  shall  appoint  any  district,  circuit,  or 
supreme  judge,  he  shall  make  public  all  indorsements  made  in  behalf  of 
any  applicant." 

The  distinguished  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Palmer]  and  the 
leader  of  this  House  [Mr,  Underwood]  advise  us  that  we  have  performed 
our  whole  duty  in  voting  in  favor  of  the  Cullop  amendment  during  the 
Sixty-third  Congress.  I  am  a  little  slow  to  follow  the  leadership  of  these 
distinguished  gentlemen,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  they  have  consistently 
voted  against  publicity  during  a  Democratic  administration,  while  always 
voting  for  it  when  it  was  impossible  during  a  Republican  administration. 

For  myself,  I  do  not  intend  to  make  a  promise  to  the  people  before 
election  and  refuse  to  live  up  to  it  after  the  election.  I  think  Mr.  Bryan 
more  clearly  and  forcibly  Stated  this  proposition  than  I  possibly  can  when 
he  said: 

"A  man  who  really  believes  that  the  President  should  be  permitted  to 
make  his  appointments  on  secret  recommendations  can  not  be  trusted  to 
represent  a  Democratic  constituency."  (Hon.  J.  B.  Thompson,  Congres- 
sional  Record,    63d   Cong.,    2d  sess.,   pp.   3346,    3347.) 

Congressman  Thomas  (Democrat),  of  Kentucky,  and  Burgess  (Democrat), 
of  Texas,  on  the  Democratic  "Publicity"  Plank  and  Its  Violation. 

Mr.  Thomas.     Will  the  gentleman  yield? 

Mr.   Burgess.      Yes. 

Mr.  Thomas.  I  want  to  ask  the  gentleman  if  it  is  not  a  fact  that  the 
Baltimore  platform  specihcally  declares  that  the  President  shall  make 
public  all  indorsements   for  district  judge? 

Mr.  Burgess.  Oh,  that  has  nothing  to  do  with  this  question.  I  want 
to  talk  about  the  Alaskan  railroad. 

Mr.   Thomas.      Is)  it  not   a   fact? 

Mr.  Burgess.     I  will  not  yield  for  that. 

Mr.  Thomas.  In  other  words,  the  gentleman  will  not  yield  when  he  is 
asked  about  anything  that  violates  the  Democratic  platform. 

Mr.  Burgess.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  to  say  that  every  Democrat  must 
be  bound  by  every  declaration  in  his  platform.  If  he  is  not  bound,  then 
nobody  is  bound;  and  what  is  the  use  of  making  it?  (Congressional 
Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  p.  3496.) 

Senator  James  (Democrat),  of  Kentucky,  and  Senator  O'Gormaa  (Demo- 
crat), of  New  York,  Chide  Each  Other  on  "Disloyalty"  to  Democratic 
Party  Obligations. 

Mr.  James.  If  I  recollect  the  Democratic  national  platform  of  191a 
correctly,  there  is  a  provision  in  it  which  says  that  all  recommendations 
of  judges  made  to  the  President  should  be  made  public.  My  understanding 
is  that  a  report  was  made  by  the  committee  of  which  the  Senator  from 
New  York  is  a  member,  which  struck  that  provision  from  the  law ;  and 
I  should  like  to  ask  the  Senator  whether  or  not  he  adhered  to  the  Balti- 
more platform  upon  that  provision? 

Mr.  O'Gorman  *  *  *  It  is  a  poor  defense  of  disloyalty  to  a  party 
obligation  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  there  have  been  other  de- 
partures  from  the  pledges  made  by  the  party. 

Mr.  James.  It  may  be  a  poor  defense,  but  it  seems  to  me  that  it  is 
quite  as  poor  a  defense  upon  the  part  of  the  Senator  from  New  York  to 
cling  tenaciously  to  one  principle  in  the  Democratic  platform  and  neglect  in 
legislation  other  principles  in  the  Democratic  platform.  (Congressional 
Record,  Mar.  27,1  1914.) 

The  Broken  Promise  of  "Freedom  of  Speech"  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. 

It  has,  among  other  achievements,  revised  the  rules  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  so  as"  to  give  the  Representatives  of  the  American  people 
freedom  of  speech  and  of  action  in  advocating,  proposing,  and  perfecting 
remedial  legislation.     (Democratic  platform,  1912.) 

Note. — The  Democratic  caucus,  on  April  8,  191 3.  by  a  vote  of  167  to  84, 
decided  that  its  sessions  should  be   in  secret  behind  closed  doors. 

Mr.  Underwood,  Democratic  Leader  of  the  House,  Protests  Against  a 
Democratic  "Gag"  Rule. 
I  regret,  of  course,  that  I  differ  with  the  President  of  the  United  States 
and  that  I  am  compelled  to  differ  with  many  of  my  colleagues  here.  But 
I  say  to  you  if  either  you  or  I  are  to  make  a  mistake  in  this  matter  let  it 
be  one  mistake.      Let  us  not.  to-day  turn  our  faces  against   the  principles 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  73 

we  fought  for;  let  us  not  close  our  ears  against  a  battle  cry  that  first  made 
a   Democratic   majority   in    this    House    possible. 

There  are  50  men  facing  me  on  the  floor  of  this  House  to-day  whose 
seats  would  be  occupied  by  Republicans  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  fight 
the  Democratic  Party  made  in  the  Sixty-first  Congress  against  an  un- 
reasonable exercise  of  the  power  of  cloture.  *  *  *  Xhe  American 
people  believe  in  what  I  say,  and  they  showed  their  belief  by  electing  a 
Democratic  Sixty-second  Congress. 

The  majority  of  this  House  has  the  right  to  legislate;  but  the  minority 
has  a  right  to  be  heard  and  to  propose  reasonable  amendments.  When 
you  deny  that  right  to  the  minority,  you  deny  it  in  the  face  of  the  action 
of  the  constituencies  that  sent  you  here  ♦  *  *  You  are  asked  to  fore- 
close your  judgment  on  one  of  the  most  important  questions  that  has  ever 
confronted  the  American  people  before  you  have  heard  the  debate  and 
before  you  have  seen  the  proposed  amendments.  You  are  not  only  asked 
to  adopt  a  rule  that  will  pass  in  this  House  what  the  President  of  the 
United  States  asks  for,  to  cut  away  from  our  coastwise  ships  the  right  of 
free  tolls,  but  you  are  asked  to  foreclose  this  question  as  to  all  shipping 
for  all  time  to  come. 

I  regret  to  differ  with  my  colleagues,  the  men  on  this  side  of  the  House 
who  have  upheld  my  hands.  I  do  not  question  your  honesty,  because  I 
know  that  no  man  ever  faced  a  set  of  men  who  possess  more  hojiesty  and 
courage  than  the  men  I  am  facing  to-day ;  but,  in  my  judgment,  you  are 
making  a  serious  mistake  to  adopt  this  cloture  rule,  and  I  would  not  be 
worthy  to  hold  your  commission  as  the  leader  on  this  side  of  the  House  if, 
believing  that  you  are  making  a  serious  mistake,  I  did  not  have  the 
courage  to  stand  here  and  tell  you  so,  in  spite  of  everything.  (Hon.  Oscar 
W.  Underwood,  Congressional  Record,  2d  scss.  63d  Cong.,  pp.  2956,  2957.) 

Senator  Hitchcock  (Democrat),  of  Nebraska,  Believes  That  the  "Demo- 
cratic Caucus  Has  Degenerated  Into  a  Political   Machine." 

To  my  mind  it  was,  to  say  the  least,  a  mistake  to  endeavor  in  a  Demo- 
cratic caucus  to  bind  the  individual  to  the  details,  for  instance,  of  the 
pending  section  providing  an  income  tax. 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  individual  Democrat,  like  the  individual  Repub- 
lican, ought  to  be  permitted  by  his  party  to  stand  here  and  vote  for  his 
convictions. 

After  all,  Senators  here  were  elected  to  the  Senate,  not  to  a  caucus, 
and  it  is  in  the  interest  of  the  public  welfare  that  great  questions  of  this 
sort  be  debated  in  public  and  decided  in  public,  particularly  when  we  are 
engaged  in  formative,  fundamental  legislation  of  this  sort. 

So,  Mr.  President,  it  seemed  to  me  a  mistake  when  my  party  undertook 
to  decide  the  details  of  the  income-tax  bill  in  the  caucus.  Still,  I  did  not 
leave  the  caucus  on  that  account.  I  left  the  caucus  when  I  asked  the 
privilege  of  being  permitted  in  the  open  Senate  to  introduce  a  legitimate 
amendment  for  the  taxation  of  trusts,  and  that  privilege  was  denied  me.  I 
asked  it  not  only  for  myself  but  I  asked  it  for  other  Democrats  on  this 
side  of  the  Chamber  who  believe  in  the  principle  and  want  to  see  it  en- 
grafted upon  the  pending  bill.  Those  men,  if  compelled  to  vote  against  my 
amendment,  which  I  am  here  to-day  to  urge,  will  have  difficulty  in  ex- 
plaining to  their  constituents  why  they  have  done  so.  It  is  not  right  for 
the  party  to  put  them  in  that  position  when  no  great  party  issue  is  involved. 

It  has  been  an  unpleasant  sight  to  me,  as  it  has  been  to  many  Demo- 
crats during  the  last  few  days  in  this  Chamber,  when  Senators  on  the 
Republican  side  of  the  Chamber  have  proposed  amendments  to  the  income 
tax  provision  that  appeal  to  the  sense  of  justice  and  appeal  to  the  judgment 
of  Senators  on  this  side,  but  who,  because  of  caucus  rule,  were  compelled 
to  vote  against  such  amendments.  I  do  not  think  that  is  a  worthy  sight 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  I  do  not  believe  it  is  right  to  bind 
individual  Senators  and  compel  them  to  vote  against  their  conscience  and 
their  judgment  upon  such  amendments  when  no  party  policy  is  involved. 

Mr.  President,  in  order  to  justify  myself  for  the  position  I  am  taking,  I 
shall  go  a  little  further,  and  perhaps  verge  upon  the  improper  in  reference 
to  the  Democratic  caucus  of  which  I  was  a  part.  Like  all  caucuses,  I 
believe  the  fact  to  be  that  our  Democratic  caucus  degenerated  into  a 
political  machine. 

I  did  not,  however,  ask  the  caucus  to  approve  my  amendment ;  I  asked  to 
be  left  free  to  offer  it  here  in  the  Senate,  and  I  asked  that  other  Demo- 
cratic Senators  be  left  free  to  vote  for  it  according  to  their  consciences  and 
their  judgment.     I  was  refused. 

The  votes  have  been  published,  so  I  am  revealing  none  of  the  secrets  of 
that  caucus  when  I  say  that  18  members  of  the  Senate  voted  for  my 
amendment  and  23  appeared  to  vote  against  it.  I  say  "appeared  because 
it  is  a  fact,  which  I  shall  take  the  liberty  of  stating,  that  the  nine  Demo- 
cratic m.embers  of  the  Committee  on  Finance  voted  as  a  unit,  regardless 
of  their  convictions.  So  we  have  a  wheel  within  a  wheel,  a  machine 
within  a  machine.  The  inner  machine  controlled  the  caucus.  The  vote  cast 
was  not  the  correct  expression  even  of  the  caucus.  (Senator  HitchcocK, 
Congressional  Record,  Aug.  29,   1913.) 

Congressman  Murray  (Democrat),  of  Oklahoma,  Denies  the  Right  of  the 
President  to  Determine  What  Is  Democracy,  and  Opposes  the  Demo- 
^c^atic  "Gag"  Rule  on  the  Tolls  Repeal  Bill. 

Mr.  Murray,  of  Oklahoma.  Mr.  .Speaker,  like  the  gentleman  from  Ala- 
bama [Mr.  Clayton],  I  take  this  position  because  I  am  a  Democrat.  Evi- 
dently between  us  there  is  a  difference  in  the  definition  of  "Democracy." 
He  doubtless  takes  the  Democracy  of  this  Nation  to  be  the  President.  I 
do  not.     I  deny  the  right  either  of  the   President  or  of  this  Congress  to 


74  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

determine  what  is  Democracy.  JJemocracy  is  made  in  a  representative 
convention  duly  assembled  by  the  people. 

We  are  here  asked  to  violate  our  pledges  twice  in  the  same  transaction — 
first,  by  a  "gag"  rule  that  will  not  permit  the  bill  to  be  amended  or  an 
amendment  to  be  offered,  a  thing  that  every  Democratic  nominee  down  to 
road  overseer  denounced  in  the  campaign  of  19 12. 

I  am  opposed  to  this  "gag"  rule,  moreover,  because  if  we  are  to  stab 
our  own  party  to  death  and  a  national  policy  of  free  "sees"  of  100  years, 
we  ought  to  have  more  time  in  which  to  commit  the  murder.  (Hon. 
William  H.  Murray,  Congressional  Record,  Mar.  27,  1914.) 

Congressman  Thompson  (Democrat),  of  Oklahoma,  Wants  to  Let  in  the 
Light  on  the  Democratic  Secret  Caucus. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  in  favor  of  the  widest  publicity  of  the  actions  of 
this  Congress.  I  am  in  favor  of  letting  the  people  know  what  we  do  in 
caucus  as  well  as  in  Congress.  If  what  I  do  does  not  respond  to  the 
best  interests  of  the  common  people — the  farmers  and  the  labormg  people — 
they  ought  to  know  it,  and  they  ought  to  send  a  man  here  who  will  in 
truth  and  in  fact  represent  their  views. 

In  conclusion,  let  me  say  that  there  ought  to  be  no  secret  caucus,  no 
vote  except  when  a  record  is  made.  The  people  are  entitled  to  know 
what  we  are  doing.  If  we  do  the  right  thing,  we  ought  to  be  glad  to 
let  the  people  know  we  have  done  right.  If  we  behind  closed  doors  and 
without  a  roll  call  do  the  wrong  thing,  the  people  ought  to  kick  down  the 
doors  and  find  what  we  are  doing.  I  for  one  am  willing  to  stand  or  fall 
by  what  is  right.  Can  those  who  vote  against  me  say  as  much?  T 
challenge  them  to  the  contest.  (Hon.  J.  B.  Thompson,  Congressional 
Record,  63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p.  3347) 

The  Broken  Promise  to  Return  to  "Economy." 

We  denounce  the  profligate  waste  of  the  money  wrung  from  the  people 
by  oppressive  taxation  through  the  lavish  appropriations  of  recent  Re- 
publican Congresses,  which  have  kept  taxes  high  and  reduced  the  pur- 
cliasing  power  of  the  people's  toil.  We  demand  a  return  to  that  sim- 
i>licity  and  economy  which  befits  a  democratic  government,  and  a  reduc- 
tion in  the  number  of  useless  offices,  the  salaries  of  which  drain  the  sub- 
stance of  the  people.      (Democratic  platform,  1912.) 

Senator    Tillman    (Democrat),    of    South    Carolina,    Warned    the    President 
Early  Against   Democratic   Extravagance. 
Senator  Tillman,  in  a  letter  to  Gov.  Wilson,  January  21,  1913,  said: 
"This   I  do  know,   Mr.   President,  that  if  the   Democrats   are  in  earnest 
about  reducing  expenditures,  it  is  an  easy   matter  to  do  it,  and  that,  too, 
without  crippling  the  Government.     It  will  mean  the  selection  of  Cabinet 
officers    who    will    not    be    complaisant,    but    intent    only    on    having    the 
CJovernraent    machine    work    smoothly,    accurately,    and    effectively    for   the 
people's  benefit  and  not  for  the  benefit  of  the  officeholders.      The  estimates 
arc   all   made   up   by   the    Cabinet    officers,    and    appropriations    are    always 
itased   on  estimates,   or  supposed  to  be,   unless   they   come  as  independent 
propositions   from   the  floor   of  the   Senate  itself.     I  know  you  understand 
the  importance  of  a  loyal  Cabinet  in  sympathy  with  this  idea  of  economy." 
(Congressional  Record,  1st  sess.  63d  Cong,  p.  31.) 

President  (Then  Governor)  Wilson,  the  First.  Last,  and  Only  Time  He  Is 
on  Record  (on  Economy)  Since  His  Election  as  President,  Promised  to 
Confer  With  His  "Legislative  Colleagues,"  With  a  View  to  Bringing 
Some  Budget  System  Into  Existence — His  "Legislative  Colleagues" 
Turned  Down  the  Proposition  for  a  Budget  System  in  a  Secret  Demo- 
cratic Caucus. 

In  his  reply  to  Senator  Tillman  Gov.  Wilson,  after  naming  the  Appropri- 
ations Committee  as  the  committee  on  which  the  Senate,  as  its  head,  could 
"be  of  the  greatest  and  most  constant  service,"  said: 

"Ever  since  I  was  a  yotingster  I  have  been  deeply  interested  in  our 
methods  of  financial  legislation.  Ever  since  then  I  have  insisted  upon  the 
absolute  necessity  of  a  carefully  considered  and  wisely  planned  budget,  and 
one  of  the  objects  I  shall  have  most  in  mind  when  I  get  to  Washington 
will  be  conferences  with  my  legislative  colleagues  there  with  a  view  to 
bringing  some  budget  system  into  existence."  (Congressional  Record,  ist 
sess.  63d  Cong.,  p.  31.) 

Senator  Williams  (Democrat),  of  Mississippi,  Observes  Some  Democratic 
Acrobatic  Stunts  With  the  "Economy"  Plank. 
The  Democratic  Party  gallivanted  around  the  country  through  .its  stump 
speakers  and  has  announced  that  it  proposes  to  economize  in  governmental 
expenditures.  «  *  *  And  the  minute  we  have  a  change  in  the  admin- 
istration you  begin  to  crowd  us  to  increase  the  expenditures  instead  of 
cutting  them  off.      (Congressional  Record,  ist  sess.  63d  Cong.,  p.   273.) 

Senator  Thomas  (Democrat),  of  Colorado,  Not  Only  Would  Apologize  to 
the  Republican  Party,  But  Would  Acknowledge  and  Confess  That  the 
Democratic  Party  Was  Engaged  in  a  Campaign  of  Deception  in  Regard 
to  Public  Expenditures. 

*  *  *  If  I  had  been  here,  I  would  have  said  then  what  I  am  saying 
now,  my  purpose  being,  so  far  as  I  am  individually  concerned,  to  record 
a  protest  against  what  seems  to  me  to  be  a  disregard,  if  not  a  violation, 
of  one  of  the  planks  of  the  Baltimore  platform  upon  which  the  Democratic 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK -1916  75 

Party  came  into  power.  We  either  meant  what  we  said  then  or  we  dul 
not.  If  we  meant  wliat  we  said,  let  us  try  to  live  up  to  it;  if  we  did  not, 
the  sooner  we  acknowledge  the  fact  and  confess  that  the  Democratic  Party 
was  engaged  in  a  campaign  of  deception  in  so  far  as  public  expenditures 
are  concerned,  the  better  it  will  be  for  us  and  for  the  country.     *     *     * 

The  aggregate  appropriations  of  the  United  States  Government  are 
appalling,  and  they  are  increasing  by  leaps  and  bounds.  In  fact,  the 
tendency  everywhere  seems  to  be  to  make  demands  upon  the  Treasury 
of  the  United  States,  not  only  for  public  but  for  private  purposes.  The 
Treasury  is  regarded  as  a  fountain  of  mercy,   free  to  all.     *     *     * 

*  *  *  I  realize  the  tendency  and  the  direction  of  the  Democratic 
majority.  Unless  we  place  some  restriction  upon  our  wholesale  and 
indefinite  appropriations— because  some  of  these  items  are  indefinite,  as  I 
may  show  hereafter — the  people  will  very  justly  and  very  properly  hold  us 
to  account,  and  our  opponents  will  be  able  to  draw  a  contrast  between 
their  own  administration  of  public  affairs  and  ours  that  will  not  in  the 
slightest  degree  be  favorable  or  flattering  to  us. 

*  *  *  We  not  only  accused  them  [the  Republican  Party],  we  de- 
nounced them  for  a  "profligate  waste  of  the  money  wrung  from  the  people 
by  oppressive  taxation  through  the  lavish  appropriations  *  *  *  which 
have  kept  taxes  high  and  reduced  the  purchasing  power  of  the  people's 
toil." 

That  was  either  true,  Mr.  President,  or  it  was  false.  If  it  was  true 
we  certainly  should  not  pay  the  Republican  Party  the  compliment  of 
servile  imitation.  If  it  was  false,  we  should  apologize  to  the  Republican 
Party  for  this  denunciation  upon  which  we  went  to  the  people  and  asked 
for  their  votes. 

Mr.   Smoot.     Mr.   President 

Mr.  Thomas.  But  we  are  imitating  that  policy  by  increasing  all  ap- 
propriations ;  in  other  words,  to  use  a  slang  expression,  we  are  "seeing  the 
Republican  Party  and  going  them  one  better."  I  yield  to  the  Senator 
from   Utah. 

Mr.  Smoot.  Mr,  President,  I  merely  wish  to  suggest  to  the.  Senator  in 
that  connection  that  perhaps  it  would  be  well  to  state  that  the  appropri- 
ations this  year  will  be  at  least  $100,000,000  more  than  the  appropriations 
for  any  one  year  in  the  history  of  this  country. 

Mr.  Overman.  How  does  the  Senator  know  that  when  the  appropriation 
bills  have  not  been  passed? 

Mr.  Smoot.  I  will  say  to  the  Senator  that,  if  after  all  the  appropriation 
bills  have  been  passed  it  turns  out  that  I  am  mistaken,  I  would  like  him 
to  call  my  attention  and  also  the  attention  of  the  Senate  to  it. 

Mr.  Overman.  I  will  do  so,  and  I  think  the  Senator  will  need  to  make 
an  apology  then,  because  I  do  not  think  the  appropriations  will  be  any- 
thing like  the  amount  he  suggests. 

Mr.  Thomas.  If  it  should  so  turn  out,  I  presume  we  will  have  to  take 
refuge  in  Lord  Clive's  celebrated  apology  and  "stand  astonished  at  our 
own  moderation."  (Hon.  Charles  S.  Thomas,  Congressional  Record,  2d 
sess.  63d  Cong.,  pp.  4951,  4952,  4953) 

Congressman  Sisson  (Democrat),  of  Mississippi,  Prophesies  and  Apologizes 
— "We  Will  Expend  More  Money  This  Year  Than  Ever  Before  in  Any 
One  Year" — "We  Have  Wrongfully  Criticized  the  Republican  Party  and 
Ought  to  Apologize  to  Them." 

You  all  recall  that  some  years  ago,  within  the  recollection  of  every  man 
on  the  floor  of  this  House,  the  newspapers  headlined  a  billion-dollar 
Congress,  and  it  was  like  a  fire  bell  at  night.  Mr.  Reed  was  Speaker, 
and  we  were  spending  a  billion  dollars  in  one  Congress,  or  $500,000,000  a 
year.  You  Republicans  will  remember  how  the  changes  were  rung  then 
all  over  the  country  against  you.  You  will  remember  Mr.  Reed's  laconic 
reply,  to  the  effect  that  we  had  a  billion-dollar  Government.  That  was  the 
only  answer  that  could  be  made  to  the  proposition.  Now  the  Democrats 
are  in  power,  and  I  am  afraid,  gentlemen  of  the  House,  that  we  will 
expend  more  money  this  year  than  has  ever  been  expended  in  the  history 
of  this  Government  before  in  any  one  year.  Perhaps  it  may  be  necessary 
and  the  people  may  be  demanding  it,  but  if  that  is  true,  we  have  wrong- 
fully criticized  the  Republican  Party,  and  we  ought  to  apologize  to  them 
for  charging  them  with  spending  money  and  being  criminally  extravagant 
in  the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  this  Government.  (Hon.  T.  U. 
Sisson,   Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.   63d  Cong.,  p.   178.) 

Congressman  Sisson  (Democrat),  of  Mississippi,  Again  Apologizes,  and 
Can  Not  Find  an  Adjective  Strong  Enough  to  Apply  to  Democratic 
Extravagance. 

Principle  has^gone  to  the  four  winds  of  the  earth,  and  we  are  writing 
ourselves  down  in  the  history  of  the  country  as  being  the  most  outrageously 
and  most  criminally  extravagant  Congress  that  ever  sat  on  the  American 
Continent  *  *  *  j  gaid  that  in  a  speech  before  in  the  last  session,  and 
when  I  made  that  speech  Members  of  the  Democratic  House  came  to  me 
and  asked  me  not  to  put  it  into  the  Record  because  it  would  be  used  by  the 
Republicans  in  their  campaign  book.  Let  them  use  it.  *  *  *  You 
may  use  the  statement  now,  gentlemen,  because  when  Democrats  get  to  be 
so  violently  extravagant  that  it  makes  its  own  record  look  bad  as  com- 
pared to  the  very  marked  record  of  the  Republicans,  I  must  apologize 
to  you  Republicans  for  having  ever  vised  the  words  "criminally  extrava- 
Rant"  in  criticizing  the  appropriations  that  you  made,  for  if  that  expression 
"criminally  extravagant"  was  proper  to  apply  to  you,  my  God,  the  English 
language   has   never   found  an   adjective  strong  enough   to   apply   to   Demo- 


76  REPUBIJCAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

cratic   extravagance.      (Hon.  T.   U.    Sisson,   Congressional    Record,  Apr.   3, 
1914,  p.  6845.) 

Senator  Thomas  (Democrat),  of  Colorado,  Learns  That  There  Was  No 
Dissent  From  the  "Economy"  Plank  of  the  Democratic  Platform. 

Mr.  Thomas.  Mr.  President,  I  merely  wish  to  ask  the  Senator  from 
New  York  a  question.  I  have  discovered  in  the  Democratic  platform  a 
plank  pledging  the  party  to  rigid  economy  in  public  expenditures,  and  I 
should  like  to  inquire  whether  at  Baltimore  there  was  any  dissent  from 
that  plank  in  the  platform  when  it  was  reported  out  of  the  committee? 

Mr.  O'Gorman.     None  at  all.     (Congressional  Record,  Mar.  27,  1914.) 

Senator  Vardaman    (Democrat),   of  Mississippi,   Says    "Little    Regard   Has 

Been    Shown  for  the   Democratic   Platform   Promises   on   the  Subject  of 

Economy." 

*  *  *  The  high  cost  of  living,  the  depression  in  business,  and  the 
general  demoralization  of  trade  throughout  the  entire  country  should 
cause  the  Congress  to  hesitate  before  taking  action  and  to  consider  care- 
fully what  the  effect  upon  the  already  overburdened  taxpayers  will  be  if 
this  additional   tax   shall  be  levied. 

The  Congress  has  already  appropriated  more  money  than  it  should  have 
appropriated.  Little  regard  has  been  shown  for  the  Democratic  platform 
promises  on  the  subject  of  economy.  (Hon.  J.  K.  Vardaman,  Congres- 
sional Record,  63d  Cong.,  ad  sess.,  p.   17676.) 

Congressman  Cox  (Democrat),  of  Indiana,  Predicts  Direct  Taxes  as  the 
Result  of  Democratic  Extravagance,  and  Says,  "These  Appropriations 
Are  Coming  Home  to  Roost  Upon  Us.  They  Are  Going  to  Roost  on 
Our  Heads." 

In  the  appropriation  of  $500,000  last  year  that  was  the  regulation  re- 
quired by  the  Agricultural  Department  and  the  Post  Office  Department, 
whereby  'the  Government  put  in  a  dollar  and  the  State  or  Subdivisions 
thereof  put  in  $2.  These  appropriations  are  coming  home  to  roost 
upon  us.  They  are  going  to  roost  on  our  heads.  Mark  what  I  tell 
you.  Even  the  Republican  party  back  in  1908  found  that  they  did 
not  have  enough  ground  on  which  to  stand  and  meet  the  expenses  of 
the  Government,  and  so  they  enacted  a  corporation  tax  which  brought 
in  $30,000,000  in  the  way  of  revenue  to  the  United  States.  We  have 
revised  the  tariff,  and  how  large  a  revenue  it  is  going  to  bring  I  do 
not  know.  We  have  enacted  an  income  tax,  and  as  for  the  amount  of 
revenue  that  is  an  experiment,  and  how  much  it  will  bring  I  do  not 
know,  neither  does  anyone  else.  We  are  going  to  come  to  this  point  in  a 
very  few  years  if  we  adopt  this  policy  of  the  Government  paying  half 
and  the  State  paying  half— we  are  coming  to  direct  taxes.  There  is 
absolutely  no  escape  from  it,  and  whenever  that  time  comes  the  people 
will  ask  us,  AVhat  has  become  of  these  appropriations-;-what  have  you  got 
to  show  for  it?  The  moment  we  reach  direct  taxation  for  the  suppoit 
of  the  Federal  Government  there  will  not  be  a  Member  of  Congress 
left  to  tell  the  tale.  Every  man  will  be  defeated.  (Hon.  W.  E.  Cox,  Con- 
gressional Record,   63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,   p.    3366.) 

Congressman  Fitzgerald  (Democrat),  of  New  York,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Appropriations,  Is  Tempted  to  Quit  Congress  When  He 
Thinks  of  the  "Horrible  Mess"  "This  Band  of  Treasury  Looters"  Has 
Made. 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  may  seem  somewhat  strange,  but  I  hope  it  is  not  out  of 
place,  to  remind  Members  on  this  side  of  the  House  that  the  Democratic 
platform  pledged  us  in  favor  of  economy  and  to  the  abolishment  of 
useless  offices ;  but  it  did  not  declare,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  party 
favored  economy  at  the  expense  of  Republicans  and  the  abolition  of  use- 
less offices  in  territory  represented  in  this  House  by  Republicans  while 
favoring  a  different  doctrine  wherever  a  Democratic  Representative 
would  be  affected.  In  a  few  months  I  shall  be  called  upon  in  the 
discharge  of  my  official  duties  to  review  the  record  that  this  Democratic' 
House  shall  have  made  in  its  authorization  of  the  expenditure  of  the 
public  moneys.  Whenever  I  think  of  the  horrible  mess  that  I  shall  be 
called  upon  to  present  to  the  country  on  behalf  of  the  Democratic  party 
I  am  tempted  to  quit  my  place.  I  am  looking  now  at  Democrats  who 
seem  to  take  amusement  in  soliciting  votes  on  the  floor  of  this  House 
to  overturn  the  Committee  on  Appropriations  in  its  efforts  to  carry  out  the 
pledges  of  the  Democratic  platform.  They  seem  to  take  it  to  be  a  huge 
joke  not  to  obey  their  platform  and  to  make  ridiculous  the  efforts  of  the 
members  of  our  party  who  do  try  to  live  up  to  the  promises  they  made 
to  the  people.  I  know  that  some  Members  on  this  side  are  voting  con- 
tinually for  appropriations  because  they  fear  the  wrath  of  the  public  if 
they  do  not  vote  out  of  the  Public  Treasury  assistance  for  everything  any 
one  suggests.  I  have  in  my  hand  a  letter  which  is  somewhat  characteristic 
of  the  correspondence  which  I  receive  daily. 

If  I  placed  my  political  fortunes  above  my  sworn  duty  under  the  law,  I 
would  not  attempt  to  carry  out  the  promises  of  the  Democratic  platform, 
but  I  should  place  myself  at  the  head  of  this  band  of  Treasury  looters  upon 
every  occasion.     *     *     * 

It  is  some  effort  for  me  to  speak,  and  I  should  not  attempt  to  do  so  if  I 
did  not  feel  that  my  colleagues  upon  the  floor  seem  eithdr  to  be  so  in- 
different to  a  very  perilous  situation  for  our  party,  or  else,  which  I  do  not 
wish  to  believe,  have  so  far  forsaken  Democratic  practices  and  Democratic 
principles  as  not  to  deserve  to  continue  in  control  of  this  Government.     I 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  77 

would  not  attempt  to  speak  under  these  circumstances  if  I  did  not  hope, 
Mr.  Chairman,  to  awaken  them  to  a  realization  of  what  the  situation  is. 
*  *  *  If  we  are  to  be  swayed  from  our  duty  by  the  appeal  of  every 
misinformed  or  misguided  man,  or  if  we  are  to  vote  appropriations  merely 
because  some  popular,  well-liked,  attractive  Member  of  the  House  urges  us 
to  do  so,  then  we  shall  surely,  Mr.  Chairman,  make  such  a  record  in  this 
House  as  not  only  to  invite  but  to  deserve  the  condemnation  of  the  country. 
We  charged  the  Republicans  for  12  years  of  my  service  in  the  House 
under  Republican  administration  with  being  gi'ossly  extravagant  and 
reckless  in  the  expenditure  of  the  public  money.  I  believed  that  charge 
to  be  true.  I  believed  that  my  party,  when  placed  in  power,  would  demon- 
strate that  the  charges  we  had  made  in  good  faith  were  true.  We  are 
entitled  to  the  help  and  to  the  support  of  the  Members  on  this  side  of  the 
House  in  honest  efforts  to  carry  out  the  pledges  of  the  Democratic  Party, 
and  in  our  attempts  to  show  that  what  we  charged  in  order  to  get  in  power 
was  true.  We  have  not  had  that  support.  Our  Democratic  colleagues 
have  not  given  that  support  to  us  thus  far  during  this  session  of  Congress. 
They  have  voted  against  recommendations  they  shovild  not  have  voted 
against.  They  have  unnecessarily  piled  up  the  public  expenditures  until 
the  Democratic  Party  is  becoming  the  laughing  stock  of  the  country. 
(Hon.  John  J.  Fitzgerald,  Congressional  Record,  Apr.    10,   igi^.) 

Congressman  Fitzgerald  (Democrat),  of  New  York,  Upbraids  His  Demo- 
cratic Colleagues  Elected  on  a  Democratic  "Economy"  Plank  Who  Pro- 
pose an  Enormous  Increase  of  Offices  and  of  Salaries. 

*  *  *  At  least  it  is  true  on  this  side  of  the  House,  because  the 
burden  is  upon  our  shoulders,  gentlemen,  and  I  would  like  to  call  attention 
to  the  platform  on  which  we  ran  the  last  time,  and  I  would  like  to  call 
attention  to  the  platform  of  1908,  when  we  deliberately  burned  the  Re- 
publican Party  in  words  for  its  extravagance ;  and  yet  men  who  were 
elected  upon  that  platform  last  fall  come  upon  the  floor  of  this  House  here 
and  propose  to  increase  the  number  of  clerks  from  2,000  to  7,000,  and 
increase  the  pay  $100  per  man.  There  is  no  need  of  it;  there  is  no 
necessity  for  it.  *  *  *  (Hon.  John  J.  Fitzgerald,  Congressional 
Record,  63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p.  2055.) 

Congressman  Page  (Democrat),  of  North  Carolina,  in  Disgust  at  the  Ex- 
travagance of  His  Democratic  Colleagues  Suggests  the  "Recall"  of  the 
Committees  Handling  Appropriations. 

It  seems  to  me  it  is  time  that  gentlemen  on  this  side  of  the  House  stand 
by  those  committees  that  are  endeavoring  to  carry  out  the  party's  pledges, 
and  it  is  time  that  Members  and  organizations,  often  on  the  part  of  men 
on  this  side  of  the  House,  should  cease  to  attempt  to  break  up  an  effort 
to  economize  in  the  expenditure  of  the  public  funds.  I  think  it  is  time 
that  some  one  should  say  it  to  the  Democratic  membership  of  this  House  ; 
and  I  say  if  the  gentleman  from  Oklahoma  [Mr.  Ferris],  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Public  Lands,  or  any  other  Member  as  an  individual  or 
representing  an  organization,  can  come  in  here  and  overthrow  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  committees  that  have  investigated  the  needs  of  the 
public  service,  then  it  is  time  that  you  dismiss  us  ;  then  it  is  time  that  you 
dismiss  those  committees  that  have  supervision  of  these  appropriations  and 
take  the  estimates  that  are  sent  here  by  the  executive  departments  of  the 
Government  and  enact  them  directly  into  law.  (Hon.  R.  N.  Page,  Con- 
gressional Record,  63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p.  11879.) 

Congressman  Roddenbery  (Democrat),  of  Georgia,  Since  Deceased,  Pro- 
phetically Declared  That  the  Democratic  Party  Would  Demonstrate 
"That  We  Can  Reduce  the  Tariff  and  at  the  Same  Time  Increase  Ap- 
propriations." y 

We  have  reformed  the  rules  of  the  House  so  that  the  people  of  this 
country  can  get  action  from  their  Representatives.  Why,  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois,  Mr.  Foss,  who  presided  over  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs 
on  the  Republican  side  for  many  years,  was  never  able  to  get  over  $123,- 
000,000  for  the  Navy,  and  before  our  President  comes  into  office  we  have 
got  $140,000,000  under  our  reformed  rules,  and  we  are  legislating  for  the 
people  on  economical  lines.  We  are  going  to  demonstrate  to  the  great  ex- 
chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  [Mr.  Payne]  that  we  can 
reduce  the  tariff  and  at  the  same  time  incre^ase  the  appropriatic^s.  *  *  * 
Oh,  do  not  go  about  chiding  us  for  discarding  our  eco'^omy  platform  that 
said :  "We  denounce  the  Republican  Party's  reclr'.cis  and  profligate  ex- 
penditure of  the  people's  money."  That  platform  was  made  *  *  *  to 
get  ir  to  office  on — and  we  have  won.  (Hon.  S.  A.  Roddenbery,  Congres- 
sional Record,  3d  sess.  62d  Cong,,  p.  4618.) 

Congressman    Fitzgerald     (Democrat),    of    New    York,    Chairman    of    the 
,  House    Committee    on    Appropriations,    Lectures    the    Executive    Depart- 
ments  on   Economy,  and   Says  if  Increasing  Expenditures  Are  Not  Cur- 
tailed Democrats  Will  Become  "The  Laughing  Stock  of  the  Coantry." 
If   that   declaration   was   good    Democratic   doctrine   before   election   day, 
Mr,    Chairman,    it    is   good    Democratic   doctrine   now   that   the    Democratic 
Party    has    come    into    power.      Such    promises,    however,    can    not    be    per- 
formed   and    this    pledge    can    not    be    kept    unless    those    in    the    executive 
branches    of    the    Government    co-operate    with    the    legislative    branch    and 
conduct   the    Government    efficiently    and    economically.      It   is   the   duty    of 
this  House,  more  than  of  any  other  branch  of  the  Government  to  scrutinize 
with   care   the   estimates   that   are    submitted   for   the   conduct   of  the   public 
service,  and  to  insist  that  officials   in  the  executive  departments  shall  con- 


78  KEPITBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

duct  their  various  service*?  within  the  amounts  determined  by  the  Congress 
to  be  sufficient  to  meet  their  needs.  Any  other  system  in  this  country 
means  extravagance  run   riot. 

*  *  *  The  control  of  the  purse  under  the  Constitution  is  primarily 
in  this  House,  the  body  which  represents  most  directly  the  people  of  the 
country,  and  the  responsibility  is  primarily  upon  this  House  to  see  to  it 
that  moneys  shall  only  be  appropriated  for  legitimate  functions  of  the 
Federal  (Government  and  shall  be  expended  with  that  care  and  frugality 
which  befits  a  democratic  government. 

I  make  this  statement  at  this  time,  Mr.  Chairman,  because  the  time 
is  at  hand  when  the  Members  of  this  House,  particularly  those  in  the 
majority,  must  take  some  efTective  steps  to  curtail  the  rapidly  increasing 
expenditures  of  the  Government  if  the  party,  in  view  of  the  declaration  in 
the  platform  I  have  just  read,  is  not  to  become  the  laughing  stock  of  the 
country. 

Mr.  Cox.  If  this  extravagance — if  it  may  be  called  extravagance — these 
enormous  appropriations  are  not  stopped  in,  some  way,  does  not  the  gentle 
man  believe  that  in  the  course  of  a  short  period  of  time  the  Government 
will  have  to  come  to  a  system  of  direct  taxation,  such  as  it  had  in  1861. 
to  carry  on  the  war? 

Mr.  Fitzgerald.  Mr.  Chairman,  while  I  do  not  desire  to  commit  myself 
to  the  form  of  taxation  to  which  it  would  be  necessary  to  resort  in  order 
to  meet  these  increased  obligations,  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the  Govern- 
ment would  not  speedily  resort  to  direct  taxation.  The  ingenuity  of  legis- 
lators has  not  yet  been  exhausted  in  devising  means  to  extract  money  from 
the  people  in  taxation  by  such  indirect  methods  that  they  will  not  realize 
that  they  are  paying  taxes.     »     *     ♦ 

The  only  unpopular  tax  is  the  tax  that  the  individual  is  convinced  he 
pays  himself.  He  is  indifferent  to  taxation  so  long  as  he  believes  or  is 
convinced  that  some  one  else  must  bear  the  burden.  (Hon.  J.  J.  Fitz- 
gerald, Congressional  Record,  63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p.  4015.) 

Senator  John  Sharp  Williams  (Democrat),  of  Mississippi,  Says  If  the 
Alaskan  Railroad  Bill  Is  the  March  of  Democratic  Economical  Progress, 
How  Are  Increased  Taxes  to  Be  Avoided? 

Mr.  President,  I  want  to  say  a  few  words  especially  to  this  side  of  the 
Chamber.  The  Democratic  Party  has  just  gone  into  power,  and  among 
other  things  that  it  has  promised  is  an  economical  administration  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  as  economical  as  possible  consonant  wit!i 
efficiency  and  consonant  with  progressive  legislation. 

Here  is  a  bill  to  devote  $40,000,000 — four-fifths  of  the  entire  income  tax 
of  the  United  States  to  one  outlying  and  poor  and  unpopulated  Territor> . 
If  that  is  the  march  of  economical  progress  you  are  going  to  start  upon, 
where  are  you  going  to  stop,  and  when  and  how  are  you  going  to  avoid 
increasing  either  tariff  taxes  or  income  taxes  in  this  country  ? 

I  know  that  in  this  bill  it  is  covered  up,  that  it  is  proposed  to  issue 
bonds  to  do  it ;  that  you  shall  tax  posterity  upon  the  general  principle  tliat 
"posterity  never  did  anything  for  you,  and  therefore  you  do  not  need  to  do 
anything  for  posterity."  If  you  are  going  to  pay  out  money,  it  ought  to  be 
paid  out  of  the  money  now  on  deposit  in  the  national  banks  to  the  credit 
of  the  United  States  Government.  No  sensible,  sane  individual  who 
wanted  to  spend  $40,000,000  and  had  the  $40,000,000  lying  in  hand  would 
go  out  and  borrow  it  and  pay  interest  for  it.  The  sole  object  of  the  bond 
provision  is  to  conceal  the  cost  from  the  present  generation — to  cover  it  up 
and  hide  it  and  fool  the  American  people.  So  much  for  that  branch  of  the 
question.  (Hon.  John  Sharp  Williams,  Congressional  Record,  63d  Cong., 
2d  sess.,  p.  2174.) 

Congressman  Sherley  (Democrat),  of  Kentucky,  Fears  the  Democratic 
Leader,  Mr.  Underwood,  Is  Qualifying  for  Service  in  the  Senate,  "Whose 
Chief  Work  Is  Not  in  the  Interest  of  Economy." 

The  gentleman  from  Alabama  [Mr.  Underwood]  undertakes  to  make  a 
comparison  between  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  Hot  Springs  Reserva- 
tion. There  is  no  real,  just  basis  for  such  a  comparison.  *  *  *  I  fear 
that  the  gentleman  from  Alabama  is  qualifying  himself  for  service  in  that 
other  body,  whose  chief  work  is  not  in  the  interest  of  economy ;  and  I  ask 
this  body,  which  is  charged  with  the  duty  of  holding  down  expenditures — I 
ask  those  on  this  side,  who  have  made  some  claim  to  economical  tendencies 
— to  hesitate  before  we  agree  to  lay  on  the  Government  the  entire  cost  of 
an  elaborate  sewerage  system,  a  system  more  elaborate  than  is  necessary, 
even  if  one  is  built.  (Hon.  Swagar  Sherley,  Congressional  Record,  July 
31,   I9M-) 

Congressman  Fitzgerald   (Democrat),   of  New  York,  Says  That  Sometimes 
Somebody  Should  Remember  the  Democratic  Economy  Pledge. 

I  do  not  believe,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  this  is  the  year  for  the  Democratic 
Party  to  be  indulging  in  wholesale  increase  of  compensation.  This  pro- 
vision only  meant  a  difference  of  $50  a  year  to  each  individual,  but  it 
meant  $2,700,000  added  to  the  expense  of  the  Postal  Department.  Among 
the  pledges  made  by  the  Democratic  Party  in  the  last  campaign  sometime -i 
somebody  should  remember  that  one  of  them  was  a  pledge  to  condtict  the 
Government  economically.  I  hope  it  will  be  thought  of  more  and  morr 
before  the  session'  is  ended.  (Hon.  John  J.  Flitzgerald,  Congressional 
Record,  63d  Cong.,  ad  sess.,  p.  3282.) 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  79 

Congressman  Cox  (Democrat),  of  Indiana,  Does  Not  Believe  Democrats 
"Can  Justify  This  Wild  Extravagance  With  the  People's  Money." 
*  *  *  I  have  given  this  question  thorough  study,  and,  as  a  result  of 
my  investigations,  1  unhesitatingly  state  that  the  increase  in  salary  is  un- 
justifiable, can  not  be  defended ;  and,  in  my  judgment,  when  the  people  of 
the  Nation  wake  up  to  the  situation  they  will  hold  us  responsible  for  it. 

I  do  not  believe  we  can  justify  this  wild  extravagance  with  the  people's 
money.  While  the  political  exigencies  of  our  party  may  be  great  in  the 
way  of  procuring  nominations  and  re-elections  to  Congress,  yet  I  oppose 
this  way  of  making  appropriations.  It  is  unfair  to  the  taxpayers  of  this 
country,  and  I  desire  to  protest  against  it  in  the  most  vigorous  and  positive 
language  possible.  If  I  were  talking  for  home  consumption,  I  would  keep 
my  mouth  shut  and  say  nothing  about  it,  because  I  have  a  large  number 
of  rural-route  carriers  traveling  all  over  my  district  six  days  in  every  week, 
and  no  doubt  they  will  be  electioneering  against  me.  But  I  can  not,  in 
the  discharge  of  my  duty,  remain  idly  by  and  see  the  people  burdened  to 
the  extent  of  practically  four  and  a  half  millions  a  year  by  a  class  of  people 
that,  in  my  judgment,  are  already  receiving  a  sufficient  salary.  Two  or 
three  years  ago  we  were  denouncing  the  Republican  Party  on  the  floor  of 
the  House  as  plundering  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  in  their  wild, 
extravagant  appropriations,  and  we  have  denounced  them  time  and  time 
again  in  the  most  vehement  language  in  our  platforms,  and  I  am  wonder- 
ing whether  this  denunciation  upon  the  floor  of  the  House  of  the  Repub- 
lican Party  for  their  appropriations  and  our  denunciation  of  their  course  in 
our  party's  platform  were  solely  for  the  purpose  of  getting  into  power.  If 
the  denunciation  was  in  good  faith,  we  ought  to  live  up  to  it,  and  live  up 
to  our  platform  promises  and  pledges.  (Hon.  W.  E.  Cox,  Congressional 
Record,  Mar.  6,  1914,  63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p.  4675.) 

Congressman  Murray  (Democrat),  of  Oklahoma,  Would  Not  "Bow  to  the 
Wishes  of  Any  Man,  However  Great,"  and  Vote  to  Create  Two  Offices 
of  Minister  to  Paraguay  and  Uruguay  at  $10,000  Each,  for  "Mere  Show." 

*  *  *  Therefore  for  one  I  shall  vote  against  this  bill.  I  happen  to 
know  a  good  deal  about  that  country,  because  there  are  men,  citizens  of 
my  section,  who  live  there  now.  Others  have  gone  and  have  returned 
during  the  present  year.  I  understand  that  country  thoroughly,  and, 
knowing  it,  I  do  not  bow  to  the  wishes  of  any  man,  however  great,  who 
requests  me  to  vote  for  this  bill  when  I  know  that  it  is  an  expenditure  of 
money  for  a  mere  show  without  any  beneficial  return  therefor.  (Hon. 
William  H.  Murray,  Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  p.  92.) 

Congressman  Sisson  (Democrat),  of  Mississippi,  Pleads  Pathetically,  But  in 
Vain,  for  "A  Halt  on  Appropriations." 

*  *  *  The  United  States  now  owes  nearly  $3,000,000,000,  upon  which 
our  people  pay  interest,  and  unless  Congress  calls  a  halt  on  appropriations 
we  will  have  to  add  to  our  bonded  indebtedness,  and  soon  our  children  will 
be  enslaved  by  the  fortunate  bondholding  class.  *  *  *  Let  me  appeal 
to  Congress  in  the  name  of  the  masses  who  bear  this  great  burden  not  to 
make  the  load  heavier.  Let  me  appeal  to  our  great  President  and  his 
Democratic  Cabinet  to  aid  and  assist  in  carrying  out  the  one  plank  that 
has  always  been  in  Democratic  platforms  from  its  birth.  "Economy  in 
public  expense,  that  labor  may  be  lightly  burdened."  This  is  the  touch- 
stone and  true  test  of  Democracy.  Do  you  respect  the  man  that  toils? 
If  so,  let  him  keep  what  he  earns.  Do  not  take  it  from  him  in  excessive 
taxation.  Let  us  by  legislation  keep  our  pledges.  This  is  the  plain  duty 
of  the  party  to-day.  Will  we  live  up  to  it?  If  we  will,  the  Democratic- 
Party  will  have  a  long  lease  of  power.  If  we  do  not,  we  will  surely  go  out 
of  power,  as  we  should.  (Hon.  T.  U.  Sisson,  Congressional  Record,  63d 
Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p.  4260.) 

Congressman  Hardwick  (Democrat),  of  Georgia,  Asks  "Why  Spend  $36,- 
000,000  at  the  North  Pole?" — Says  Alaska  Railroad  Bill  Socialistic  and 
Not  Demanded  by  Democratic  Platform. 

What  about  this  bill?  Is  it  necessary;  is  it  wise;  is  it  a  step  in  the  right 
direction,  or  is  it  a  step  in  the  wrong  direction?  If  you  are  to  spend 
$36,000,000,  why  spend  it  at  the  North  Pole?  Why  not  spend  it  at  home? 
Have  we  so  much  money,  are  we  so  rich,  that  we  would  rather  send  it  to 
the  North  Pole  than  send  it  to  the  people  of  our  districts?  Are  we  so 
rich  that  we  can  afford  to  develop  Alaska  while  America  languishes?  Are 
we  so  rich  that  we  can  not  build  battleships  and  yet  can  develop  a  possible 
coal  mine  in  Alaska,  with  a  view  to  future  Government  ownership  and 
operation  of  coal  mines  as  well  as  railroad  and  telegraph  lines?  I  challenge 
any  gentleman  who  favors  this  bill  to  point  out,  either  now  or  later,  what 
Democratic  platform,  what  Democratic  principle,  he  pins  his  faith  to  when 
he  advocates  this  measure.  You  can  not  point  it  out  in  the  last  platform 
on  which  we  were  elected.  That  platform  demanded  the  opening  up  of 
Alaska.  That  platform  when  it  came  to  the  railroad  question  was,  as  it 
should  have  been,   silent  as  the  tomb 

»  *  »  *  «  -       #  * 

It  is  Socialist  propaganda.  It  rests  on  the  same  principle  that  the 
Socialists  advocate ;  it  rests  on  tho  same  foundation  stones  on  which  they 
build ;  but  so  far  as  the  platform  declarations  are  concerned,  I  challenge 
anybody,  either  now  or  later,  to  show  a  Democratic  platform  on  which  it 
rests.      Oh,  but  they   say,   the   Democratic   Party  gave   subsidies  in  the  past 


80  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

of  either  money  or  lands  to  the  great  transcontinental  railroads.  So  we 
may  have  done.  Whether  it  was  wise  or  not  I  can  not  say.  (Hon.  T.  W. 
Hardwick,  Congressional  Record,  63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p.  3492.) 

Congressman  Fitzgerald  (Democrat),  of  New  York,  Points  Out  Some  In- 
accuracies in  Official  Estimates  of  Receipts  aud  Expenditures  and  Pre- 
dicts That  Increased  Appropriations  Will  Leave  Few  Democrats  in  the 
Next  Congress. 

The  gentleman  says  this  is  only  the  amount  of  the  estimates  for  this 
service.  The  estimates  of  money  required  to  conduct  the  public  service 
during  the  next  fiscal  year  were  $73,681,000  in  excess  of  the  estimated 
revenues  of  the  Government  in  the  next  fiscal  year.  Recently  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  pointed  out  that  he  had  overestimated  our  revenues  by 
about  $20,000,000,  so  that  the  estimated  sums  required  to  conduct  the 
Government  during  the  next  fiscal  year  are  about  $100,000,000  over  the 
estimated  revenues.  This  committee  did  not  reduce  the  appropriation  for 
these  services.  It  continued  the  amounts  that  had  been  carried  for  a 
number  of  years.  The  gentleman  from  Oklahotna  [Mr.  Ferris]  has  already 
increased  one  item  33  per  cent.  He  proposes  to  increase  this  item  33  per 
cent.  If  he  offers  many  other  amendments,  as  he  promises  to  do,  increasing 
other  items  in  the  same  ratio,  there  will  not  be  many  of  us  on  this  side  of 
the  House  in  the  conduct  of  the  public  business  in  the  next  Congress. 
(Hon.  J.  J.  Fitzgerald,  Congressional  Record,  63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p. 
11880.) 

Congressman  Fitzgerald   (Democrat),  of  New  York,  Prophesied  Accurately 

That    "A    Revision   of   the  Tariff   Downward    Will   Be  the    Most   Hollow 

Mockery"  on  Account  of  Grossly  Extravagant  Appropriations. 

I  believe  that  there  is  in  the  contingent  fund  of  the  House  to-day,  or 
there  was  about  a  week  ago,  $100,  and  there  are  requests  pending  for 
$100,000  to  supply  the  deficiencies  for  the  balance  of  this  fiscal  year. 

The  gentleman  from  Illinois  [Mr.  Mann]  has  not  overexaggerated  tho 
picture  as  to  what  is  likely  to  happen  at  this  session  of  Congress.  No  one 
can  tell  just  how  much  the  appropriations  at  this  session  will  be,  but  I 
think  it  is  a  conservative  estimate  to  say,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  they  will  far 
exceed  the  appropfiations  that  have  been  made  at  any  session  in  the  history 
of  the  Government. 

I  have  done  my  part  and  have  done  my  best  in  some  way  to  curtail  the 
expenditures ;  but  not  to  interfere  with  the  legitimate  functions  and  services 
of  the  Government,  but  to  stop  the  expenditure  of  public  moneys  to  gratify 
every  whim  and  to  please  every  fancy,  either  of  individuals  or  of  Members. 
Every  one  seems  possessed,  however,  of  a  determination  to  obtain  moneys 
to  maintain  and  extend  that  particular  branch  of  the  public  service  in  which 
he  or  his  constituents  is  particularly  interested  and  then  to  make  frag- 
mentary, spasmodic  efforts  to  save  in  some  other  direction  in  which  neither 
he  nor  his  constituents  will  be  affected. 

Such  a  condition  can  not  long  continue.  I  understand  that  the  bills  re- 
ported at  this  session  of  Congress  will  probably  provide  for  the  expendi- 
ture of  the  $100,000,000  which  it  is  anticipated  will  be  raised  by  an  income 
tax.  It  reminds  me  somewhat  of  an  incident  that  occurred  in  the  Com- 
mittee on  Appropriations  when  $27,000  was  requested  for  a  certain  public 
service  in  anticipation  of  the  enactment  of  some  legislation  at  the  next 
session   of   Congress. 

I  want  to  say,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  unless  this  side  of  the  House  wakes  up 
to  a  sense  of  its  responsibility,  not  only  will  the  appropriations  be  grossly 
extravagant,  but  they  will  amount  to  so  much  that  talk  of  a  revision  down- 
ward of  the  tariff  will  be  the  most  hollow  mockery.  (Hon.  John  J.  Fitz- 
gerald, Congressional  Record,  3d  sess.  62d  Cong.,  Feb.  11,  1913-) 

Congressman  Bartlett  (Democrat),  of  Georgia,  Has  to  Plead  for  Economy 
Even  After  the  House  Passed  the  Democratic  "War"  Revenue  Bill  "Im- 
posing Taxes  That  Must  Necessarily  Be  Onerous  and  Unusual." 
*  *  *  I  withhold  my  support  from  this  bill  reluctantly.  But  this  is  an 
effort  to  increase  by  one-third  the  amount  originally  estimated  for  by  the 
Department  of  Commerce  for  this  vessel  and  authorized  by  Congress. 
Now,  a  vessel  may  ba  needed,  but  the  mail  of  every  Congressman,  I  ap- 
prehend, is  filled  with  protests,  and  the  telegraph  wires  are  constantly 
bringing  protests  against  increased  taxation  upon  the  citizens  of  the  coun- 
try. *  *  *  Let  us  in  this  time  of  stress  realize  and  emphasize  that  part 
of  the  Democratic  platform  formulated  at  Baltimore  which  pledged  the 
people  that  we  would  return  to  the  ancient  economy  of  the  Democratic 
Party  and  not  needlessly  expend  the  money  of  the  people.  Certainly  we 
ought  not  needlessly  to  expend  the  money  of  the  people  when  we  have 
within  a  few  days  passed  through  this  House  a  bill,  which  will  soon  be  a 
law  upon  the  statute  books,  imposing  upon  the  country  taxes  that  must 
necessarily  be  onerous  and  unusual.  (Hon,  C.  L.  Bartlett,  Oct.  5,  igiA* 
Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  p.  17714.) 

Congressman  Sisson  (Democrat),  of  Mississippi,  Describes  His  Extravagant 
Brethren  as  "Chitling  Democrats"  Who  Make  the  Republicans  Look  Like 
Thoroughbred   Economists. 

It  comes  with  poor  grace  from  a  Democrat  to  criticize  the  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Appropriations  and  the  committee  who  are  endeavoring 
to  install  and  carry  out  the  pledge  of  the  platform.  If  that  criticism  came 
from  the   Republicans,    it  would   be   different,    but   it   does  not   come   from 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  81 

them ;  it  comes  from  Democrats  here  who  in  their  extravagance  make  the 
Republicans  look  like  thoroughbred  economists.  Ex-Congressman  Dickson, 
of  my  State,  called  these  Democrats  who  were  of  this  extravagant  type 
"Chitling  Democrats." 

Mr.  Reed  (Democrat,  of  New  Hampshire.)  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like 
to  ask  the  gentleman  a  question.  The  gentleman  has  referred  to  Democrats 
as  a  hungry  lot  of  fellows  who  have  just  got  their  noses  up  to  the  trough. 
I  want  to  ask  li'm  if  the  bill  is  not  filled  with  all  sorts  of  things  that  seem 
to  indicate  that  the  committee  has  had  its  nose  to  the  trough  and  excluded 
every   other   Democrat?      (Congressional   Record,    Sept.   4,    1913.) 

Congressman  Saunders  (Democrat),  of  Virginia,  Says  Alaska  Railroad  Bill 
Not  Justified  by  Democratic  Platform — Is  "Extravagance  Run  Riot." 

If  limited  to  a  cost  of  $48,000  a  mile,  this  would  make  an  aggregate  of 
$480,000,000.  I  am  unwilling  to  commit  myself  even  partially  to  so  gigantic 
a  proposition.  I  am  unwilling  to  go  further  than  the  requirements  of  our 
Baltimore  platform,  which  merely  requires  us  to  open  up  the  coal  lands, 
so  that  they  will  not  fall  into  the 'hands,  of  monopolizing  corporations. 
Even  this  plank  does  not  commit  us  to  the  construction  of  railroads.  The 
end  sought  may  be  effected  by  private  capital  under  a  reasonable  leasing 
system.  We  are  going  headlong  into  a  venture  that  holds  out  dazzling 
possibilities  of  unlimited  expenditure  by  the  Government. 

Mr.  Chairman,  this  proposition  is  fundamentally  and  radically  unsound. 
It  is  not  justified  by  our  Democratic  platform.  Holding  out  no  hopeful 
prospect  of  definite  return,  within  any  time  to  which  we  should  limit  our 
contemplation,  as  practical  legislators,  this  measure  is  not  entitled  to  our 
support.      For  one,    I    shall   vote   against    it. 

*  *  *  The  credit  of  the  United  States  will  not  be  strained  to  the 
breaking  point  should  it  spend  $35,000,000  or  $135,000,000  in  railway  con- 
struction in  Alaska.  It  is  rich  enough  to  commit  almost  any  folly.  But 
why  select  Alaska  as  a  field  in  which  extravagance  shall  run  riot?  There 
are  many  States  in  the  West  that  h»ld  out  a  promise  of  "some  mineral  de- 
velopment," and  are  entitled  to  greater  consideration  than  Alaska,  if  this 
House  is  anxious  to  make  a  record  for  chasing  rainbows.  (Hon.  E.  W. 
Saunders,  Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  pp.  3758,  3760.) 

Congressman  Callaway  (Democrat),  of  Texas,  Criticizes  His  Democratic 
Colleagues  for  Using  "the  People's  Hard-Earned  Money"  for  "Pork- 
Barrel"  River  and  Harbor  Appropriations. 

The  insincerity  and  ridiculousness  of  it  all  is  demonstrated  conclusively 
by  the  fact  that  while  you  are  working  through  Congress  and  getting  up  to 
the  White  House  for  the  President's  final  approval  this  bill  appropriating 
$43,000,000  of  the  people's  hard-earned  money,  presumably  for  the  purpose 
of  forcing  lower  freight  rates,  the  administration  is  quoted  in  all  the  big 
daily  papers  as  in  favor  of  allowing  the  railroads  to  raise  their  freight  rates 
5  per  cent. 

In  our  platform  of  1896  we  said: 

"We  denounce  the  profligate  waste  of  the  money  wrung  from  the  people 
by  oppressive  taxation.  We  demand  a  return  to  that  simplicity  and 
economy   which  benefits   a   democratic  government. 

The  appropriation  for  that  year  was  $457,088,344.70. 

In  our  platform  of  1904  we  said: 

"Large  reductions  can  easily  be  made  in  the  annual  expenditures  of  the 
Government  without  impairing  the  efficiency  of  any  branch  of  the  public 
service,  and  we  shall  insist  upon  the  strictest  economy  and  frugality." 

That  year  the  Republicans  appropriated  $736,578,402.76. 

In  our  platform  of  1908  we  said: 

"We  denounce  the  needless  waste  of  the  people's  money  as  no  less  than  a 
crime." 

And  that  year  the  Republicans  appropriated  $918,362,329.07.  In  1912  we 
denounced  the  profligate  waste  of  the  money  wrung  from  the  people  by 
oppressive  taxation,  while  according  to  the  estimates  submitted  this  year 
by  a  Democratic  administration  we  will  be  called  on  to  appropriate  $1,250,- 
000,000.  Did  we  mean  what  we  said  in  our  repeated  platform  declarations? 
If  so,  let  us  do  it. 

*  *  *  No  man  can  say  it  will  not  be  a  waste.  Commerce  has  left 
these  rivers  and  canals.  We  realized  that  and  appropriated  a  half  a  million 
dollars  for  a  commission  to  make  an  investigation  to  see  if  any  craft  could 
be  devised  that  could  economically  carry  the  traffic  on  these  waters.  That 
was  an  admission  that  we  are  in  the  woods  at  present  and  do  not  know 
that  any  commerce  will  be  developed  by  these  expenditures.  That  com- 
mission has  not  yet  reported.  Let  us  stop  this  until  we  know  what  wc  are 
doing.  That  is  the  only  way  to  deal  honestly  with  the  public,  and  we  ought 
to  deal  honestly  with  those  whose  money  we  are  spending.  (Hon.  Oscar 
Callaway,  Apr.  6,  19 14.  Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  p. 
6752-) 

Congressman  Stevens  (Democrat),  of  New  Hampshire,  Warns  His  Fellow 
Democrats  Against  Going  Back  Home  to  Their  Constituents  "With  a 
Chunk  of '.Pork  in  One  Hand  and  a  $50,000,000  Deficit  in  the  Other 
Hand." 

There  is  another  reason  why  I  am  opposed  to  this  bill,  a  reason  which 
should  appeal  to  every  member  of  this  House,  and  particularly  to  every 
Democrat.      When   the   revenue   bill   was   reported   ^t  the   beginning  qi  the 


82  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

special  session  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  estimated  that  the  revenue 
from  the  new  tariff  law  and  the  income  tax  would  give  us  about  $18,000,000 
above  the  estimated  expenses  of  the  Government.  Now,  there  are  two 
facts  that  have  happened  since  that  time  that  we  are  sure  of.  The  first  is 
that  the  estimated  receipts  from  the  Government  are  goiug  to  be  less  than 
were  estimated  by  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee. 

The  second  fact,  which  this  House  is  proving  every  day,  is  that  the 
estimated  expenditures  for  the  next  fiscal  year  were  altogether  too  low. 
Every  general  appropriation  bill  that  will  be  reported  and  passed  by  this 
House  will  be  above  the  estimates  furnished  by  the  Ways  and  Means  Com- 
mittee. We  have  already  passed  the  Lever  agricultural  extension  bill, 
which  provides  for  an  expenditure  of  $25,000,000.  This  bill  provides  for  an 
expenditure  of  $25,000,000  more.  The  increases  in  the  general  appropri- 
ation bills  that  are  coming  later  will  take  up  every  cent  of  that  $18,000,- 
000,  and  the  real  objection  to  this  bill  at  this  time  is  that  you  have  not  got 

the  money. 

«♦♦♦♦♦♦ 

The  revenues  from  the  tariff  law  since  it  has  been  in  force  are  less  than 
were  estimated  by  the  Ways  and  Mean?  Committee. 

Mr.  Aswell.     What  is  the  gentleman's  authority? 

Mr.  Langley.  If  the  gentleman  will  permit,  I  wish  to  say  that  the 
figures  show  that  the  revenues  are  not  as  much  as  were  estimated.  The 
gentleman  could  easily  answer  that,  and  he  could  further  reply  that  we  on 
this   side   of  the  House   told  the   gentleman   that   that   would   be   so. 

Mr.  Stevens,  of  New  Hampshire.  I  have  not  the  figures  at  hand,  Mr. 
Chairman,  but  I  understand  it  is  a  fact  that  the  revenues  are  less  than  they 
were  estimated  to  be,  and  it  is  an  absolute  fact  that  the  expenditures  are 
greater. 

Now,  a  word  as  to  the  political  considerations.  This  bill  appeals  to 
every  man  who  is  in  favor  of  good  roads.  It  apeals  to  every  man  who 
wants  the  support  of  his  constituents.  I  have  the  honor  to  represent  a 
rural  community  with  a  great  many  rural  routes  in  it.  If  this  bill  were 
passed,  aVc  could  go  back  to  our  homes  and  say  to  our  constituents,  "We 
have  brought  back  so  many  thousands  of  dollars  to  be  expended  here  for 
your  benefit."  That  would  be  a  great  help  to  the  individual  Congressman 
seeking  re-election.  But,  gentlemen,  if  you  go  back  home  to  your  con- 
stituents with  a  chunk  of  pork  in  one  hand  and  a  $50,000,000  deficit  in  the 
other  hand,  you  will  find  it  entirely  different.  (Hon.  R.  B.  Stevens,  Con- 
gressional Record,  63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p.  3423.) 

Congressman    Lonergan    (Democrat),    of    Connecticut,    Opposed    Spending 
$25,000,000  on  Roads  as  Unnecessary  and  Unjustifiable. 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  Democratic  platform  of  19 12  denounced  the  profligate 
waste  of  money  taken  from  the  people  through  lavish  appropriations  of 
recent  Republican  Congresses.  I  am  opposed  to  the  appropriation  called 
for  in  the  bill  under  consideration.  In  my  opinion  the  already  established 
appropriations  impose  enough  responsibility  upon  the  country,  and  the 
added  burden  which  will  result  from  this  entering  into  new  fields  in  road 
construction  is  unnecessary  and  inadvisable.  I  believe  that  I  voice  the 
sentiments  of  my  constituents  in  opposing  this  bill ;  therefore  I  shall 
register  my  vote  against  it.  (Hon.  A.  Lonergan,  Congressional  Record,  2d 
sess.  63d  Cong.,  p.  3762.) 

Congressman   Cox    (Democrat),  of  Indiana,   Can   Not  Boast  of  the  Demo- 
cratic Record  for  Economy,  and  Calls  Attention  to  a  Forgotten  Slogan. 

Tlie  Democratic  Party — and  I  claim  to  be  a  member  of  it — have  assailed 
tlie  Republican  Party  on  every  stump,  on  every  occasion  when  the  oppor- 
tunity presented  itself  to  us,  and  we  have  condemned  you  Republicans  for 
extravagance.  The  press  of  the  country  have  condemned  you.  *  *  *  In 
the  last  session  we  can  not  boast  of  our  record  for  economy. 

Gentlemen,  we  are  starting  in  early.  Let  us  see  if  we  can  not  make  a 
record  for  economy,  especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  President  of  the 
United  States  recently  announced,  through  the  press  of  the  country,  that 
economy  would  be  one  of  the  slogans  of  his  administration.  (Congres- 
sional Record,  ist  sess.  63d  Cong.,  pp.  288,  291.) 

Congressman    Sisson    (Democrat),    of    Mississippi,    Asks    Why    Democrats 
Have  the  Right  to  Denounce  Republicans  for  Extravagance. 

But  I  want  to  say  to  my  Democratic  colleagues  that  if  thej^/  do  not  want 
to  put  a  check  upon  these  appropriations  to  the  income  of  the  Treasury 
to-day,  Woodrow  Wilson  during  his  second,  if  not  the  first,  year  of  his 
administration   will  be   confronted  with  a  bond  issue.     »     *     * 

We  denounce  you  because  you  have  expended  $90,000,000  more  than  you 
expended  in  the  preceding  year.  The  question  arises.  Why  on  earth  have 
the  Democrats  the  right  to  denounce  Republicans  for  extravagance  in  the 
future?    For  the  life  of  me  I  can  not  see. 

And  be  able  to  go  home  and  look  the  honest  electorate  squarely  in  the 
face  and  say  that  we  have  kept  the  faith.  (Hon.  T.  U.  Sisson,  Congres- 
sional Record,  Feb.  24,  1913.  Cad  Cong.,  3d  sess.,  p.  2836-) 

The   Br'oken    Promise    to    Return    to    "Simplicity." 

We  demand  a  return  to  that  simplicity  and  econom>-*  which  befits  a 
democratic   government,    and  a   reduction    in   the    uum^tM-   oW    viscless  offices, 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK-  1916  8H 

the    salaries    of    which    drain    the    substance    of    the    people.      (Democratic 
platform,  19 12.) 

Congressman  Fitzgerald  (Democrat),  of  New  York,  Says  the  Secretary  of 
Labor  Purchased  an  Automobile  for  His  Personal  Use  Without  Author- 
ity of  Congress. 

*  *  *  At  the  last  session  of  Congress  it  appeared  that  out  of  the 
appropriation  of  $60,000,  for  the  contingent  expenses  of  the  Department  oi 
Commerce  and  Labor,  $i6,ioo  was  transferred  to  the  Department  of  Labor. 
In  addition  to  that.  Congress  at  the  last  session  appropriated  $5,000  ad- 
ditional for  the  contingent  expenses  of  the  Department  of  Labor.  At  that 
time  a  request  was  made  by  the  Department  of  Labor  to  authorize  the 
Secretary  of  Labor  to  purchse  three  automobiles — a  seven-passenger  tour- 
ing car  for  himself,  at  $4,500;  an  electric  runabout  for  the  use  of  himself 
and  others,  for  $2,500;  and  an  automobile  truck. 

The  committee  declined  to  include  that  authority  in  the  bill,  based  upon 
the  fact  that,  authority  had  never  been  given  to  any  of  the  departments 
to  purchase  automobiles  for  the  Secretary  or  others  connected  with  the  de- 
partment. In  some  way  or  other  the  information  got  noised  abroad  that 
such  a  request  had  been  made,  and  innumerable  Members  of  this  House 
served  notice  upon  the  committee  that  they  would  not  tolerate  such  a 
situation.  The  authority  was  not  given,  and  yet  it  appears  that  during 
this  session  of  Congress  an  automobile  has  been  purchased  for  the  per- 
sonal use  of  the   Secretary  of  Labor. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  of  Illinois.  Would  it  not  be  fair  for  the  gentleman  to 
state  that  the  Secretary  of  Labor  explained  that  automobiles  would  be 
cheaper  in  operation  and  to  purchase  than  it  would  be  to  purchase  teams 
and  rigs  as  the  other  departments  had? 

Mr.  Fitzgerald.  Suppose  he  did;  Congress  did  not  authorize  it,  and 
that  is  the  point.  No  man  in  any  department  of  the  Government  can  do 
as  he  pleases  because  he  thinks  it  is  desirable.  All  he  can  do  is  to  obey 
the  law.  (Hon.  John  J.  Fitzgerald,  Congressional  Record,  2d  scss.  63d 
Cong.,  pp.  4123,  4124.) 

Mr.  Fitzgerald  Stands  By  His  Statement. 

*  *  *  I  simply  wish  to  add,  Mr,  Chairman,  that  every  statement  and 
every  criticism  that  I  made  of  the  Department  of  Labor  or  of  any  other 
department  of  this  Government  during  the  conduct  of  the  urgent  de- 
ficiency bill  in  this  House  was  thoroughly  justified,  and  I  do  not  retract 
in  a  single  iota  anything  I  said  about  them.  *  *  *  (Congressional 
Record,  2d  sess.   63d  Cong.,   Mar.   11,   1914.) 

Congressman  Howard  (Democrat),  of  Georgia,  Says  the  Public  Printer  Is 
Not  the  Only  Public  Official  That  Is  Abusing  the  Confidence  of  a 
Democratic  Congress — The  War  Department  Is  Shamefully  Using  Public 
Money  for  "Society  Stunts,"   He   Says. 

It  seems  that  under  the  Democratic  economy  of  the  Government  Print- 
ing Office  the  present  Public  Printer  was  a  little  bit  immodest,  in  that  it 
took  two  automobiles  to  satisfy  him.  Since  this  matter  was  up  I  have 
investigated,  and  I  know  what  these  two  Ranch  &  Lang  cars  cost  that 
he  has  got  down  there.  I  know  what  they  cost  in  upkeep  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and  I  do  not  care  what  the  Public  Printer  states  about  it.  I  am 
in  a  position  to  say  that  this  new  car  is  not  used  solely  for  official 
purposes. 

I  do  not  know  what  this  man  is  doing  with  these  automobiles,  and  I  do 
not  care  what  he  is  doing  with  them ;  but  I  lay  it  down  here  as  a  bald- 
headed  proposition  that  no  officer  of  this  character  has  any  right  to  ap- 
propriate the  people's  money  for  two  electric  automobiles  that  cost  over 
$4,000  apiece.  In  fairness  to  the  Public  Printer,  I  may  add  that  he  is  not 
the  only  public  official  that  is  abusing  the  confidence  of  a  Democratic 
Congress.  The  War  Department  is  shamefully,  if  not  wantonly  and 
willfully,  using  money  appropriated  by  the  people  for  useful  purposes  to 
put  on  "society  stunts"  and  make  a  show  of  what  it  is  to  be  a  commis- 
sioned officer  in  the  Army  with  a  swivel-chair  assignment.  (Mr.  Howard, 
Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  p.  15984.) 

Congressman  Dies  (Democrat),  of  Texas,  on  Democratic  "Simplicity"  and 
"Economy"  in  General  and  Automobiles  for  Democratic  Cabinet  Officers 
in   Particular. 

•»  »  w  *  *  »  » 

I  would  be  ashamed  of  myself  if  I  called  the  attention  of  this  com- 
mittee to  the  attempted  raid  upon  the  Treasury  of  $8,000  by  a  poor  70- 
year-old  soldier  out  in  Minnesota  if  I  did  not  call  their  attention  to  the 
abstraction  of  $7,000  from  the  contingent  fund  of  one  of  the  departments 
of  the  Government  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  this  country  by  a  Cabinet 
minister. 

*  *  Ik  *  *  *  * 

I  think,  he  is  an  honest  man.  I  think  he  was  a  good  legislator,  and  T 
think  probably  he  is  making  a  good  Cabinet  minister;  but  no  man  in 
this  Government  is  great  enough — no  man  should  ever  become  great 
enough — to  violate  the  laws  of  this  country  and  usurp  the  functions  of 
this  body  to  appropriate  the  revenues  of  the  Government  for  its  mainte- 
nance. 

The   Secretary    of   Labor  and   the    Secretary   of  Commerce   and   I^abor  did 


84  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

not  have  any  right  or  any  business,  in  the  first  instance,  to  hav«  a 
crippled-up  team  to  drive  around  at  the  public  expense.  They  got  it  in 
tacit  violation  of  the  laws  of  the  country,  and  they  ought  not  to  have  used 
the  money  of  the  people  for  that  purpose. 

Do  you  know  I  feel  sorry  for  my  friend  the  Secretary  of  Labor  in  his 
ambition  to  have  a  seven-seated  touring  car  and  a  $2,500  electric?  Because 
we  are  setting  a  mad  pace  in  this  simple  republican  capital     ♦     ♦     » 

When  a  man  undertakes  to  indulge  one  of  these  limousines,  or  "limo- 
zeen" — which  is  it  [laughter] — one  of  these  limousine  habits  with  a  Ford 
salary  [laughter]  he  has  either  got  to  come  to  Congress  for  more  money 
or  else  he  has  got  to  take  it  out  of  the  contingent  fund  in  defiance  of  the 
edict  of  Congress.      ♦     ♦     ♦ 

You  know  we  ride  around  here  in  these  limousines  and  in  these  seven- 
seated  touring  cars,  paid  for  out  of  the  taxes  wrung  from  toil  in  this 
country,  and  we  run  over  the  fellow  with  the  little  Ford  car;  and  the 
man  walking  on  foot,  the  pedestrian,  he  has  just  simply  got  to  hear  one 
honk  of  the  honk-honk  and  run  for  his  life;  and  the  most  ridiculous  fea- 
ture of  it  all  is  that  when  one  of  these  Cabinet  ministers  alights  from  his 
vehicle,  paid  for  by  the  people,  drawn  by  two  snorting  bay  horses,  or 
alights  from  his  limousine,  paid  for  by  the  people  of  this  country,  he  dusts 
liimsclf  and  says,  "Let  the  people  rule." 

Mr.  Chairman,  this  patient  will  either  get  better  or  get  worse.  If  a  man 
to-day,  in  defiance  of  Congress,  can  take  $1,600  out  of  the  contingent  fund 
appropriated  by  Congress  for  the  legitimate  functions  of  government  to 
carry  on  the  government  of  the  people,  to-morrow  he  can  take  $10,000  as 
well ;  and  if  the  Secretary  of  Labor  can  buy  himself  an  automobile,  then 
the  Fish  Commissioner  can  buy  himself  an  automobile.  If  one  of  the 
dignitaries  of  this  Government  can  take  thei  funds  of  the  people  taken  from 
their  taxes  to  buy  an  automobile,  he  can  buy  a  yacht  upon  the  same 
principle.  And  if  any  of  our  Cabinet  ministers  or  Fish  Commissioners  or 
the  Commissioner  of  Education  wants  to  do  it  he  can  use  this  precedent 
to  buy   himself  an  airship. 

Oh,  I  wish,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  we  might  return  to  the  simple  de- 
mocracy under  which  this  Government  grew  so  great  and  so  grand. 
*  *  I  would  not  be  ashamed  to  see  our  Secretary  of  Labor  walk 
up  and  down  the  streets  of  Washington.  Why,  do  you  know  just  a  few 
months  ago,  on  account  of  the  terrible  pace  that  somebody  has  been 
setting  here  in  Washington,  we  heard  another  Cabinet  officer,  the  great 
Secretary  of  State,  exclaim  in  anguish  that  he  could  not  live  oa  a  thousand 
dollars  a  month.  I  am  sure  he  told  the  truth  when  he  said  it.  I  have 
great  faith  in  our  commoner. 

Somebody  has  made  the  pace  so  high  in  this  Capital  of  our  Republic, 
somebody  has  set  the  gauge  at  so  exalted  an  altitude  in  this  citadel,  that 
one  of  our  servants,  the  great  commoner  of  the  Republic,  can  not  live  in 
this  city  in  befitting  style  for  $12,000  a  year.  It  looks  to  me,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, like  it  ie  a  good  time  for  Cabinet  ministers.  Senators,  and  Congress- 
men to  set  for  the  people  in  this  city  and  Nation  the  example  of  old-time 
simplicity  and  democracy. 

If  a  Cabinet  minister  can  take  a  given  sum  of  money  in  defiance  of 
Congress  and  buy  himself  an  automobile,  what  example  and  what  lesson 
(ices  that  teach  to  the  smaller  officer,  the  clerk,  and  dignitaries  around  this 
city?  What  is  the  example  to  a  little  $1,500  or  $2,000  clerk  who  handles 
funds  and  papers  and  affairs  of  the  Government?  Is  it  not  saying  to  him, 
"Mr.  Clerk,  you  are  authorized  to  pad  your  expense  bills  when  traveling 
for  the  Government;  you  are  authorized  to  put  in  $2  where  you  spend  $1 
on  the  affairs  of  the  Nation,  because  our  Cabinet  ministers  are  settling 
their  accounts  by  taking  money  out  of  the  contingent  fund  for  the  pur- 
chase of  automobiles"?  If  this  is  peanut  politics,  make  the  most  of  it.  In 
my  humble  judgment  it  is  simply  old-fashioned  democracy,  simply  old-time 
honest  dealing  with  our  constituents,  to  say  that  we  will  not  allow  this 
thing  to  continue. 

If  ever  my  cheeks  were  mantled  with  the  blushes  of  shame,  it  was  when 
I  read  in  the  Record  that  every  Democrat  voted  for  the  taking  of  an  auto- 
mobile from  a  Republican  Speaker  and  a  Republican  Vice  President,  and 
that  we  have  not  raised  our  voice  against  the  same  things  when  Democrats 
occupy  these  powerful  positions.  (Hon.  Martin  Dies,  Feb.  27,  1914.  Con- 
gressional Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  pp.  4332,  4334.  4335-) 

Congressman  Dies   (Democrat),  of  Texas,   Talks  Some  More  About  Auto- 
mobiles and  Democratic  "Simplicity." 

*  *  *  It  is  being  booted  about  the  Chamber  that  the  Public  Printer 
has  a  couple  of  passenger  automobiles  which  are  not  altogether  in  con- 
sonance with  the   laws  of  our  country.      *     »     * 

*  *  *  I  would  not  vote  against  this  increase  because  the  Public 
Printer  has  a  couple  of  passenger  automobiles  to  which  he  is  not  entitled, 
but  what  I  desired  to  find  out  was'  if  that  practice  is  being  continued  in 
that  department.  That  is  why  I  interrogated  the  gentleman  from  New 
Jersey  [Mr.  Kinkead].  In  response  to  a  letter  I  addressed  to  the  Auditor 
"for  the  Treasury  Department,  he  informed  me  the  Public  Printer  had  two 
passenger   automobiles.      *      *     ♦ 

*  *  *  I  have  searched  the  statutes  of  the  United  States  carefully, 
and  I  found  they  were  not  authorized  by  law;  that  no  vehicle  except  only 
for  public  use  is  authorized  to  the  Public  Printer;  and  when  I  found  he 
was  supporting  two  passenger  automobiles  I  had  hoped  that  my  friend 
from  New  Jersey  would  be  able  to  say  that  under  the  Democratic  regime 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  85 

we  had  cast  off  these  illegal  garments  and  that  now  we  transact  the  public 
business  in  a  legal  way.  1  had  hoped  that  I  was  mistaken,  and  therefore 
I  appealed  in  vain  to  the  gentleman  from  New  Jersey,  who  offered  this 
amendment,  to  know  if  this  illegal  abstraction  of  public  funds  had  not 
ceased  under  Democratic  administration. 

Mr.  Kinkead,  of  New  Jersey.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  will  answer  my  friend 
from'  Texas  by  saying  the  Public  Printer  has  done  nothing  illegal  since  he 
has  been   in  office.      I  hope  I  have  answered  the  gentleman's   question. 

Mr.  Dies.  Well,  I  will  say  to  my  friend  from  New  Jersey  that  he  is 
still  maintaining  two  passenger  automobiles  at  public  expense,  and  that  is 
illegal.  I  challenge  the  gentleman  to  find  one  particle  of  statute  law  in 
this  country  that  justifies  the  Public  Printer  in  having  two  passenger 
automobiles. 

Mr.  Humphrey,  of  Washington.     Will  the  gentleman  yield? 

Mr.    Dies.      Yes. 

Mr.  Humphrey,  of  Washington.     What  does  he  use  the  automobiles  for? 

Mr.  Dies.  What  could  he  use  two  passenger  automobiles  for  except  to 
go  to  theatres  and  entertainments? 

Mr.  Kinkead,  of  New  Jersey.  Now,  my  friend  is  wrong,  and  I  know 
that  he  uses  these  cars  in  performing  his  duties  as  Public  Printer. 

Mr.  Dies.  I  am  a  printer  myself,  and  I  know  that  if  he  wants  to  carry 
stationery  about  he  would  not  want  two  passenger  automobiles  to  carry  it 
in.  Now,  if  he  has  to  transport  heavy  products,  such  as  paper  and  paste- 
boards,  he  should  get  a  truck  to  carry  them  in. 

*  *  *  I  know  that  hundreds  of  passenger  automobiles  are  being  used 
in  this  city,  according  to  the  Auditor  of  the  Treasury  Department,  in 
direct  violation  of  the   law. 

*  *  *  I  can  understand,  of  course,  that  in  paying  his  respects  to 
Cabinet  officers  and  their  families  and  "crooking  the  pregnant  hinges  of 
the  knee  where  thrift  may  follow  fawning"  he  might  use  one,  but  I 
wondered  how  he  could  use  two  passenger  automobiles  in  transacting  this 
business  of  printing  letterheads  for  Congressmen  and  in  printing  names  for 
Congressmen  on  envelopes. 

Certainly  in  all  my  poor  and  humble  experience  as  a  printer,  getting  out 
letterheads  and  getting  out  envelopes  and  pasteboard  cards,  and  handling 
them  around  in  wheelbarrows,  I  never  dreamed  that  an  humble  servant  in 
this  Republic  would  demand,  not  one  passenger  automobile  to  hand  them 
around,  but  two  passenger  automobiles.  (Hon.  Martin  Dies,  Congres- 
sional  Record,   2d   sess.    63d   Cong.,   pp.    15981,   15982.) 

«  «  »  »  ♦  «  • 

Mr.  Howard.  *  *  *  He  is  no  great  big  "bear  cat"  in  politics,  that 
he  should  have  special  privileges  that  nobody  else  has.  Even  if  he  did 
come  from  the  great  city  of  Hoboken,  N.  J.,  and  if  he  was  a  union  printer 
at  $26  a  week  before  he  got  this  job,  why  should  he  have  two  automo- 
biles?     (Congressional   Record,   2d  sess.,  63d  Cong.,   p.   15984.) 

The   Broken   Promise  to   Uphold   the  Merit   System 

The  law  pertaining  to  the  civil  service  should  be  honestly  and  rigidly 
enforced  to  the  end  that  merit  and  ability  shall  be  the  standard  of  ap- 
pointment and  promotion  rather  than  service  rendered  to  a  political  party. 
(Democratic  platform,   1912.) 

Congressman    Moon    (Democrat),    of  Tennessee,    Openly  Advocates   Viola- 
tion of  Civil  Service  Plank  of  the  Democratic  Platform. 

I  have  come  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  a  question  that  from  many  view- 
points is  a  delicate  proposition.  It  is  not  delicate  to  me.  If  it  were,  I 
would  not  discusrs  it  here.  But  it  is  a  proposition  concerning  which  many 
of  us  are  tender,  because  of  platforms  and  political  promises.  I  am  going 
to  discuss  this  question  in  a  partisan  spirit  for  a  moment  or  two.     ♦     •     ♦ 

There  is  a  provision  in   this   bill   whereby — 

"Hereafter  any  assistant  postmaster  who  may  be  required  by  law  or  by 
authority  or  direction  of  the  Postmaster  General  to  execute  a  bond  to  the 
Postmaster  General  to  secure  faithful  performance  of  official  duty  may  be 
appointed  by  said  Postmaster  General,  who  may  require  such  bond,  without 
regard  to  the  provisions  of  an  act  of  Congress  entitled  'An  act  to  regulate 
and  improve  the  civil  service  of  the  United  States,'  approved  January  16, 
1883,  and  amendments  thereto,  or  any  rule  or  regulation  made  in  pur- 
suance thereof,  and  the  Postmaster  General  shall  have  power  to  revoke  the 
appointment  of  any  assistant  postmaster  and  appoint  his  successor  at  his  ' 
discretion  without  regard  to  the  act,  amendments,  rules,  or  regulations 
aforesaid." 

That  is  what  I  call  a  Democratic  section  of  this  bill.  *  *  *  It  is 
Democratic  not  in  a  partisan  sense,  but  Democratic  because  it  is  right  in 
view  of  the  conditions  that  exist  on  this  question.  (Hon.  J.  W.  Moon, 
Congressional  Record,  63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p.   1753.) 

Congressman  O'Shaunessy  (Democrat),  of  Rhode  Island,  Reminds  the 
Democratic  Party  That  It  Is  a  Minority  Party;  That  "Power  Does  Not 
Give  Unbridled  License"  To  Do  As  They  Please  anc  "Prove  Itself  a 
Defaulter  to  Its  Promfces." 

Gentlemen,  upon  this  side,  we  speak  about  our  party  being  in  power. 
We  must  remember  the  fact  that  power  does  not  give  unbridled  license' 
to  do  as  we  please;  and  if  we  are  in  power  we  must  remember  that  we 
are   a   minority   party.      The    Progressives    and    the    Republicans   combined 


86  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

would  have  left  us  no  opportunity  to  obtain  tlie  power  that  we  possess 
to-day.     *     »     * 

In  the  last  Democratic  platform  it  was  said  that  merit  and  ability 
should  be  the  standard  of  appointment  and  promotion,  rather  than  service 
rendered  to  a  political  party.  Promises  must  not  be  like  pie  crust,  easily 
broken.  We  must  remember  that  a  pledge  is  a  pledge  and  a  promise  is  a 
promise.     *     ♦     * 

I  believe  the  Democratic  Party  should  be  true  to  its  pledges.  I  be- 
lieve the  Democratic  Party  made  its  latest  declaration  in  the  platform  at 
Baltimore,  and  that  it  is  about  to  prove  itself  a  defaulter  to  its  promises. 
(Hon.  G.  F.  O'Shaunessy,  Congressional  Record,  63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p. 
2209.) 

Congressman  Rucker  (Democrat),  of  Missouri,  Says  He  Is  a  "Spoilsman," 
and    Has    No    Apology    to    Make   for    It. 

*  *  *  There  are  Democrats  growing  up  in  the  country  everywhere 
who  are  entitled  under  a  Democratic  administration  to  recognition ;  and  if 
that  means  going  back  to  the  spoils  system,  then  I  am  a  spoilsman  and  I 
have  no  apology  to  make  for  it.      [Applause.] 

This  committee  is  not  here  to  bow  to  the  will  of  the  President  or  to  the 
will  of  the  Postmaster  General  upon  a  question  upon  which  they  differ. 
We  perform  our  functions  as  legislators.  If  in  our  wisdom  that  law 
ought  to  be  changed,  no  domination  from  the  Postmaster  General  nor 
threat  of  veto  from  the  President  ought  to  swerve  us  from  the  course 
which  we  believe  to  be  right. 

If  the  power  were  mine,  I  would  put  none  but  Democrats  on  guard. 
(Hon.  J.  W.  Moon,  Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  pp.  1750, 
1751.) 

The  Broken  Promise  of  "Free  Tolls"  to  American  Coastwise  Ships. 

We  favor  the  exemption  from  tolls  of  American  ships  engaged  in  coast- 
wise trade  passing  through  the  Panama  Canal.  (Democratic  platform, 
1912.) 

Democratic  Leader  Underwood  Says  President's  Bill  to  Repeal  Free  Tolls 
Is  in  Direct  Conflict  With  the  Democratic  Platform. 

The  Democratic  convention  that  met  in  Baltimore  and  named  Wood- 
row  Wilson  for  President  and  Thomas  R.  Marshall  for  Vice  President  on 
the  2d  day  of  July,  1912,  promulgated  the  platform  of  the  national  Demo- 
cratic Party  and  made  the  following  declaration  in  reference  to  the  tolls 
of  American  ships  passing  through  the  Panama   Canal : 

"We  favor  the  exemption  from  tolls  of  American  ships  engaged  in 
coastwise  trade  passing  through  the  Panama  Canal.  We  also  favor  legis- 
lation forbidding  the  use  of  the  Panama  Canal  by  ships  owned  or  con- 
trolled by  railroad  carriers  engaged  in  transportation  competitive  with  the 
canal." 

There  can  be  no  contention  a*  to  the  meaning  of  this  language.  No 
one  can  raise  the  issue  that  the  bill  now  pending  before  the  House,  in- 
troduced by  the  gentleman  from  Tennessee  [Mr.  Sims],  is  not  in  direct 
conflict  with  the  declaration  of  the  Democratic  platform.  Personally  I 
believe  that  the  party  pledge  should  be  lived  up  to  in  good  faith  by  those 
who  claim  allegiance  to  party  principles.     *     *     * 

Let  us  resolve  the  issue  into  the  question  as  to  whether  the  platform 
of  the  Democratic  Party  favoring  exemption  of  tolls  of  American  ships 
engaged  in  coastwise  trade  passing  through  the  Panama  Canal  is  best 
for  the  Nation  and  the  people  of  our  country,  or  whether  the  gentleman 
from  Tennessee  [Mr.  Sims],  in  the  bill  now  pending  before  the  House 
repudiating  the  declaration  of  the  Democratic  Party,  is  proposing  legis- 
lation that  will  be  most  beneficial  to  our  Nation  and  our  people.  (Hon. 
Oscar  W.  Underwood,  Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  6.3d  Cong.,  p.  5964) 

Senator  O'Gorman   (Democrat),  of  New  York,  on  the  Violation   and   Re- 
pudiation of  the  "Free  Tolls"  Plank  of  the  Democratic  Platform. 

I  can  not  stop  to  contemplate  what  would  have  become  of  Democratic 
prospects  in  the  last  presidential  campaign  if  the  free-toll  plank  of  the 
platform  had  been  rejected  or  repudiated  before  the  election ;  but  it  was 
not  rejected.  It  was  approved  and  pressed  upon  the  attention  of  the 
public  in  every  section  of  the  country.  Its  economic  advantages  were 
pointed  out  by  the  nominees  of  the  party  and  the  thousands  of  public 
speakers  who  advocated  their  cause.  It  was  given  prominence  in  the 
campaign  textbook  which  was  distributed  throughout  the  country  by  the 
national  Democratic  campaign  committee,  and  yet  it  was  as  much  a 
.subsidy  in   1912  as  it  is  now. 

Let  us  not  deceive  ourselves.  Senators.  The  free-toll  plank  was  the  one 
dominant  American  note  in  the  campaign  of  191 2,  and  its  value  to  th« 
Democratic  Party  can  not  be  disparaged  when  it  is  recalled  that  the  cons 
vention  of  the  Progressive  Party  adopted  the  same  plank,  that  the  nomine4 
of  the  Republican  Party  had  already  pledged  himself  to  the  same  principle 
and  that  14,000,000  citizens  of  this  country  bv  their  votes  have  declare*! 
their  adherence  to  this  principle.  We  are  now  a.sked  to  repudiate  theilj 
declaration,  to  ignore  their  rights,  and  to  treat  them  with  a  contempt  t< 
which  American  citizens  will  never  submit. 


RE|^«CAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  87 


i 

.1   perfidy. 


When  we^^^Vf  national  honor  we  may  be  suspected  of  insincerity  if 
we  do  not  ^■Phize  that  a  violated  party  pledge  is  the  rankest  kind 
of  political  perfidy.  We  surely  owe  at  least  the  same  good  faith  to  the 
American  people  that  we  profess  to  feel  for  a  foreign  nation. 

*  *  *  A  party  platform  should  be  regarded  as  a  confession  of  faith 
by  the  party  promulgating  it  and  should  be  held  sacred  and  inviolate. 

How  can  we  hope  to  retain  the  contidence  of  the  American  people 
when  we  have  no  respect  for  our  party  pledges?  To  what  sinister  influence 
will  the  people  attribute  this  duplicity  on  the  part  of  a  great  political 
party?  It  is  no  defense  to  say  that  delicate  foreign  relations  justify  the 
repudiation.  There  can  be  no  condition  in  our  foreign  affairs  that  can 
excuse  the  abandonment  of  vital  national  rights.  If,  as  the  result  of  war, 
a  conquerer  imposed  such  terms  upon  us,  we  could  accept  them  as  the 
issue  of  a  struggle,  but  a  self-respecting  people  can  not  freely  submit  to 
such  conditions.  Is  the  Democratic  Party  prepared  to  confess  itself  guilty 
of  a  betrayal  of  a  public  trust?  Will  it  admit  to  the  country  that  it  secured 
office  by  false  pretense?  What  confidence  can  the  people  have  in  such  a 
party  so  devoid  of  respect  for  its  own  pledges?  We  secured  office  under  a 
solemn  promise  to  the  American  people  which  we  are  now  asked  to  re- 
pudiate. 

For  nearly  a  century  the  national  convention  has  been  the  highest 
authority  for  the  declaration  of  party  principles — the  promulgation  of 
the  party  creed,  binding  upon  all  alike.  The  party  doctrine  as  pro- 
nounced by  a  national  convention  can  be  changed  only  by  another 
national  convention.  The  power  is  not  lodged  with  a  President  or  a 
congressional  caucus  to  regulate  or  modify. 

I  should  prefer  to  stand  with  the  President,  but  I  have  never  bolted  a 
Democratic  candidate  nor  a  Democratic  platform,  and  I  do  not  intend 
now  to  take  my  place  with  the  repudiators  of  party  pledges.  In  this 
emergency  every  Senator  will  act  according  to  his  own  lights.  Some 
may  find  an  excuse  for  the  disregard  of  party  obligations,  but  as  I  view  if, 
a  party  platform  is  the  plighted  word  of  men  of  honor  declaring  what  their 
policies  will  be  if  tliey  attain  power.  It  is  either  that  or  a  shifting,  dis- 
honest, unconscionable  pretense  whereby  a  confiding  electorate  is  misled. 

Never  until  now  has  the  party  of  Jefferson  been  exposed  to  this  base 
imputation  upon  its  honor  and  integrity.  And  those  who  clung  to  the  old 
Democratic  Party  in  its  days  of  adversity — those  who,  undismayed  by  re- 
peated defeats,  remained  loyal  to  its  candidates  and  its  principles — should 
not  now  be  asked  to  do  it  a  wrong  greater  than  any  which  its  avowed 
opponents  are  capable  of  inflicting  upon  it. 

Senators,  I  beg  you  to  pause  while  there  is  still  time  and  avert  a  dis- 
aster which  now  threatens  the  party  and  the  Nation.  (Senator  O'Gorman, 
of  New  York,  in  Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong,,  pp.  8537- 
8538,) 

Speaker  Clark  Says  the  Amazing  Request  of  the  President  for  the  Repeal 
of  "Free  Tolls,  Like  the  Peace  of  God,  Passcth  All  Understanding." 

We  went  to  the  people  on  that  platform  containing  the  free-tolls  plank; 
headed  by  President  Wilson  himself  we  all  indorsed  it ;  standing  on  it  we 
appealed  to  the  voters  of  the  land  for  their  support;  and  they,  responding 
to  our  Macedonian  cry  for  help,  enabled  us  to  sweep  the  land  from  sea  to 
sea  by  amazing  majorities  in  the  Electoral  Colleges,  And  now  it  is  pro- 
posed that  we  reward  their  faith  in  us  and  their  support  of  us  by  repudi- 
ating one  of  the  planks  of  that  platform  on  which  we  achieved  that 
a.stounding  victory,  a  plank  so  clear  that  there  could  be  no  misunderstand- 
ing about  it,  no  possible  misconstruction  of  it.  I  refuse  absolutely  to  be  a 
party  to  any  such  performance.  Tell  it  not  in  Gath,  proclaim  it  not  in 
the  streets  of  Askalon,  that  the  Democratic  Party  will  not  keep  faith  with 
a  confiding  public. 

The  amazing  request  of  the  President  for  the  repeal,  like  the  peace  of 
Cod,  passeth  all  understanding.  If  he  has  any  reasons  which  are  not 
utterly  untenable  and  which  impelled  him  to  make  the  request,  he  has  not 
vouchsafed  them  to  us  as  a  body  or,  so  far  as  I  am  informed,  to  any 
Member  of  the  House.  If  he  has  adequate  reasons  and  did  not  deem  it 
prudent  to  make  them  known  to  the  world  at  large,  he  could  have  com- 
municated them  to  us  in  secret  session.  With  all  due  deference  to  the 
President,  it  seems  to  me  that  we  are  entitled  to  those  reasons  before 
bolting  a  Democratic  platform,  which  is  generally  considered  an  inde- 
fensible, an  extra-hazardous  performance,  frequently  fatal  in  its  results. 
(Speaker  Champ  Clark,  Congressional  Record,  Mar.  31,  1914.) 

Senator  Chamberlain  (Democrat),  of  Oregon,  in  Opposing  Repeal  of  Free 
Tolls,  Says  Democrats  Went  Over  the  Country  Declaring  for  Free  Tolls. 
"If  Platforms  Mean  Anything,  If  They  Are  Intended  to  Stand  on 
Rather  Than  to  Get  in  On,"  the  Declaration  for  Free  Tolls  Is  a  Demo- 
cratic Doctrine. 

As  to  being  a  Democratic  doctrine,  Mr.  President,  if  platforms  mean  any- 
thing, if  they  are  intended  to  stand  on  rather  than  to  get  in  on,  then  this 
declaration  of  free  tolls  for  coastwise  vessels  is  a  Democratic  doctrine.  It 
was  declared  for  in  the  Democratic  platform  in  Baltimore.  There  is  no 
question  about  that.  If  it  does  not  bind  the  Democratic  Party,  Mr. 
President,  there  is  not  a  single  declaration  in  it  that  does  bind  the  party. 
Not  only  that,  but  if  the  expression  of  opinion  by  Democrats  on  the  floor 
of  the  Senate  and  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives  means 
anything  at  all,  it  means  that  they  have  indorsed  this  declaration  in  the 
platform  of  the  Democratic  Party,  because  clearly  all  the  Democrats  in  the 


88  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOO; 


I 


Senate,   and   I   think  probably   a  majority  of  the  Democra^^^^Pe   House, 
voted  for  this  clause  of  the  Panama  Canal  Act. 

I  may  say,  further,  that  in  the  campaign  which  followed  that  declaration 
ih  the  platform  at  Baltimore  Democrats  went  over  the  country  and  de- 
clared in  favor  of  it,  and  it  is  impossible  to  know  how  many  votes  were 
influenced  by   such   declaration. 

♦  «  *  ♦  ♦  *  * 

Who  can  say,  Mr.  President,  that  many  of  the  voters  of  my  State  were 
not  influenced  by  that  declaration  in  the  platform?  I  for  one  want  to  say 
that  I  do  not  propose  to  stultify  myself  in  reference  to  this  subject  now 
nor  at  any  time  in  the  future.  I  do  not  propose  to  go  back  to  my  people 
and  say  to  them  that  because  the  distinguished  President  of  the  United 
States  happens  to  differ  from  me  I  am  going  to  yield  my  convictions,  my 
judgment,  my  conscience,  to  his  view  of  this  subject.  *  *  *  I  do  not 
know  how  my  friends  on  this  side  of  the  Chamber  intend  to  square  them- 
selves with  their  constituents  when  they  go  back  to  them  and  say  that 
they  have  been  induced  to  change  their  attitude  with  reference  to  the 
Panama-tolls  question — I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  any  of  them  are  going 
to  do  so — but  J,  for  one,   am  not  going  to  do  so,   Mr.   President. 

*  *  »  ♦  ♦  *  ♦ 

I  would  rather  be  a  subject  of  a  conquered  nation,  Mr.  President,  if  you 
please,  with  honor,  than  to  enjoy  freedom  and  feel  that  I  had  sacrificed 
every  sense  of  propriety  and  honor  in  my  action  upon  any  legislation 
that  comes  before  Congress.  (Hon.  George  E.  Chamberlain,  Congres- 
sional Record,  63d  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  p.  3842.) 

Congressman  Harrison  (Democrat),  of  Mississippi,  Criticizes  Democratic 
"Gag"  Rule  on  Free-Tolls  Repeal  Bill,  and  Says  Free-Tolls  Plank  Was 
Not  "Sneaked"  Into  Democratic  Platform — Protests  Against  "Surrender" 
to  the  President. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  had  hoped  that  in  the  discussion  of  this  very  important 
question  sufficient  time  would  be  allotted  to  those  who  desired  to  take 
part  in  the  debate  so  that  they  could  discuss  it  fully  ;  but  because  of  the 
"generous"  action  of  the  Rules  Committee,  sanctioned  by  this  House  on 
yesterday  in  forcing  their  rule  through  I  am  forced  to  content  myself 
with  answering  only  partly  and  briefly  some  of  the  arguments.     ♦     *     * 

I  had  hoped  that  in  the  discussion  of  this  question  my  Democratic 
colleagues,  at  least,  would  discuss  it  in  such  a  dispassionate  and  cool 
manner  as  would  cause  no  ill  feeling  and  impute  no  bad  motives  to  any 
of  their  colleagues  in  this  House.  But  the  discussion  has  taken  such  a 
wide  range  that,  forsooth,  they  have  seen  fit  not  only  to  indict  the  dis- 
tinguished committee  on  resolutions  of  the  Baltimore  convention,  but  they 
have  impunged  the  motives  of  those  men  who  in  the  Sixty-second  Con- 
gress voted  for  free  tolls  with  an  honest  conviction.  They  have  gone 
further  than  that,  and  they  have  impeached  the  good  intentions  of  the 
leaders  of  our  party  here.  I  can  not  believe  that  the  plank  with  respect 
to  free  tolls  was  sneaked  into  the  Baltimore  platform.  I  have  too  much 
faith  in  the  intelligence  and  the  integrity  of  the  members  of  my  party  who  . 
made  up  that  committee,  dominated  by  its  chairman,  the  present  Secre- 
tary of   State,   Mr.   Bryan,   to  believe  any   such  action  was  taken. 

The  report  of  that  committee  was  sanctioned  by  that  convention,  and  I 
can  not  understand  why,  when  my  good  friends  the  distinguished  gentle- 
man from  Texas  [Mr.  Henry]  and  the  distinguished  gentleman  from 
Georgia  [Mr.  Hardwick]  spoke  in  many  parts  of  this  country  in  the  last 
campaign  asking  the  people  to  place  the  Democratic  Party  in  power,  and 
promising  them  that  if  they  should  that  party  would  redeem  every  pledge 
of  its  platform,  they  did  not  then  raise  their  voice  against  this  particular 
plank  of  the  platform.  It  would,  indeed,  have  come  with  better  grace  if 
they  had  at  that  time  said  that  the  Democratic  Party  in  convention  as- 
sembled at  Baltimore  had  played  some  skin  game  upon  the  American 
people.     It  comes  with  bad  grace  for  them  to  say   it  now. 

♦  »  »  ♦  ♦  *  • 

I  have  never  heard  a  more  eloquent  speech  delivered  in  this  House  than 
that  delivered  by  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  [Mr.  Palmer]  on 
yesterday.  But  when  he  says  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States, 
made  up  of  the  representatives  of  the  American  people,  should  surrender 
to  the  President  in  matters  that  aflfect  our  treaty  relations  with  a  foreign 
country,  when  that  treaty  affects  the  domestic  aftairs  of  this  Nation,  I  say 
he  goes  too  far,  indeed.  (Hon.  B.  P.  Harrison,  Mar.  28,  1914,  Congres- 
sional   Record,   2d  sess.    63d    Cong.,   p.    6048,    6049.) 

General  Incompetency  of  the  Democratic  Party. 

Our  platform  is  one  of  principles  which  we  believe  to  be  essential  to 
our  national  welfare.  Our  pledges  are  made  to  be  kept  when  in  office 
as  well  as  relied  upon  during  the  campaign.  (Democratic  platform, 
1912.) 

Senator  Williams  (Democrat),  of  Mississippi,  Says  "The  Poor.  Dear  Old 
Foolish  Democratic  Party  Is  Going  Through  the  Same  Game,"  and 
Quotes  "Tom  Reed"  Approvingly. 

The  poor,  dear  old  foolish  Democratic  Party  is  going  through  the  same 
game  that  she  can,  be  generally  trusted  to  go  through  soon  after  she  gets 
into  power. 

•  •  ♦  •  t  •  • 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  89 

That  is  the  Democratic  Party,  true  enough.  That  is  its  history.  That 
is  what  led  Speaker  Tom  Reed  to  say  in  1894  and  1895:  "You  can't 
last  long,  because  you  are  not  accustomed  to  governing, anybody  or  any- 
thing; you  can  not  govern  the  country,  because  you  can  not  govern  your- 
selves. You  are  incompetent."  (Hon.  John  Sharp  Williams,  Congres- 
sional  Record,  2d  sess.    63d  Cong.,  p.    6853.) 

Senator  Tillman   (Democrat),  of  South  Carolina,  Likens  the  Democrats  to 
"Wild   Asses"    Who    Have   "Broken    Into    the    Green    Com." 

The  Biblical  quotation  I  used  a  few  days  ago  will  become  historical. 
The  "wild  asses  of  the  desert,  athirst  and  hungry,  have  broken  into  the 
green  corn."  That  applies  all  along  the  line  from  top  to  bottom.  The 
Senators  themselves  are  green,  and  the  Democrats  of  the  country  have 
been  "out  in  the  cold"  so  long  and  have  had  so  little  hope  or  opportunity 
to  get  patronage  or  any  of  the  offices  that  they  are  simply  wild.  (Senator 
Tillman,  Congressional   Record,   ist  sess.  63d  Cong.,  pp.  32,  33.) 

Congressman  Fitzgerald  (Democrat),  of  New  York,  Pointed  Out  That  the 
Estimates  of  the  Democratic  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Showing  an  Ap- 
parent   Surplus    of   $26,000,000    Were    "Grossly    Misleading." 

I  pointed  out  early  in  the  session  that  the  estimates  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  while  showing  an  apparent  surplus  of  $26,000,000  for 
the  next  fiscal  year,  were  grossly  misleading,  because  they  eliminated  all 
provisions  for  the  sinking-fund  requirements,  eliminated  all  provision 
for  deficiencies,  and  placed  to  the  credit  of  the  Government  $13,000,000 
which  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  estimated  had  been  appropriated, 
but  could  not  be  expended,  so  that  even  according  to  his  own  figures 
the  surplus  revenues  for  the  next  fiscal  year  are  but  $13,000,000.  His 
estimate  eliminated  $10,500,000  of  deficiency  estimates,  which  are  now 
pending  before  the  Committee  on  Appropriations.  The  estimate  took  no 
account  of  the  authorization  for  the  Alaskan  railroad,  $1,000,000  of  which 
is  asked  at  this  time,  with  authorizations  up  to  $35,000,000.  It  took  no 
account  of  authorizations  for  good  roads,  with  a  bill  pending  here  for  the 
expenditure  of  $25,000,000  for  that  purpose.  (Hon.  John  J.  Fitzgerald, 
Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  p.  2055.) 

Senator  Tillman   (Democrat),   of  South  Carolina,  Compares   Democrats  to 
an   "Untrained   Mob." 

As  compared  with  the  Republicans  we  are  an  untrained  mob  with  little 
knowledge  of  parliamentary  law  and  very  little  effective  knowledge  of  the 
rules  of  the  Senate.  (Senator  Tillman,  Congressional  Record,  ist  sess.  63d 
Cong.,  p.   32.) 

Speaker    Clark    (Democrat),    of   Missouri,    Does    Not    Know   Whether   the 
State  Department   Knows  What  Its   Future  Policy  Is  Going  to  Be, 

The  Speaker.  ♦  *  *  The  Chair  does  not  know  whether  the  State 
Department  knows  what  its  future  policy  is  going  to  be,  and  it  does  not 
make  a  bit  of  difference  whether  it  does  or  does  not.  If  it  should 
undertake  to  state  what  it  was  going  to  be,  then  it  would  be  the  ex- 
pression of  opinion  and  not  the  statement  of  a  fact,  and  therefore 
obnoxious  to  the  rule.  •  *  *  (Hon.  Champ  Clark,  Speaker  of  the 
House,  Congressional  Record,  Mar.  21,   1914,  p.  5611.) 

Congressman  Kindel  (Democrat),  of  Colorado,  Regrets  That  the  President 
Is  Not  a  Business  Man,  So  That  He  Could  Be  Convinced  of  the 
"Suicidal  Policy"   of  the   Democratic  Party  as  to  the  Parcel   Post. 

I  was  inspired  by  all  that  I  had  read  and  heard  of  Mr.  Wilson  from 
the  declarations  made  by  the  President  before  the  election.  I  was  in 
hopes  that  the  country  might  depend  upon  him  for  wise  and  conserva- 
tive action,  and  thus  endeavor  to  promote  legislation  that  would  take 
into  certain  consideration  the  general  welfare  of  the  entire  body  of  mer- 
chants, manufacturers,  and  laborers  of  the  country ;  but  regret  to  find 
that  the  tendencies  that  have  thus  far  been  shown  are  more  scholastic 
than  businesslike,  as  is  evidenced  by  this  botch  parcel  post  and  the 
restrictive  orders  now  prevailing  in  the  coal  fields  of  my  State.  Where- 
fore, I  regret  the  loss  of  time  that  I  could  not  convince  him  and  the 
Democratic  Party  of  its  suicidal  policy.  Our  President  is  undoubtedly  a 
good  man  and  well-meaning  man,  but  it  would  have  been  a  blessing  to 
the  country  if  he  had  had  more  business  experience  before  he  assumed 
the  grave  responsibility  of  the  office  with  which  he  has  been  honored  and 
which  I  took  great  delight  to  assist  him  in.  *  *  *  (Hon.  George  J. 
Kindel,   Congressional  Record,  Aug.    11,  1914.) 

Congressman  Buchanan  (Democrat),  of  Illinois,  Thinks  Democrats  Ought 
to  Be  as  Considerate  to  the  Laboring  People  as  the  Republicans  Were. 

Mr.  Campbell.  Has  the  gentleman  any  proposition  to  make  as  to  this — 
how  he  can  get  laboring  men  to  read  these  reports?  I  have  a  great  many 
of  them,  and  I  find  it  difficult  to  get  the  men  to  read,  for  instance,  in 
relation   to   mine    accidents. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  of  Illinois.  I  will  say  this  to  the  gentleman :  When  I 
was  a  laboring  man  I  appreciated  information  of  this  sort,  and  I  asked  for 
and  got  it,  even  under  Republican  administration,  and  it  seems  to  me  that 
the    Democratic    Party,    that   has   made    the   declaration    that    it    is    for   the 


90  liEPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

laboring  people,  ought  at  least  to  be  as  considerate  to  the  laboring  people 
as  the  Republicans  were.  (Hon.  Frank  Buchanan,  Congressional  Record, 
2d  sess.   63d  Cong.,  p.  4246.) 

Senator   Williams    (Democrat),    of  Mississippi,   Sees  the  Democratic  Party 
Embracing   Socialism   and  Sighs  for  the   Old-Time   Democracy. 

*  *  *  Here  are  Democrats  who  20  years  ago  were  fighting  populites 
all  over  this  country  when  the  populites  were  demanding  Government 
ownership  of  railroads.  We  fought  them  in  Mississippi  on  every  hilltop 
and  down  in  every  shadow  of  every  valley,  and  we  whipped  them  to  a 
finish,  because  we  fought  them  in  the  open.  Now,  here  are  Democrats 
standing  around  and  wanting  to  do  just  what  the  populites  then  asked, 
wanting  to  turn  this  Government  over  to  State  socialism — not  the 
socialism  of  Marx,  not  the  socialism  of  the  French  socialists,  in  which 
there  is  some  reason,  but  State  socialism — upon  the  theory  that  a  State 
can  manage  transportation,  industry,  manufacturing  and  other  things  bet- 
ter than  they  can   1)e   managed  by   private   enterprise. 

Oh,  for  the  great  Democratic  Party,  the  party  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  the 
party  of  individual  enterprise,  the  party  whose  cornerstone  was  that  the 
most  sacred  thing  in  the  world  was  the  individual  and  individual  enter- 
prise, the  party  which  believed  that  government  was  organized  solely  for 
the  purpose  of  preventing  depredations  by  one  individual  upon  another 
and  that  all  that  was  necessary  for  government  to  do  was  to  see  to  it  that 
every  man  had  a  fair  field  and  equal  opportunity.  *  *  *  (Hon.  John 
Sharp  Williams,  Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  p.  2175.) 

Senator  Vardaman  (Democrat),  of  Mississippi,  Disagrees  With  His  Demo- 
cratic Colleague  (Senator  Williams)  and  Says  the  Populist  Creed  Han 
Become  the  Political  Faith  of  the  Nation. 

In  fact,  Mr.  President,  the  Populist  creed,  which  has  been  so  much 
criticized,  that  platform  of  principles  which  they  proclaimed  at  Omaha,  has 
been  appropriated  by  the  Democrats  and  stolen  by  the  Progressives. 
Really  the  creed  of  that  much  despised  and  criticized  political  minority 
has  now  become,  to  a  very  large  extent,  the  political  faith  of  the  Nation. 
(Hon.    J.    K.    Vardaman,    Congressional    Record,    2d    sess.    63d    Cong.,    p. 

2334-) 

Congressman  Kindel  (Democrat),  of  Colorado,  Thinks  President  Wilson 
an  Authority  on  Syntax  and  Etymology,  But  Is  Ignorant  of  the  Science 
of  Transportation — He  Would  Send  the  "Blundering"  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral to  Texas  "to  Punch  Cows." 

While  our  Postmaster  General  takes  great  credit  upon  himself,  I  must 
say  that  I  can  not  agree  with  the  distinguished  chairman  of  the  Post 
Office  and  Post  Roads  Committee,  who  thinks  that  Mr.  Burleson  is  the 
best  man  on  earth.  He  may  be  that,  but  certainly  he  has  not  demon- 
strated to  me  that  he  is  the  wisest  in  conducting  the  parcel  post. 

*  *  »  *  ♦  ♦  » 

I  have  taken  the  matter  up  with  several  Cabinet  officers  and  the  hon- 
ored President  himself,  and  while  I  have  a!  great  regard  for  the  President, 
who  is  unquestionably  an  authority  on  syntax  and  etymology,  he  ad- 
mittedly knows   little  or  nothing  about  the   science   of  transportation. 

This  is  not  the  first  time  I  have  made  known  the  inconsistencies  and 
injustices  to  the  powers  that  be.  Besides  this  being  my  fourth  speech 
on  the  subject  I  have  talked  almost  daily  to  the  various  heads  and  sub- 
heads for  the  past  nine  months.  Some  changes  have  followed,  but  not 
one^  of  them  in  a  logical  or  scientific  way. 

Until  the  President  realizes  his  mistake  and  sends  the  blundering  Post- 
master General  Burleson  and  Chairman  Clark,  of  the  Interstate  Commerce 
Commission,  one  of  them  to  punch  cows  in  Texas  and  one  to  punch 
railroad  tickets  in  Iowa,  we  can  not  hope  for  any  improvement.  (Hon. 
George  J.  Kindel,  Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  pp.  2508, 
2510.) 

*  *  *  The  President  has  stated  that  he  does  not  feel  at  liberty  to 
take  a  position  where  the  Democratic  platform  has  not  taken  a  position, 
but  he  has  not  stated  that  he  did  feel  at  liberty  to  repudiate  the  Demo- 
cratic platform  where  it  has  taken  a  position.  (Republican  Leader  James 
R.  Mann,  Congressional  Record,  2d  sess.  63d  Cong.,  p.  3344.) 

The  Baltimore  Platform. 
I  was  once  a  joyous  platform,  in  Baltimore  I  was  made  ; 
The  people  laughed  and  hollered  and  the  bands  all  came  and  played. 
My   planks  were  joined  so  neatly  that  the  carpenters  declared 
'Twas  a  case  of  clear  perfection,  and  they'd  lick  the   man  who  dared 
Insinuate  that  I  was  anything  but  stanch  and  good. 
And  now  there's  not  enough  of  me  for  campaign  kindling  wood. 
Where   are  now   those  vocal  efforts  and  those  sentiments  sublime. 
Those   tunes   played  gladly   out   of  key   and  mostly   out   of   time? 
Gone  into  deep  oblivion,  laid  high  upon   the   shell. 
Dear,   patriotic   speeches,   you're  back   numbers  like  myself. 
They  said  they  made  me  strong  enough  to  cope  with  any  fate, 
And  yet  I  proved  as  fragile  as  a  chunk  of  armor  plate. 
To  patriotic  fires  I'd  give  some  splinters  if  T  could. 
But  now  there's  not  enough  of  me  for  campaign  kindling  wood. 


Charles  E.  Hughes 

BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN 
PRESIDENTIAL  NOMINEE 

The  chief  dates  in  the  life  of  Charles  E.  Hughes,  the  Re- 
publican nominee  for  President,  may  be  given  as  follows: 

Born  at  Glens  Falls,  New  York,  April  ii,  1862; 

Studied  in   Colgate  University,  1876-8; 

Graduated  from  Brown   University,   1881 ; 

Graduated  from  the  Columbia  Law  School,  1884; 

Admitted  to  the  New  York  Bar,   1884; 

Married  Miss  Antoinette  Carter,  December  5,  1888; 

Has  four  children,  one  son  and  three  daughters; 

Practiced  law  in  New  York  City,  1884-91; 

Professor  of  Law,  Cornell  University,   1891-3; 

Practiced  law  in   New  York  City,   1893-1906; 

Special  lecturer  on  law,  Cornell  University,  1893-5; 

Special  lecturer  on  law.  New  York  Law  School,  1893-1900; 

Counsel  of  the  Stevens  Gas  Committee,  1905; 

Counsel   of  the  Armstrong   Insurance    Committee,    1905-6; 

Declined  Republican  nomination  for  Mayor  of  New  York 
City,  1905; 

Appointed  special  assistant  to  the  United  States  Attorney 
General,  Anthracite  Coal  Investigation,  1906; 

Elected  Governor  of  New  York,  November,   1906; 

Began  his  first  term  as  Governor,  January  i,  19O7; 

Re-elected  Governor  of  New  York,  November,  1908; 

Appointed  Associate  Justice  of  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court,  May  2,  1910; 

Resigned  the  office  of  Governor  of  New  York,  October  6, 
1910; 

Took  the  oath  of  office  as  Associate  Justice  of  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court,  October  10,  1910; 

Member  of  U.  S.  Postal  Commission,  appointed  by  Presi- 
dent Taft  in  191 1. 

Nominated  for  President  by  the  Republican  National  Con- 
vention and  resigned  from  the  United  States  Supreme  Court, 
June  10,  1916; 

Endorsed  for  President  by  the  National  Committee  of  the 
Progressive  party,  June  26,  1916. 

Ancestry 

Mr.  Hughes  is  a  typical  product  of  American  evolution. 
His  father,  David  Charges  Hughes,  born  in  Monmouthshire 
on  the  borders  of  Wales,  was  a  son  of  Nathan  Hughes,  a 
publisher  in  South  Wales,  who  died  when  David  was  thirteen 
years  old.  David's  life  reads  like  a  romance.  He  was  one  of  a 
large  family  of  children,  studious,  imaginative  and  filled  with 
the  earnest  enthusiasm  which  is  characteristic  of  the  Welsh 
blood.  Among  the  books  which  he  read  when  he  was  a  boy 
was  the  Autobiography  of  Benjamin  Franklin.  The  career 
of  this  great  man  filled  the  lad  with  a  determination  to 
come  to  America  and  take  advantage  of  the  opportunities 
which  Franklin  had  known  so  well  how  to  use. 

The  fulfillment  of  this  ambition  was  deferred  until  the  boy 
had  reached  the  age  of  twenty-three  and  had  become  a 
preacher.  He  then  took  passage  for  America  where  he  had 
neither  friends  nor  acquaintances,  delighted  with  the  realiza- 
tion at  last  of  his  boyhood,  dreams. 

David  Hughes  was,  in  many  respects,  a  remarkable  man. 
Although  his  life  was  confined  to  restricted  channels,  like  the 
lives  of  most  men,  he  always  made  warm  and  sincere  friend- 
ships. He  possessed  great  energy  and  unquestioning  faith  in 
the  religious  doctrines  which  he  expounded.  His  indomitable 
spirit  was  never  subdued  by  discouragement  or  disappoint- 
ment.     Worldly    advancement    and    his    own    comfort    made 

91 


92  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

no  appeal  to  hi^m  when  they  interfered  with  service  to  others. 
There  are  hundreds  of  men  and  women  who,  as  children, 
attended  the  churches  in  which  he  ministered,  and  who  now 
hold  his  memory  in  affectionate  regard.  Although  his  salary 
as  minister  was  always  small,  he  never  turned  away  an  appeal 
for  help  and  in  his  later  life  he  laughed  over  stories  that 
were  told  of  generosity  so  imprudent  that  it  sometimes  left 
him  without  an  overcoat  in  winter  because  he  had  given  away 
the    only    one    he    possessed. 

He  had  been  only  three  days  in  this  country  when,  in  1855, 
he  received  an  assignment  to  preach  at  Vails  Gate,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Newburgh,  N.  Y.  This  gave  him  a  foothold;  but 
he  felt  the  need  of  more  study  and  in  order  to  obtain  money 
to  satisfy  this  need  he  taught  in  an  academy  near  Baltimore. 
He  thus  obtained  funds  which  enabled  him  to  attend  Wes- 
leyan  University  for  two  years.  Mr.  Hughes  married  Miss 
Mary  Catherine  Connelly  in  i860,  and  in  the  same  year  was 
ordained  as  a  Baptist  minister  and  became  pastor  of  the 
church  at  Glens  Falls.  There  his  only  child,  Charles  Evans 
Hughes,  was  born  April  11,  1862.  Mr.  Hughes  was  admitted 
to  citizenship  in  Kingston,  Ulster  county,  New  York.  He 
affiliated  himself  with  the  Republican  party.  With  his  usual 
enthusiasm  he  upheld  Republican  principles,  always  working 
for  and  voting  for  the  Republican  candidate.  He  was  a  fer- 
vent Abolitionist  and  no  man  did  more  than  he  to  maintain 
the  Union  cause  in  northern  New  York. 

David  Hughes  served  churches  in  Sandy  Hill — now  Hud- 
son Falls — and  Oswego,  New  York;  Newark  and  Jersey  City, 
New  Jersey;  Brooklyn  and  Manhattan,  New  York  City;  and 
Scranton,  Pennsylvania;  and  after  his  retirement  he  continued 
to  preach  while  his  strength  permitted  him  to  do  so.  He  lived 
to  see  his  son  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  he 
died  in  the  Executive  Mansion  in  Albany. 

While  Governor  Hughes'  father  was  of  foreign  birth,  his 
descent  on  his  mother's  side  is  American  to  pre-RevoIution- 
ary  days.  Mrs.  Hughes  was  a  product  of  two  lines  of  de- 
scent, one — the  Connelly  side — Scotch  Irish,  and  the  other — 
the  Jan  Burhans  and  Terpenning  lines — Dutch  stock.  Jan 
Burhans  settled  in  Kingston,  New  York,  as  early  as  1660. 

Mrs.  Hughes  was  a  quiet,  slender  little  woman,  of  marked 
mental  ability,  whose  cheerful  and  patient  fortitude  and  good 
management  kept  going  a  household  which  her  husband's 
impulsive  generosity  might  have  scattered  had  it  been  in  less 
competent  hands  than  hers.  She  was  a  graduate  of  Clave- 
rack  College  and  prior  to  her  marriage  had  engaged  in  teach- 
ing. She  had  special  aptitude  for  mathematics.  Her  grand- 
mother on  her  father's  side  was  from  Connecticut — a  Yankee 
of  English  descent.  Her  great  grandfather,  a  Scotch-Irish- 
man, who  lived  in  Ulster  county.  New  York,  served  on  the 
staflF  of  George  Clinton,  the  first  Governor  of  the  State  of 
New  York. 

In  recognition  of  the  service  that  he  rendered.  Governor 
Clinton  obtained  from  General  Washington  a  commission  for 
him  in  the  Revolutionary  Army,  where  he  made  a  record 
which  brought  him  high  commendation.  On  the  Dutch  side, 
also,  Mrs.  Hughes'  Ulster  county  ancestry  was  of  Revolu- 
tionary stock. 

Her  Connelly  grandfather,  also  of  Ulster  county,  New 
York,  was  a  physician  of  reputation.  His  son,  William  Con- 
nelly, who  was  Mr.  Hughes'  grandfather  on  his  mother's 
side,  was  a  contractor.  He  employed  a  considerable  number 
of  men  in  the  construction  01  tanneries,  mills  and  similar 
structures  under  contract.  At  the  time  of  his  marriage,  Wil- 
liam Connelly  held  a  building  contract  in  Middletown,  Dela- 
ware county.  New  York.  Delaware  county  was  at  that  time 
little  better  than  a  wilderness.  He  took  his  gang  of  men, 
his  teams  and  other  paraphernalia,  and  accompanied  by  his 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  93 

bride,  he  went  into  the  woods  to  execute  his  contract.  It 
was  there,  in  1830,  that  Mrs.  Hughes,  the  Governor's  mother, 
was   born. 

Education 

Charles  Evans  Hughes,  who  was  named  after  his  father, 
and  his  father's  mother  (Jane  Evans),  had  an  excellent  con- 
stitution, but  on  account  of  early  illness  was  in  delicate  health 
as  a  boy.  His  early  education  and  training  were  in  care  of 
his  father  and  mother  and,  save  for  a  brief  time  in  Oswego, 
he  did  not  attend  school  until  he  was  ten  years  old.  In 
Newark  he  was  graduated  at  the  Oliver  Street  Public  School 
in  1873  and  then  entered  the  Newark  High  School.  On  re- 
moving to  New  York,  he  became  a  pupil  of  Grammar  School 
No.  35,  in  West  Thirteenth  Street,  and  in  June  1875,  when  he 
was  thirteen  years  old,  he  was  graduated  from  that  school 
and  delivered  the  salutatory  address  in  the  Academy  of  Music. 

Despite  the  disadvantage  of  attending  different  schools, 
Mr.  Hughes  made  rapid  progress  in  his  studies  and  he  was 
only  fourteen  years  old  when  he  entered  Madison  University, 
now  Colgate  University,  in  Hamilton,  New  York.  After 
remaining  there  two  years  he  entered  Brown  University,  in 
the  Sophomore  class.  He  was  nominated  as  a  Phi  Beta  Kappa 
man  in  his  junior  year  and  he  won  the  Dunn  Premium  for 
the  highest  standing  in  English  literature.  He  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  editorial  staff  of  the  "Brunonian,"  the  College  news- 
paper. 

He  was  graduated  from  Brown  University  in  1881,  when  he 
was  nineteen  years  old.  He  stood  third  in  his  class,  a  rank 
which  entitled  him  to  deliver  the  classical  oration.  He  also 
took  one  of  the  two  Carpenter  Premiums  which  were  as- 
signed to  the  two  members,  already  on  scholarships,  of  the 
senior  class  who  "shall,  in  the  judgment  of  the  faculty,  unite 
in  the  highest  degree  the.  three  most  important  elements  of 
success  in  life — ability,  character  and  attainment." 

As  Mr.  Hughes  grew  older,  he  gained  slowly  in  strength. 
He  was  always  a  great  worker.  After  his  graduation  from 
Brown  University  he  taught  Greek  and  maCthematics  in  Dela- 
ware Academy  at  Delhi,  New  York,  and  studied  law  in  the 
office  of  Judge  Gleason  there.  He  was  able  to  enter  the 
Columbia  Law  School  in  1882,  and  while  there  he  spent  a  por- 
tion of  his  time  for  a  year  in  the  office  of  General  Stewart 
L.  Woodford,  who  was  then  United  States  District  Attorney 
for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York  and  who  afterwards 
became  Minister  to  Spain. 

As  a  Lawyer 

Mr.  Hughes  obtained  a  place  as  clerk  in  the  law  firm  of 
Chamberlain,  Carter  &  Hornblower  during  a  part  of  his  last 
year  in  the  Law  School.  This  firm  afterward  became  Carter, 
Hornblower  &  Byrne.  He  was  graduated  from  the  Law 
School  in  1884,  receiving  the  Prize  Fellowship  in  his  class, 
and  he  was  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  the  same  year.  In  1887, 
Mr.  Hornblower  and  Mr.  Byrne  withdrew  from  the  firm  in 
which  Mr.  Hughes  had  been  employed  and  he  became  a 
member  of  the  new  firm  of  Carter,  Hughes  &  Cravath. 

Miss  Antoinette  Carter,  whom  Mr.  Hughes  married  De- 
cember 5,  1888,  was  the  daughter  of  the  senior  member  of  the 
firm,  Walter   S.   Carter. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hughes  have  four  children,  one  son  and  three 
daughters.  The  oldest,  Charles  E.  Hughes,  Jr.,  is  married 
and  has  two  children  of  his  own.  He  was  graduated  from 
Brown  University  in  1909  and  from  the  Harvard  Law  School 
in  1912  and  is  practising  law  in  New  York  City.  The  eldest 
daughter,  Helen,  was  graduated  at  Vassar  College  in  1914; 
the  second  daughter,  Catherine,  enters  Wellesley  College, 
next  fall.  The  youngest,  Elizabeth,  was  born  in  the  Executive 
Mansion  in  Albany,  in  1907. 


91  REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Mr.  Hughes  practised  law  until  1891  when,  his  health  feel- 
ing the  strain  of  work,  he  accepted  an  appointment  as  Pro- 
fessor of  Law  in  Cornell  University.  He  remained  in  Ithaca 
from  1891  to  1893  and  after  his  return  to  New  York  City, 
lie  continued  to  give  a  special  course  of  lectures  on  law  at 
Cornell  University  until  1895,  and  in  the  New  York  Law 
School  until  1900. 

When  he  returned  from  Ithaca  in  1893,  he  joined  his  old 
firm,  which  became  Carter,  Hughes  &  Kellogg,  and  later 
Carter,  Hughes  &  Dwight.  It  retained  this  name  until  Mr. 
Dwight's  death  in  1903.  Mr.  Dwight  was  succeeded  in  the 
firm  by  George  W.  Schurman,  a  brother  of  Jacob  Gould 
Schurman,  President  of  Cornell  University. 

Mr.  Carter  died  in  1904  and  Mr.  Hughes  then  became  head 
of  the  firm,  the  name  once  more  changing  to  Hughes,  Rounds 
&  Schurman. 

Hitherto  Mr.  Hughes  had  been  little  known  excepting  as 
a  lawyer.  He  had  always  been  a  Republican  in  politics,  en- 
rolling with  his  party  and  voting  at  the  primaries.  In  the 
legal  profession  he  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  foremost 
counsel  in  the  City.  He  retained  complete  personal  inde- 
pendence, enjoying  a  general  practice.  Although  without 
political  ambition  at  that  time,  or  even  any  thought  of  enter- 
ing politics  it  was  natural  for  him  to  avoid  any  connection 
that  he  could  not  justify  to  his  own  conscience. 

The  Stevens  Committee 

Mr.  Hughes'  entry  into  public  life  occurred  when  he  was 
appointed  counsel  to  the  Stevens  Gas  Investigating  Commit- 
tee in  1905.  Before  that  year  there  had  been  much  complaint 
at  the  cost  of  gas  in  New  York  City,  where  the  price  was 
one  dollar  a  thousand  feet.  The  gas  company,  which  enjoyed 
a  virtual  monopoly  in  the  city,  declared  that  it  could  not  re- 
duce the  price  and  still  make  money.  The  Legislature  ap- 
pointed a  joint  committee  with  Senator  Frederick  C  Stevens, 
of  Attica,  as  its  chairman,  to  investigate  the  lighting  com- 
panies and  report.  Mr.  Stevens  selected  Mr.  Hughes  as 
counsel  to  the  Committee. 

The  investigation,  which  was  much  less  spectacular  than 
the  insurance  investigation  which  followed  it,  showed  that 
the  price  of  gas  could  be  reduced  to  eighty  cents  a  thousand 
feet  and  still  leave  the  gas  company  a  fair  margin  of  profit. 
Mr.  Hughes  wrote  the  report  of  the  Committee  and  prepared 
bills  lowering  the  price  of  gas  to  eighty  cents  a  thousand 
feet  and  providing  remedies  for  a  number  of  minor  griev- 
ances of  consumers. 

When  he  had  finished  the  report  and  the  bills  had  been 
introduced,  Mr.  Hughes'  connection  with  the  matter  ceased. 
There  was  strong  opposition  in  the  Legislature  to  the  passage 
of  the  bills.  The  gas  company  declared  that  they  were  con- 
fiscatory and  fought  them  to  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court,  where  they  were  finally  upheld. 

The  Life  Insurance  Investigation 

Meanwhile  the  Legislature  had  appointed  another  joint 
Committee  to  investigate  the  management  of  the  great  life 
insurance  companies,  located  in  the  State.  This  Committee 
was  headed  by  Senator  W.  W.  Armstrong,  of  Rochester.  Mr. 
Hughes  had  gone  to  Switzerland  to  spend  his  vacation,  but 
the  success  of  the  Gas  Investigating  Committee  convinced 
the  Armstrong  Committee  that  it  must  have  him  as  its 
counsel.  He  was  asked  by  cable  to  take  this  position  and  he 
accepted.  He  cut  short  his  stay  abroad  and  immediately 
went  to  work. 

The  disclosures  made  by  the  insurance  investigation  as 
to  the  practices  of  a  small  group  of  men  who  were  entrusted 


REPTTBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TKXTIiOOK  -  1916  Df. 

with  the  management  of  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  paid 
in  premiums  to  the  companies,  created  a  nation-wide  sensa- 
tion. Mr.  Hughes,  day  by  day,  turned  the  light  of  the  in- 
vestigation upon  shadowy  corners  and  intricate  windings  of 
the  insurance  business,  the  existence  of  which  had  until  then 
been  unknown  outside  a  small  circle.  The  use  of  the 
"Yellow  Dog  Fund,"  the  existence  of  the  "House  of  Mirth,"  in 
Albany,  huge  contributions  to  political  campaign  funds,  ex- 
cessive payments  for  obtaining  new  business,  the  use  by  in- 
siders of  life  insurance  money  in  speculations  from  which 
they  reaped  the  profit,  and  the  arbitrary  and  autocratic 
methods  of  the  founders  of  a  business  whose  growth  had  out- 
stripped the  wildest  dreams,  were  all  brought  into  public 
view  during  the  investigation. 

Throughout  the  inquiry,  Mr.  Hughes  was  careful  not  to 
asperse  any  man's  character  without  warrant.  He  never  in- 
dulged in  conjecture  or  inuendo.  His  manner  of  conducting 
the  inquiry  showed  him  to  possess  a  keen  analytical  mind  and 
a  marvellous  capacity  for  work. 

Nominated  for  Mayor  « 

The  municipal  campaign  for  the  election  of  a  Mayor  of 
the  City  of  New  York  came  on  in  the  fall  of  1905  before  the 
investigation  of  the  insurance  companies  had  been  completed. 
The  disclosures  made  in  the  investigation  had  reached  many 
of  the  financial  leaders  and  some  of  the  best  known  men  in 
the  country. 

As  might  have  been  expected,  efforts  were  made  to  halt 
the  investigation,  at  least  along  lines  which  were  likely  to 
prove  damaging.  When  suggestions  that  he  might  ease  up 
a  little  were  made  to  Mr.  Hughes,  he  informed  the  Committee 
that  if  any  attempt  were  made  to  interfere  with  him,  he  would 
resign  and  tell  the  public  why  he  had  done  so.  He  was  not 
troubled  again. 

The  Republican  organization  of  New  York  City  determined 
to  make  Mr.  Hughes  its  candidate  for  Mayor.  When  this 
intention  became  known,  he  declined  to  permit  the  use  of  his 
name  and  stated  he  would  not  accept  a  nomination. 

Despite  Mr.  Hughes'  reluctance,  the  Republican  City  con- 
vention insisted  upon  putting  him  in  the  field.  He  was  for- 
mally notified  of  his  nomination  on  October  9,  1905.  He 
declined  to  accept  and  in  declining  he  made  a  statement  to 
the  Notification  Committee  in  which  he  said: 

You  summon  me  to  vvhatii^ou  believe  to  be  a  public  duty,  and  I  shall 
not  answer  that  summons  By  referring  to  considerations  merely  personal, 
however  important  they  migiit  be  if  the  question  was  one  of  personal 
preference.  ^ 

You  and  the  many  othefs  who  have  urged  me  to  accept  the  nomina- 
tion have  not  rested  the  request  upon  the  basis  of  partisan  obligation,  but 
upon  the  more  secure  foundation  of  duty  to  the  community.     *     *     * 

I  am  not  insensible  to  this  appeal  and  I  fully  appreciate  the  responsi- 
bility of  the  position  in  which,  against  my  will,  I  have  been  placed.  *  *  * 

In  this  dilemma  I  have  simply  to  do  my  duty  as  I  see  it.  In  my 
judgment  I  have  no  right  to  accept  the  nomination.  A  paramount  public 
duty  forbids  it.  It  is  not  necessary  to  enlarge  upon  the  importance  of 
the  insurance  investigation.  That  is  undisputed.  It  is  dealing  with 
questions  vital  to  the  interests  of  millions  of  our  fellow  citizens  through- 
out the  land.  It  presents  an  opportunity  for  public  service  second  to 
none  and  involves  a  correlative  responsibility.  I  have  devoted  myself 
unreservedly  to  this  work.  It  commands  all  my  energies.  It  is  impera- 
tive that   I   continue   in   it.     *     *     * 

I  do  not  believe  that  the  man  lives,  and  certainly  I  am  not  the  man. 
who,  while  a  candidate  for  the  mayoralty,  could  perform  with  proper 
efficiency  that  part  of  the  work  which  has  been  devolved  upon  me  in  the 
pending  inquiry.  If  I  were  to  accept  the  nomination  for  the  high  office 
of  mayor  of  this  city  I  should  be  compelled  to  curtail  this  work,  and 
this   I  have  no  right  to  do. 

For  your  expressions  of  confidence  I  thank  you.  The  honor  you  wou'd 
confer  upon  me  I  most  highly  esteem.  Your  genuine  approval  and  the 
unanimity  and  enthusiasm  with  which  the  nomination  was  made  1 
warmly  appreciate.  But  I  have  assumed  obligations  of  the  first  import- 
ance which  make  it  impossible  for  me  to  meet  your  wishes.  I  must, 
therefore,  respectfully  decline  the  nomination. 


9()  RP:PUBLICAN    campaign    text-book— 1916 

The  Insurance  Reform  Bills 

Mr.  Hughes  performed  an  almost  incredible  amount  of  labor 
during  the  investigation  of  the  insurance  companies  and  the 
preparation  of  the  report  and  the  bills  which  followed  the 
investigation.  This  report  was  presented  to  the  Legislature 
in  the  spring  of  1906,  and  the  bills  which  it  recommended  were 
enacted  without  change. 

These  bills  regulated  the  entire  business  of  life  insurance. 
In  the  course  of  the  investigation,  Mr.  Hughes  had  mastered 
every  detail  of  the  complicated  machinery  through  which  the 
business  was  conducted.  The  bills  provided  methods  by 
which  the  policy-holder  of  mutual  companies  might  elect  the 
officers  of'the  companies,  limited  and  safeguarded  the  use 
of  surplus  and  reserve  funds,  made  the  officers  personally  re- 
sponsible, changed  the  form  of  reports  so  as  to  make  them 
more  truly  portray  conditions,  protected  policy-holders  by 
providing  standard  forms  of  policies,  limited  the  amounts 
which  might  be  paid  to  agents  for  new  business,  increased 
the  powers  of  the  Superintendent  of  Insurance  and  in  other 
respects  abolished  the  abuses  which  had  grown  up  with  or 
c^pt  into  the  business.  In  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  con- 
tribution of  life  insurance  funds  for  political  campaign  pur- 
poses, one  of  the  bills  made  it  unlawful  for  any  corporation 
in  the  State  to  make  a  political  contribution.  This  was  the 
first  law  containing  such  a  prohibition.  Similar  laws  are  now 
on  the  Federal  statute  books  and  on  the  statute  books  of 
many  States. 

The  Anthracite  Coal  Inquiry 

Mr.  Hughes'  fame  as  an  investigator  was  established 
throughout  the  United  States  by  the  insurance  investigation. 
As  soon  as  it  closed,  in  1906,  the  United  States  Department 
of  Justice  made  him  an  Assistant  United  States  Attorney- 
General  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  an  inquiry  to  ascer- 
tain whether  the  United  States  should  bring  an  action  against 
the  Anthracite  Railroads  which  owned  and  carried  coal,  for 
violation  of  the  Sherman   Anti-Trust   Law. 

Nominated  for  Governor 
Mr.  Hughes  had  begun  the  work  of  preparation  for  this 
inquiry  when  a  demand  arose  throughout  the  State  for  his 
nomination  by  the  Republican  party  as  its  candidate  for 
Governor.  President  Roosevelt  sent  word  to  the  party 
leaders  that  he  favored  Mr.  Hughes  and  he  was  nominated  by 
acclamation  at  the  convention  held  in  Saratoga.  He  imme- 
diately sent  a  telegram  to  the  convention  in  which  he  said; 

I  shall  accept  the  nomination  without  pledge  other  than  to  do  my  duty- 
according  to  my  conscience.  If  elected  it  will  be  my  ambition  to  give 
the  State  the  same  efficient  and  honorable  administration,  free  from  taint 
of  bossism  or  of  servitude  to  any  private  interest.  A  united  party 
making  an  appeal  to  good  citizenship  must  win. 

Mr.  Hughes  outlined  the  issue  of  the  campaign  in  the  ad- 
dress which  he  made  to  the  Committee  appointed  to  notify 
him  of  his  nomination.  In  this  address,  referring  to  the  issue, 
he  said: 

It  is  not  an  issue  of  Republican  principles  or  of  Democratic  principles. 
It  is  not  a  partisan  issue  at  all.  It  is  the  vital  issue  of  decent  govern- 
ment. It  is  an  issue  which  shall  array  on  one  side  all  lovers  of  truth, 
of  sobriety  and  of  honest  reform,  be  they  Republicans,  Democrats,  or 
Independents. 

I   promise  an   honest  administration. 

No  interest,  however  prominent,  will  receive  any  consideration  except 
that  to  which  upon  the  merits  of  the  case  it  may  be  entitled,  when 
viewed   in  the  light  of  the  supreme  interest  of  the  people. 

It  will  be  my  aim  to  make  the  administration  of  the  government  effi- 
cient  and   economical. 

I  shall  spare  no  effort  to  make  effective  the  reforms  in  the  business 
of  life  insurance  so  essential  to  the  interests  of  the  policy  holders. 

I  promise  the  enforcement  of  the  law  with  equal  severity  and  with 
equal  justice   to  all,   rich   and  poor,  corporations  and   individuals. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  97 


We  desire  to  enforce  the  laws  we  have,  and  to  enact  such  additional 
laws  as  may  be  required  to  secure  equal  privileges  and  opportunities  and 
to  prevent  any  one  person  or  class  of  persons  from  being  made  the 
victim  of  oppression.  We  believe  in  open  discussion  and  responsible 
criticism.  But  efforts  to  make  discontent  serve  self-interest,  to  create 
class  hatred,  to  distort  the  good  and  to  exaggerate  the  evil,  are  sub- 
versive  of  our   free   institutions   and  tend  to  anarchy. 

We  make  bur  appeal  to  the  common  sense  of  the  American  people, 
which  has  never  failed  to  express  itself  decisively  in  a  great  crisis.  We 
are  pledged  to  achieve  reforms  in  the  American  manner,  in  accordance 
with  the  genius  of  our  institutions  and  with  love  of  truth  and  even- 
handed  justice. 

It  is  in  this  spirit  and  with  these  pledges  alone  that  I  accept  the 
nomination. 

The  Only  Republican  Elected 

Although  he  had  never  made  political  speeches,  Mr.  Hughes 
plunged  vigorously  into  his  campaign  and  soon  became  one 
of  the  most  effective  of  political  orators.  His  canvass  ex- 
tended to  every  large  city  and  to  nearly  all  the  rural  counties. 
The  Democrats  and  the  Independence  League  had  united, 
nominating  William  R.  Hearst  to  oppose  him.  His  canvass 
was  exceedingly  difficult,  but  he  was  elected  by  a  plurality 
of  57,897  votes  over  Mr.  Hearst,  receiving  749,003  votes 
against  691,105  for  his  opponent.  He  was  the  only  candidate 
on  the  Republican  State  ticket  to  be  elected.  He  went  into 
office  with  a  Democratic  Lieutenant  Governor,  Comptfoller, 
Secretary  of  State,  Treasurer  and  Attorney-General. 

In  his  first  inaugural  address,  after  pledging  himself  to 
devote  the  best  of  his  ability  to  the  duties  of  his  office,  he 
said: 

We  have  reason  to  congratulate  ourselves  that  coincident  with  our 
prosperity  there  is  an  emphatic  assertion  of  popular  rights  and  a  keen 
resentment  of  public  wrongs.  There  is  no  panacea  in  executive  or  legis- 
lative action  for  all  the  ills  of  society  which  spring  from  the  frailties  and 
defects  of  the  human  nature  of  its  members.  But  this  furnishes  no 
excuse  for  complacent  inactivity  and  no  reason  for  the  toleration  of 
wrongs  made  possible  by  defective  or  inadequate  legislation  or  by  adminis- 
trative partiality  or  inefficiency     »     *     * 

The  proper  confines  of  legislative  action  are  not  to  be  determined  by 
generalities.  Slowly  but  surely  the  people  have  narrowed  the  opportu- 
nities for  selfish  aggression,  and  the  demand  of  this  hour,  and  of  all 
hours,  is  not  allegiance  to  phrases,  but  sympathy  with  every  aspiration 
for  the  betterment  of  conditions  and  a  sincere  and  patient  effort  to 
understand  every  need  and  to  ascertain  in  the  light  of  experience  the 
means  best  adapted  to  meet  it.  Each  measure  proposed  must  ultimately 
be  tested  by  critical  analysis  of  the  particular  problem — the  precise 
mischief  alleged  and  the  adequacy  of  the  proffered  remedy.  It  is  the 
capacity  for  such  close  examination  without  heat  or  disqualifying  preju- 
dices which  distinguishes  the  constructive  effort  from  vain  endeavors  to 
change  human  nature  by  changing  the  forms  of  government.     *     *     * 

We  are  a  government  of  laws  and  not  of  men.  We  subordinate 
individual  caprice  to  defined  duty.  The  essentials  of  our  liberties  are 
expressed  in  constitutional  enactments  removed  from  the  risk  of  tem- 
porary agitation.  But  the  security  of  our  government,  despite  its  con- 
stitutional guaranties,  is  found  in  the  intelligence  and  public  spirit  of  its 
citizens  and  in  its  ability  to  call  to  the  work  of  administration  men  of 
single-minded  devotion  to  the  public  interests,  who  make  unselfish  service 
to  the   State  a  point  of  knightly  honor 

If  in  administration  we  make  the  standard  efficiency  and  not  partisan 
advantage,  if  in  executing  the  lavvs  we  deal  impartially,  if  in  making  the 
laws  there  is  fair  and  intelligent  action  with  reference  to  each  exigency, 
we  shall  disarm  reckless  and  selfish  agitators  and  take  from  the  enemies 
of  our  peace  their  vantage  ground  of  attack. 

It  is  my  intention  to  employ  my  constitutional  powers  to  this  end.  I 
believe  in  the  sincerity  and  good  sense  of  the  people.  I  believe  that  they 
are  intent  on  having  government  which  recognizes  no  favored  interests 
and  which  is  not  conducted  in  any  part  for  selfish  ends. 

Governor  Hughes,  in  accordance  with  the  promise  made  in 
his  inaugural  address,  devoted  his  entire  time  while  he  was 
Governor  to  the  duties  of  his  office.  He  severed  relations 
with  his  law  firm,  gave  up  his  home  in  New  York  and  moved 
his  family  to  Albany.  He  was  sent  to  Albany  at  a  time  of 
political  change.  Some  of  the  leaders  of  his  party  organiza- 
tion had  not  yet  conformed  10  tfie  new  spirit  which  was  be- 
coming manifest  in  many  directions.  He  earnestly  desired,  to 
work  with  them  in  harmony  and  to  co-operate  with  the  Legis- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK- 1916 


latune  in  framing  laws  which  might  benefit  the  people  of  the 
State.  While  he  accomplished  much  during  his  two  terms 
with  the  support  of  the  legislative  majority  there  were  certain 
points  of  difference  between  them  which  made  his  work  more 
difficult  than  it  would  otherwise  have  been. 

He  took  the  stand  that  he  would  confine  his  official  ac- 
tivity to  the  discharge  of  the  responsibilities  imposed  upon 
him  by  law  and  that  he  would  not  use  his  powers  as  Gover- 
nor, either  to  coerce  the  Legislature  or  to  interfere  with 
political  organization  or  any  of  its  branches.  He  assumed 
his  responsibilities  and  did  not  seek  to  interfere  in  the  per- 
formance of  duties  which  the  law  imposed  upon  the  Legis- 
lature and  the  other  State  officers.  He  never  tried  to  "play 
politics."  To  use  a  homely  phrase,  he  minded  his  own 
business. 

While  this  attitude  was,  to  a  certain  extent,  made  neces- 
sary during  his  first  term  by  the  fact  that  he  was  the  only 
candidate  elected  on  the  Republican  ticket,  he  adhered  to  it 
while   he   remained    Governor. 

He  not  only  gave  all  his  energies  to  the  gubernatorial 
office,  but  he  introduced  innovations  which  proved  popular. 
The  Executive  Chamber  in  the  State  Capitol  consists  of  a 
large  room  where  the  Governor's  desk  is  placed.  This  room 
is  open  to  the  public.  Behind  it  is  a  smaller  room  to  v/hich 
the  Governor  may  retire  when  he  wishes  to  be  uninterrupted. 
This  inner  room  is  connected  with  the  corridor  by  a  back 
door.  It  had  been  customary  for  Governors  to  admit  the 
political  legislative  leaders  by  this  rear  door  and  to  consult 
with  them  regarding  legislation  or  other  measures  in  private 
in  the  rear  room.  Governor  Hughes  refused  to  continue  this 
custom.  In  the  popular  phrase,  he  "closed  the  back  door" 
to  the  Executive  Chamber,  and  conducted  the  State's  busi- 
ness in  the  large  room,  without  concealment. 

Toward  the  close  of  his  first  year  as  Governor,  in  1907, 
a  demand  sprang  up  that  he  be  made  the  candidate  of  the 
Republicans  of  the  State  of  New  York  in  the  Republican 
National  Convention  for  President.  This  demand  was  not 
pleasing  to  the  Governor,  who  did  not  feel  there  was  any 
urgent  reason  why  he  should  run  for  President  and  who  did 
not  wish  to  leave  unfinished  the  work  he  had  begun  in  Al- 
bany. Nevertheless  he  felt  that  he  had  no  right  absolutely 
to  forbid  the  use  of  his  name  or  to  prevent  those  citizens 
who  believed  he  ought  to  be  nominated,  from  conducting  a 
campaign  in  his  behalf. 

Accordingly,  he  permitted  his  name  to  be  used.  He  de- 
clined, however,  to  work  for  his  own  nomination,  and  he 
never  asked  any  one  to  work  for  him  or  to  support  him. 
He  did  not  aid  the  advocates  of  his  nomination  by  making 
any  appointment  or  by  any  other  official  act  that  might  have 
increased  his  following.  The  only  recognition  that  he  gave 
his  own  candidacy  was  to  make  two  or  three  speeches  in 
which  he  defined  his  attitude  upon  the  issues  of  the  campaign. 
One  of  these  speeches  was  made  before  the  Republican 
Club  of  New  York  City,  which  had  passed  resolutions  advo- 
cating his  nomination,  on  January  31,  1908.  Another  was 
made  in  Boston  in  March,  1908.  He  also  made  a  Washington 
Birthday  address  before  the  Union  League  Club  in  Chicago. 

Letter  to  James  S.  Lehmaier 

He  defined  his  attitude  toward  his  candidacy  in  a  letter  to 
James  S.  Lehmaier,  who  notified  him  of  the  resolution 
adopted  by  the  Republican  Club.     In  this  letter,  he  said: 

It  is  my  desire  that  the  sentiment  of  the  party  shall  have  the  freest 
expression,  and  that  such  action  shall  be  taken  as  will  be  for  its  best 
interests. 

I    do  not    seek  office,   nor   shall    I   attempt   to   influence   the  selection    or 


>' 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916  9J* 


vote  of  any  delegate.  The  State  administration  must  continue  to  be  im- 
partial and  must  not  be  tributary  to  any  candidacy. 

I  have  no  interest  in  any  factional  controversy,  and  desire  above  all 
things  that  there  shall  be  deliberation,  honest  expression  of  the  party  will, 
and   harmony   of  effort. 

I  cannot  fail  to  recognize  the  great  honor  which  the  nomination  would 
confer  or  the  obligation  of  service  which  it  would  impose.  Nor  should 
I  care  to  be  thought  lacking  in  appreciation  of  the  confidence  and 
esteem  which  prompt  the  efforts  of  those  who  sincerely  desire  to  bring 
it  about.  The  matter  is  one  for  the  party  to  decide,  and,  whatever  its 
decision,   I  shall  be  content. 

In  addition  to  the  work  of  the  regular  Republican  organiza- 
tion in  many  parts  of  the  State,  Mr.  Hughes'  friends  formed 
the  Hughes  Alliance  to  foster  sentiment  in  his  favor.  Mem- 
bers of  all  political  parties  joined  the  Alliance. 

In  the  Chicago  Convention  of  1908,  Mr.  Hughes  received 
dj  votes.  When  it  was  seen  that  his  nomination  was  ex- 
ceedingly improbable,  the  organization  leaders  asked  him  to 
withdraw  his  name,  or  to  "release"  the  delegates  who  had 
been  instructed  to  vote  for  him,  so  that  the  State  might 
obtain  the  nomination  for  Vice  President.  Mr.  Hughes  de- 
clined to  send  any  message  to  the  National  Convention, 
pointing  out  that  he  could  not  "release"  delegates  who  had 
been  instructed  to  vote  for  him,  because  the  instructions 
had  been  given  not  by  him  but  by  the  constituents  of  the 
delegates.  Nor  did  he  feel  that  he  had  any  right  to  withdraw 
his  name  after  having  permitted  its  use.  An  effort  was  made 
to  induce  him  to  accept  the  nomination  for  Vice  President, 
but  he  refused  to  consider  the  suggestion.  James  S.  Sher- 
man was  nominated  for  Vice  President. 

At  the  request  of  William  H.  Taft,  the  nominee  for  Presi- 
dent, Mr.  Hughes  gladly  took  the  stump  in  the  national  cam- 
paign. He  delivered  his  first  speech  at  Youngstown,  Ohio, 
riddling  the  program  advanced  by  William  J.  Bryan,  who  was 
the  Democratic  candidate.  Mr.  Hughes  afterwards  made  a 
trip  through  the  West,  speaking  for  Mr.  Taft. 

Although  some  of  the  leaders  of  his  own  party  in  the  State 
were  reluctant  to  renominate  him  for  Governor,  the  man- 
agers of  the  national  campaign  insisted  that  this  must  be 
done,  so  that  the  national  ticket  would  not  be  endangered, 
and  he  was  nominated  to  succeed  himself.  To  a  considerable 
extent,  he  disregarded  his  own  campaign,  devoting  a  large 
part  of  his  time  to  speaking  for  the  Republican  national  ticket. 
Because  of  certain  hostilities  that  he  had  created  during  his 
first  term,  he  ran  behind  the  other  candidates  on  the  Repub- 
lican ticket,  but  he  received  804,651  votes  against  735,189  cast 
for  Lieutenant  Governor  Lewis  Stuyvesant  Chanler,  the  can- 
didate of  the  Democratic  party,  making  his  plurality  69,462, 
an  increase  over  that  in  his  first  election. 

President  Schurman's  Estimate 

President  Jacob  Gould  Schurman,  of  Cornell  University, 
who  came  to  know  Governor  Hughes  well  during  the  two 
years  that  he  taught  law  in  Cornell,  gave  his  impressions  of 
Mr.  Hughes'  personality  and  character  in  an  introductory 
chapter  for  a  volume  of  "Addresses  and  Papers  of  Charles 
Evans  Hughes,"  published  in  1908  by  G.  P.  Putnam  &  Sons. 
The  following  extracts  are  made  from  what  President  Schur- 
man wrote: 

I  may  here  record  some  of  the  impressions  made  by  Mr.  Hughe* 
on  those  who  knew  him  at  Cornell  University  and  have  since  known  him 
as  a  lawyer  in  New  York  City.  In  his  physical  build  he  was  about  six 
feet  in  height,  slender  rather  than  stout,  but  sturdy,  tough,  and  wiry. 
Then,  as  now  and  always,  he  was  a  most  indefatigable  worker;  in  this 
respect  indeed  he  excels  any  man  I  have  ever  known.  His  mental 
outfit  is  not  less  remarkable.  To  understand  things  is  a  necessity  of  his 
nature.  Like  Lord  Bacon,  he  must  have  the  'dry  light*  of  reason  on 
whatever  he  deals  with— ihe  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the 
truth,  unaffected  by  any  ^distorting  or  discoloring  rays  of  passion,  preju 
dt*"*,    or    emotion,      H<?    pose^ssr*!    n    powerful    intflUect,    which    i<»    at    ^x\<^% 


100         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

acute  in  action  and  comprehensive  in  range.  Analysis  is  the  mark  of 
a  great  lawyer,  and  Mr.  Hughes  has  this  faculty  in  its  highest  potency. 
Not  less  admirable  is  his  ability  to  grasp  quickly  a  complicated  mass  of 
facts  and  arrange  them  in  logical  order.  I  have  seen  him  work  himself 
into  new  questions,  feel  his  way  to  the  heart  of  them,  then  gradually 
marshal  the  facts  with  reference  to  some  fundamental  principle  or  some 
significant  circumstance  until  the  whole  situation  became  luminous  even 
to  the  mind  of  a  layman ;  and  all  this  time  the  speaker  talked  literally 
"like  a  book,"  and  what  he  said  might  have  been  printed  almost  without 
change  in  a  treatise  on  law  or  a  commentary  on  cases.  But  this  gift  of 
intellectual  divination  and  synthesis  marks  the  creative  mind.  Mr. 
Hughes  is  not  only  analytic  and  critical,  but  creative  and  constructive. 
His  friends,  his  associates  at  the  bar,  and  the  judges  of  the  courts 
have  long  admired  this  remarkable  combination  of  gifts.  And  the 
general  public  have  become  aware  of  them  also  since  Mr.  Hughes  fol- 
lowed up  his  wonderful  gas  and  insurance  investigations  with  drafting 
remedial  legislation,  and  especially  since  as  Governor  he  framed  his 
Public  Utilities  Bill  as  a  solution  of  the  gravest  question  of  public  policy 
now  before  our  people. 

Quite  as  remarkable  as  his  intellectual  gifts  is  his  sense  of  justice  and 
fair  play.  This  was  impressively  recognized  the  other  day  by  Mr. 
Ahearn,  when,  at  the  close  of  his  examination,  he  said  that,  whatever  the 
finding  of  the  Governor,  he  desired  to  thank  him  for  the  courtesy  and 
fairness  of  the  examination.  Similarly,  Mr.  Hughes'  fearlessness  and 
independence  have  for  many  years  been  well  understood  by  those  who 
know  him.  And  his  firm  attitude  toward  hostile  politicians  and  legis- 
lators since  he  became  Governor  has  given  open  proof  of  these  char- 
acteristics to  the  public.  Indeed,  the  moral  attributes  of  the  man  are 
quite  on  a  par  with  his  intellect,  powerful  and  capacious  as  that  is,  even 
if  they  do  not  surpass  it.  For  Mr.  Hughes  has  always  been  distinguished 
by  absolute  integrity  of  character  and  fidelity  to  duty.  It  is  no  accident, 
but  the  deepest  instinct  and  conviction  of  his  nature,  that  has  made  him 
the  exponent  and  champion  of  the  sacredness  of  fiduciary  obligations 
alike  in  business  and  in  politics.  His  own  personal  life  is  built  on  that 
foundation  and  his  own  professional  practice  as  a  lawyer  has  been  regu- 
lated by  that  principle.  It  meant  fidelity  to  all  his  clients,  but  sub- 
serviency to  none.  He  never  accepted  general  retainers  involving  his 
commitment  to  any  and  every  kind  of  service.  Both  his  integrity  and 
his  sense  of  independence  forbade  truckling  to  any  client  and  condoning 
dubious    or    crooked    ways. 

I  have  said  that  Mr.  Hughes  is  a  marvellous  worker ;  he  also  becomes 
absorbed  in  his  work  so  that  for  the  time  being  nothing  outside  the  range 
of  his  duties  can  greatly  interest,  much  less  excite  him.  It  is  not  merely 
power  of  voluntary  concentration,  but  involuntary  absorption  in  the  object 
of  his  activity.  His  work  literally  takes  possession  of  him  and  has  at 
command  the  best  that  is  in  him.  It  is  consequently  impossible  for  him 
to  do  anything  he  undertakes  in  a  half-hearted  or  slipshod  manner. 
Whether  teaching  law,  defending  a  client,  or  administering  the  affairs  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  he  gives  himself  to  the  duty  in  hand  with  such 
whole-souled  earnestness  and  devotion  that  no  energy  or  interest  is  left 
for  outside  matters  which  do  not  concern  him.  And  this  circumstance, 
along  with  a  large  natural  endowment  of  common  sense  and  excellent 
practical  judgment,  will  explain  why  his  course  as  a  public  servant  has 
been  so  surefooted  and  unerring.  Few  men  have  entered  on  public  office 
surrounded  by  so  many  dangerous  pitfalls;  I  recall  no  man  who  has 
made  fewer  mistakes.  In  view  of  it  all,  one  might  say  that  he  is  not 
only  safe  and  sane,  but  almost  infallibly  sagacious.     •     ♦     • 

In  the  Latin  language  ambition  meant  a  candidate's  going  about  to  so- 
licit office.  Of  such  a  quality  Mr.  Hughes  is  absolutely  devoid.  It  is  one 
thing  to  fill  an  office  and  another  thing  to  get  an  office.  To  get  an  office 
has  never  been  Mr.  Hughes'  aim  or  desire.  His  opportunities  of  public 
service  have  come  to  him  unsought.  It  is  not  that  he  regards  himself 
as  superior  to  other  men  or  that  he  does  not  value  the  good  opinion  of 
his  fellow  citizens.  He  does  appreciate  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  his 
fellows.  But  if  they  want  him  for  public  service  he  feels  that  the  call 
should  come  from  them ;  and  if  they  do  not  want  him  he  does  not  desire 
the  office ;  so  that  in  anv  event  there  is  absolutely  nothing  for  him 
to  do     ♦     *     * 

As  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  getting  the  nomination,  as  the 
coming  of  the  nomination  to  him  was  no  concern  of  his,  so  there  re- 
mained open  to  him  only  one  way  of  showing  his  appreciation  of  the 
confidence  which  had  been  vouchsafed  to  him  by  the  people  of  the  State, 
namely,  by  discharging  the  high  duties  to  which  they  had  called  him 
with  all  the  ability,  wisdom  and  virtue  he  could  command.  To  thank  any 
person,  or  persons,  for  the  nomination  would  have  been  tantamount  to 
the  confession  that  these  persons  had  done  him  a  favor.  But  from  Mr. 
Hughes'  way  of  looking  at  a  nomination  as  a  call  of  the  people  to  serve 
them,  with  which  ho  had  no  concern,  it  will  be  obvious  that  such  a  pro- 
cedure would  have  been  a  stultifying  of  himself.  On  the  other  hand, 
inclination,  duty,  pride,  and  self-respect  all  conspire  to  move  him  to  make 
a  record  as  Chief  Executive  which  shall  amply  justify  the  wisdom  of  the 
convention  and  the  confidence  of  the  people.     •     ♦     • 

The  Governor's  bill  for  the  regulation  of  our  public  service  corporations 
is,  so  far  as  I  know,  the  most  thoroughgoing  and  radical  measure  of  the 
kind  that  has  ever  been  enacted  by  any  Legislature  in  America.  Its 
justification  is  that  it  rests  on  sound  principles  of  law,  on  justice  and 
expediency.      It   is   a    real    remedy    for   real    evils,    and    in    its    operation    it 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXTBOOK— 1816         101 

cannot  but  promote  public  tranquility~Ttnd  enhance  respect  for  law,  order, 
and  just  government.  I  have  alrepdy  spoken  (if  icb'  iS?Uztyoxi  ^th  t^re^ident 
Roosevelt's  measures  for  the  leguUtion,  of- i^terstafe»  ralAffdys.  1<  is 
interesting  to  observe  that  Governor  JJajffhes'  l-ibl  giv>^  tne  Sita^^e  .Compiis- 
sions  power  to  control  the  issue  of  stocks  and  bonds  by  public  service 
corporations,  power  which,  as  the  Governor  explains,  is  necessary  not 
merely  to  protect  the  investor,  but  to  prevent  the  crippling  of  the  public 
service  or  the  demand  for  extortionate  charges.  It  is  a  similar  power 
which  President  Roosevelt  desires  to  confer  upon  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission.  In  the  fundamental  policies  of  their  administrations — 
the  public  regulation  of  railways — President  Roosevelt  and  Governor 
Hughes   are   of   identically  the   same   mind.     •     •     ♦ 

Governor  Hughes'  courage  was  strikingly  evidenced  in  his  veto  of  the 
two-cent  railroad  fare  bill.  Other  States  had  passed  such  measures.  In 
this  State  there  was  dissatisfaction  with  existing  conditions.  A  wave  of 
resentment  against  the  railways  was  sweeping  over  the  country.  The 
two-cent  passenger  act  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  a  test  of  loyalty  to 
the  cause  of  the  people,  and  no  Governor  anywhere,  w^hatever  his  views, 
had  been  strong  enough  to  resist  the  overwhelming  pressure.  Under  these 
circumstances  Governor  Hughes  sat  down  and  wrote  an  able  and  dispas- 
sionate message  in  which,  on  grounds  of  justice,  public  policy  and  practical 
expediency,  he  vetoed  the  bill.  Here  are  some  of  the  grounds  on  which 
he  based  his  as^tion : 

True  to  his  character,  the  Governor  first  made  the  point  that  facts  had 
not  been  ascertained  before  the  passage  of  the  bill.  There  had  been  no 
official  investigations,  no  reports,  no  collecting  of  statistics.  The  Legis- 
lature had  acted  without  information  and  without  suitable  deliberation.  It 
is  of  the  utmost  importance  indeed  that  "the  management  of  our  railroad 
corporations  should  be  subject  to  strict  supervision  by  the  State,  and  that 
regulations  compelling  the  observance  of  the  law  and  proper  and  adequate 
service  should  be  rigidly  enforced."  Nevertheless,  the  Governor  was  con- 
vinced that  the  bill  under  consideration  represented  "a  policy  seriously 
mistaken  and  pregnant  with  disaster."  The  railroads  have  indeed  been 
guilty   of   treating  the   public  unfairly, 

— "but  injustice  on  the  part  of  the  railroad  corporations  toward  the  public 
does  not  justify  injustice  on  the  part  of  the  State  toward  the  railroad 
corporations.  The  action  of  government  should  be  fair  and  impartial,  and 
upon  this  every  citizen,  whateTer  his  interest,  is  entitled  to  insist.  We 
shall  make  matters  not  better,  but  worse,  if  to  cure  one  wrong  we 
establish  another  *  *  *  In  dealing  with  these  questions  democracy 
must  demonstrate  its  capacity  to  act  upon  deliberation  and  to  deal 
justly." 

The  Governor  recognized  that  a  maximum  two-cent  passenger  rate  might 
not  be  unreasonably  low.  It  might  be  high  enough  in  many  cases — 
possibly  in  all.  The  fact  was,  however,  that  no  one  knew,  and  that  the 
Legislature,  before  acting,  had  not  secured  the  necessary  information. 
And  to  enact  legislation  involving  property  rights  in  ignorance  both  of 
the  conditions  of  the  business  concerned  and  of  the  effect  upon  it  of  the 
policy  proposed  was  something  that  the  just,  deliberate,  and  law-abiding 
mind  of  the    Governor  could  not  by  any  possibility  have  approved. 

"I  deem  it  most  important,"  the  Governor  went  on  to  say,  "that  the 
policy  of  dealing  with  matters  of  this  sort  arbitrarily,  by  legislative  rule 
of  general  application,  without  reference  to  the  demands  of  justice  in 
particular  cases,  should  be  condemned.  Every  workingman,  every  trades- 
man, and  every  citizen  believing  himself  to  have  aught  at  stake  in  the 
prosperity  of  the  country  should  determinedly  oppose  it.  For  it  not  only 
threatens  the  stability  of  business  enterprise,  which  makes  our  prosperity 
possible,  but  it  substitutes  unreason  for  sound  judgment,  the  ill-considered 
demands  of  resentment  for  the  spirit  of  fair  play,  and  makes  impossible 
patient  and  honorable   effort  to  correct  abuses." 

The  constructive  mind  of  the  Governor  could  not,  however,  rest  satisfied 
with  the  mere  negative  result  which  his  veto  would  produce.  The  evils 
it  was  proposed  to  remedy  by  this  hasty  and  ill-digested  legislation  could, 
he  pointed  out,  be  remedied  in  "a  better  way."  The  Legislature  had 
provided  agencies  for  the  redress  of  these  evils  in  the  Public  Service  Com- 
missions it  had  just  created.  These  commissions  had,  under  the  law,  the 
power,  and  it  would  become  their  duty,  to  investigate  the  subject  of  pas- 
senger rates  charged  by  railways  in  the  State  of  New  York.  What  the 
Legislature  had  attempted  with  haste,  without  information,  and  possibly 
with  injustice,  they  could  undertake  with  deliberation,  with  full  knowledge, 
and  with  perfect  impartiality.  When  their  inquiry  is  complete,  "if  a  pas- 
senger rate  of  two  cents  a  mile  is  just  and  reasonable,  it  can  be  fixed ; 
if  it  is  not  just  and  reasona.ble,  it  should  not  be  fixed."  True,  the  work 
of  the  Commissions  would  require  time  and  investigation,  but  democracy 
must  learn  the  lessons  of  patience  and  deliberate  inquiry  before  action.  A 
right  result  is  of  infinitely  more  importance  than  a  sham  remedy.  For  the 
rest,  it  is  most  dangerous  to  encourage  "impatience  with  the  orderly  pro- 
cesses of  inquiry."     ♦     •     ♦ 

The  Public  Service  Commission  Law 

The  chief  legislation  of  Governor  Hughes'  first  year  in  the 
Executive  Chamber  was  the  Public  Service  Commission  Law. 
The  management  and  control  of  the  public  service  corpora- 


102         I,{^^LIBL1,CAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

tions,  and'especi'all'3''  6f  tHe  Street  railways,  had  been  a  leading 
issue  o^  ;Lb^  .Sia,t^  caarpaign.  _  The  great  surface  railway  sys- 
teri^,of;N^W  y.o'rk^CHy:  ha^  ju^t  fallen  to  pieces  and  gone  into 
the  h'aftds  'of  receivers'. '  Attempts  to  remedy  admitted  evils 
through  the  passage  of  separate  bills  caused  the  introduction 
in  the  Legislature  of  1906,  of  173  bills  dealing  with  railroad 
matters,  fourteen  with  electricity,  and  twenty-two  with  gas. 

Public  Service  Commission 

Mr.  Hugiies,  after  his  election  and  before  his  inauguration, 
drew  the  Public  Service  Commission's  Bill.  He  strongly 
recommended  the  measure  in  his  first  annual  message  to  the 
Legislature  and  the  bill  which  he  had  defined  was  introduced 
on  the  heels  of  his  message. 

An  outcry  was  immediately  raised  by  the  Public  Service 
Corporations  and  their  attorneys  throughout  the  State.  They 
declared  that  the  measure  would  take  the  management  of  all 
public  service  corporations  out  of  the  hands  of  their  stock- 
holders and  place  it  in  the  hands  of  State  officials  who  were 
far  less  competent  to  manage  such  properties.  Governor 
Hughes,  while  the  bill  was  pending,  made  several  addresses 
in  its  support.  These  were  carefully  reasoned  statements 
which  had  great  effect  upon  public  opinion.  In  one  of  these, 
at  Elmira,  he  uttered  a  sentence  which  was  often  repeated 
during  the  campaign  for  the  bill: 

I  am  here  retained  by  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York,  to  see  that 
justice  is  done,  and  with  no  disposition  to  injure  any  investment,  but  with 
every  desire  to  give  the  fullest  opportunity  to  enterprise,  and  with  every 
purpose  to  shield  and  protect  every  just  property  interest.  I  stand  for  the 
people  of  the  State  of  New  York  against  extortion,  against  favoritism, 
against  financial  scandal,  and  against  everything  that  goes  to  corrupt  our 
politics  by  interference  with  the  freedom  of  our  Legislature  and  adminis- 
tration. I  stand  for  honest  government  and  effective  regulation  by  the 
State  of  public  service  corporations. 

After  the  bill  went  through  the  Legislature,  under  the  Con- 
stitution it  was  submitted  to  the  Mayor  of  New  York  City, 
and  it  was  vetoed  by  Mayor  McClellan.  The  Legislature 
passed  it  over  his  veto  and  it  became  a  law  just  as  it  had  been 
drafted  by  the  Governor. 

This  law  remains  oh  the  statute  "fjooks  practically  in  its 
original  form.  It  was  one  of  the  first  of  the  efficient  and 
workable  State  laws  for  the  control  of  public  service  corpora- 
tions, and  it  has  served  as  a  model  for  similar  laws  in  many 
States.  It  is  not  too  much  to  sa}'-  that  the  passage  of  the 
Governor's  Public  Utilities  Law  put  an  end  to  the  mismanage- 
ment, wildcat  financing  and  poor  service  of  public  service 
corporations.  The  corporations  themselves,  which  had  sin- 
cerely dreaded  the  application  of  the  law  and  had  fought  it 
by  every  means  in  their  power,  soon  found  that  it  protected 
them  as  well  as  the  public  and  ceased  to  inveigh  against  it. 

New  York  had  a  Railroad  Commission,  a  Rapid  Transit 
Commission  and  a  State  Commission  of  Gas  and  Electricity 
before  this  law  was  enacted;  but  these  officials  were  compelled 
to  work  under  statutes  which  gave  them  no  real  authority 
over  the  corporations  which  they  were  expected  to  supervise. 
Disobedience  to  their  orders  involved  no  penalties,  and  the 
corporations  might  freely  appeal  to  the  courts  to  relieve  them 
of  any  obligation  that  they  might  feel  bound  to  obey.  In 
his  first  message  to  the  Legislature,  in  advocating  the  pas- 
sage of  his  bill,  Governor  Hughes  enumerated  the  evils  which 
then  existed.     He  said: 

Pernicious  favoritism  has  been  practised.  Secret  rebates  have  been 
allowed,  and  there  have  been  unjust  discriminations  in  rates  and  in  fur- 
nishing facilities  for  transportation.  Those  who  have  sought  to  monopolize 
trade  have  thus  been  enabled  to  crush  competition  and  to  grow  in  wealth 
and  power  by  crowding  out  their  rivals  who  have  been  deprived  of  access 
to  markets  upon  equal  terma.     Theso  abuses  are  not  to  b<»  tolfirated. 


KEPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK     iyi6         103 

The  Public  Utilities  bill  framed  by  the  Governor  abolished 
the  Board  of  Railroad  Commissioners,  the  Rapid  Transit 
Commission  and  the  office  of  Commissioner  of  Gas  and 
Electricity  and  created  two  State  Commissions,  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  one  of  which  covered  the  City  of  New  York,  where 
subway  construction  was  being  planned,  while  the  jurisdic- 
tion to  the  other  extended  throughout  the  rest  of  the  State. 
These  two  Commissions,  'by  the  terms  of  the  bill,  had  au- 
thority over  all  public  service  corporations  with  the  excep- 
tion of  telephone  and  telegraph  companies.  This  authority 
extended  to  the  regulation  of  service,  rates,  and  the  issue  of 
securities.  The  abuses  which  had  been  prevalent  were  pro- 
hibited under  severe  penalties,  the  companies  were  made 
liable,  free  passes  were  forbidden,  stock-watering  was  pre- 
vented and  the  appeal  to  the  courts  was  taken  away. 

When  the  new  law  was  safely  on  the  statute  books.  Gover- 
nor Hughes,  in  1908,  recommended  that  the  telephone  and 
telegraph  companies  be  brought  under  the  authority  of  the 
Public  Service  Commissions  and  this  was  accomplished  in 
1910. 

The  Public  Service  Commission  Law,  which  the  State  of 
New  York  owes  to  Governor  Hughes,  is  looked  upon  as  one  of 
the  most  successful  pieces  of  constructive  State  legislation 
ever  enacted  in  this  country. 

The  Two-Cent  Fare  Veto 

Governor  Hughes'  veto  of  the  Two-Cent  Fare  Bill  on  June 
II,  1907,  during  his  first  year  in  office,  attracted  attention 
throughout  the  country.  Similar  statutes  had  been  passed 
in  many  States  in  response  to  an  agitation  to  reduce  passen- 
ger fares  upon  railroads  to  the  uniform  rate  of  two  cents  a 
mile.  There  was  supposed  to  be  a  strong  public  opinion  be- 
hind this  agitation.  Governor  Hughes  was  the  first  Gover- 
nor to  veto  one  of  these  bills. 

The  bill  presented  to  the  Governor  provided  for  a  maximum 
passenger  fare  of  two  cents  a  mile  upon  railroads  more  than 
150  miles  long.  Governor  Hughes  pointed  out  that  the  bill 
had  not  been  preceded  by  any  investigation  or  suitable  in- 
quiry and  that  the  rate  of  two  cents  a  mile  was  not  based 
upon  official  reports  or  statistics  which  demonstrated  its 
justice.     The  memorandum  filed  with  the  veto  continued: 

The  bill  represents  a  policy  seriously  mistaken  and  pregnant  with  dis 
aster.  It  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that  the  management  of  our  rail- 
road corporations  should  be  subject  to  strict  supervision  by  the  State  and 
that  regulations  compelling  the  observance  of  the  law  and  proper  and 
adequate  service  should  be  rigidly  enforced.  It  is  the  duty  of  these  cor- 
porations to  provide  transportation  of  passengers  and  goods  at  reasonable 
rates,  and  the  State  should  compel  the  performance  of  this  obligation. 

But  injustice  on  the  part  of  railroad  corporations  toward  the  public  does 
not  justify  injustice  on  the  part  of  the  State  toward  the  railroad  corpora- 
tions. The  action  of  government  should  be  fair  and  impartial,  and  upon 
this  every  citizen,  whatever  his  interest,  is  entitled  to  insist.  We  shall 
make  matters  not  better,  but  worse,  if  to  cure  one  wrong  we  establish 
another.  The  fact  that  those  in  control  of  railroad  corporations  have  been 
guilty  of  grossly  improper  financiering  and  of  illegal  and  injurious  dis- 
criminations in  charges  points  clearly  to  the  necessity  of  effective  State 
action,  but  does  not  require  or  warrant  arbitrary  reprisals.  In  dealing  with 
these  questions  democracy  must  demonstrate  its  capacity  to  act  upon  de- 
liberation and  to  deal  justly. 

It  is  of  the  greatest  importance  not  only  that  railroad  corporations 
should  be  compelled  to  respect  their  public  obligations,  but  also  that  they 
should  be  permitted  to  operate  under  conditions  which  will  give  a  fair 
return  for  their  service.  Upon  this  depends  not  simply  the  security  of 
investors,  but  the  security  of  their  employes  and  the  protection  of  every 
form  of  industry  and  commerce  through  the  maintenance  and  extension 
of  necessary  transportation  facilities.  Nothing  could  be  more  opposed  to 
the  interests  of  the  community  as  a  whole  than  to  cripple  transportation 
corporations  by  arbitrary  reduction  of  earnings.  It  may  be  said  that  a 
two-cent  passenger  rate  is  not  so  extreme  as  to  have  a  very  injurious 
result.  But  this  is  a  debatable  question.  Large  and  prosperous  suburban 
communities  have  been  built  up  through  the  oflfer  of  commutation  rates 
much  less  than  the  proposed  maximum.  Upon  the  maintenance  of  these 
rates  many  thousands  of  our  citizens  rely.  Considerable  differences  exist 
>x»tween   the   railroad   corporations  with   respect  to  the  territory   thej'   serv« 


104        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


and  the  cost  of  service,  and  it  is  manifest  that  what  would  be  fair  for  one 
might  be  far  from  fair  for  another.  An  arbitrary  dislocation  of  tariffs  by 
the  fiat  of  the  Legislature  without  investigation  is  a  matter  of  serious 
concern.  The  best  that  could  be  said  for  such  legislation  would  be  that 
it  should  be  regarded  as  an  isolated  case  and  not  as  a  precedent.  For  if 
flat  freight  rates,  either  for  all  commodities  or  for  different  kinds  of  com- 
modities, were  similarly  to  be  fixed  by  the  Legislature  without  investi- 
gation or  proper  ascertainment  of  their  justice,  our  railroad  business  and 
our  industrial  and  commercial  interests  would  be  thrown  into  confusion. 

I  do  not  mean  to  be  understood  as  saying  that  a  maximum  two-cent 
passenger  rate  would  be  unreasonably  low.  It  might  be  high  enough  in 
many  cases.  Possibly  it  would  be  high  enough  in  all  cases.  I  fully  ap- 
preciate the  fact  that  those  who  have  promoted  this  bill  believe  that  such 
a  rate  would  be  fair.  But  I  deem  it  most  important  that  the  policy  of 
dealing  with  matters  of  this  sort  arbitrarily,  by  legislative  rule  of  general 
application  without  reference  to  the  demands  of  justice  in  particular  cases, 
should  be  condemned.  Every  workingman,  every  tradesman,  and  every 
citizen  believing  himself  to  have  aught  at  stake  in  the  prosperity  of  the 
country  should  determinedly  oppose  it.  For  it  not  only  threatens  the 
stability  of  business  enterprise  which  makes  our  prosperity  possible,  but 
it  substitutes  unreason  for  sound  judgment,  the  ill-considered  demands  of 
resentment  for  the  spirit  of  fair  play,  and  makes  impossible  patient  and 
honorable  effort  to  correct  abuses. 

Governor  Hughes  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  there 
was  a  better  way  of  dealing  with  the  question — through  the 
Public  Service  Commissions,  which  had  just  been  established. 
He  said  that  the  Commissions  were  able  to  investigate,  to 
obtain  expert  assistance  and  to  deal  summarily  with  the 
question  through  orders.  If  the  Commissions  should  find  a 
passenger  rate  of  two  cents  a  mile  to  be  just  and  reasonable, 
they  could  order  it  into  effect. 

The  Full  Crew  Bill  Veto 

During  his  first  year  as  Governor  on  June  15,  1907,  Gover- 
nor Hughes  vetoed  a  bill  providing  for  additional  brake- 
men  on  freight  trains,  known  as  the  "Full-Crew  Bill."  This 
measure  was  urged  by  labor  organizations  and  had  attracted 
a  good  deal  of  attention  at  the  time  of  its  passage.  It  pro- 
vided that  railroads  in  the  State  which  ran  more  than  four 
freight  trains  in  twenty-four  hours  must  have  a  "full  crew" 
of  six  persons,  including  one  engineer,  one  fireman,  one  con- 
ductor and  three  brakemen  on  every  train  of  twenty  cars. 
The  practice  of  the  railroads  was  to  give  two  brakemen  only 
to  such  trains. 

The  Governor  pointed  out  the  fact  that  the  bill  made  no 
account  of  difference  between  the  different  roads  and  that 
its  advocates  admitted  that  the  employment  of  a  third  brake- 
man  on  the  New  York  Central  Railroad,  for  instance,  was 
unnecessary,  and  that  the  bill  would  entail  an  enormous 
outlay  for  which  there  was  no  need.  "The  bill  does  not  refer 
its  requirements  to  any  proper  standard  of  necessity  or  pro- 
vide any  criterion  by  which  its  proper  application  under 
varying  conditions  is  to  be  determined,"  Governor  Hughes 
said.  "It  contains  an  absolute  requirement  which,  upon  the 
facts  conceded  before  me,  cannot  be  justified."  Governor 
Hughes  pointed  out  that  whenever  there  was  inadequate  train 
service  complaint  could  be  made  to  the  Public  Service  Com- 
miksions. 

The  Federal  Income  Tax 

Governor  Hughes  in  a  special  message  to  the  Legislature 
on  January  5,  1910,  opposed  the  ratification  of  the  Income 
Tax  amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution. 

The  Goveri  jr  was  required  by  law  to  transmit  to  the. 
Legislature  a  certified  copy  of  the  resolution  adopted  by 
Congress  containing  the  amendment  and  he  made  this  the 
occasion  of  his  message. 

The  amendment  reads  as   follows: 

"Article  XVI.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes 
on  incomes,  from  whatever  source  derived,  without  apportionment  among 
the  several  States,  and  without  regard  to  any  census  or  enumeration." 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         105 

Congress  exercised  the  power  to  tax  incomes,  without  ap- 
portionment among  the  States,  until  1895  when  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court  decided  that  taxes  on  the  rents  or 
income  of  real  estate,  and  taxes  on  personal  property,  or 
on  the  income  of  personal  property,  were  direct  taxes  and, 
therefore,  under  the  Constitution,  must  be  apportioned  arnong 
the  several  States  according  to  their  respective  populations. 

Governor  Hughes  declared  himself  to  be  in  favor  of  a 
Federal  Income  Tax,  but  he  objected  to  the  words  "from 
whatever  source  derived,"  which  were  contained  in  the  pro- 
posed amendment.  He  pointed  out  that  this  was  a  broad 
grant  of  power  which  might  be  construed  as  subjecting  to 
Federal  taxation  incomes  derived  from  the  bonds  of  States 
and  their  municipal  corporations.  It  was  said  that  to  place 
the  borrowing  capacity  of  the  State  and  its  governmental 
agencies  at  the  mercy  of  the  Federal  taxing  power  would  be 
an  impairment  of  the  essential  rights  of  the  State.  To  the 
argument  that  the  broad  words  of  the  amendment  would  be 
limited  by  construction,  it  was  answered  that  there  could  be 
no  satisfactory  assurance  of  this. 

In  his  message  to  the  Legislature,  Governor  Hughes  said: 

I  am  in  favor  of  conferring  tipon  the  Federal  Government  the  power  to 
lay  and  collect  an  income  tax  without  apportionment  among  the  States 
according  to  population.  I  believe  that  this  power  should  be  held  by  the 
Federal  Government  so  as  properly  to  equip  it  with  the  means  of  meeting 
national  exigencies. 

But  the  power  to  tax  incomes  should  not  be  granted  in  such  terms  as  to 
subject  to  Federal  taxation  the  incomes  derived  from  bonds  issued  by  the 
State  itself,  or  those  issued  by  municipal  governments  organized  under  the 
State's  authority.  To  place  the  borrowing  capacity  of  the  State  and  of  its 
governmental  agencies  at  the  mercy  of  the  Federal  taxing  power  would  be 
an  impairment  of  the  essential  rights  of  the  State  which,  as  its  officers, 
we  are  bound  to   defend. 

You  are  called  upon  to  deal  with  a  specific  proposal  to  amend  the  Con- 
stitution, and  your  action  must  necessarily  be  determined  not  by  a  general 
consideration  of  the  propriety  of  a  just  Federal  Income  Tax,  or  of  giving 
to  the  Federal  Government  the  power  to  lay  such  a  tax,  but  whether  or 
not  the  particular  proposal  is  of  such  a  character  as  to  warrant  your 
assent. 

This  proposal  is  that  the  Federal  Government  shall  have  the  power  to 
lay  and  collect  taxes  on  incomes  "from  whatever  source  derived." 

It  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  is  not  a  mere  statute  to  be  con- 
strued in  the  light  of  Constitutional  restrictions,  express  or  implied,  but  a 
proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitution  itself  which,  if  ratified,  will  be  in 
effect  a  grant  to  the  Federal  Government  of  the  power  which  it  defines. 

The  comprehensive  words,  "from  whatever  source  derived,"  if  taken  in 
their  natural  sense,  would  include  not  only  incomes  from  ordinary  real  or 
personal  property,  but  also  incomes  derived  from  State  and  municipal 
securities. 

It  may  be  urged  that  the  amendment  would  be  limited  by  construction. 
But  there  can  be  no  satisfactory  assurance  of  this.  The  words  in  terms 
are  all-inclusive.  An  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
is  the  most  important  of  political  acts,  and  there  should  be  no  amendment 
expressed  in  such  terms  as  to  afford  the  opportunity  for  Federal  action  in 
violation  of  the  fundamental  conditions  of  State  authority. 

I  am  not  now  referring  to  the  advantage  which  the  States  might  derive 
from  the  exclusive  power  to  tax  incomes  from  property,  or  to  the  argu- 
ment that  for  this  reason  the  power  to  tax  such  incomes  should  be 
withheld  from  the  Federal  Government.     To  that  argument  I  do  not  assent. 

I  am  referring  to  a  proposal  to  authorize  a  tax  which  might  be  laid  in 
fact  upon  the  instrumentalities  of  State  Government.  In  order  that  a 
market  may  be  provided  for  State  bonds,  and  for  municipal  bonds,  and 
that  thus  means  may  be  afforded  for  State  and  local  administration,  such 
securities  from  time  to  time  are  excepted  from  taxation.  In  this  way 
lower  rates  of  interest  are  paid  than  otherwise  would  be  possible.  To 
permit  such  securities  to  be  the  subject  of  Federal  taxation  is  to  place 
such  limitations  upon  the  borrowing  power  of  the  State  as  to  make  the 
performance  of  the  functions  of  local  government  a  matter  of  Federal 
grace. 

In  concluding  his  message,  Governor  Hughes  said: 

We  cannot  suppose  that  Congress  will  not  seek  to  tax  incomes  derived 
from  securities  issued  by  the  State  and  its  municipalities.  It  has  repeatedly 
endeavored  to  lay  such  taxes,  and  its  efforts  have  been  defeated  only  by 
implied  constitutional  restriction  which  this  amendment  threatens  to  de- 
stroy. While  we  may  desire  that  the  Federal  Government  may  be 
equipped  with  all  necessary  national  powers  in  order  that  it  may  perform 
its  national  function,  we  must  be  equally  solicitous  to  secure  the  essential 
bases  of  State  government. 


106         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

I  therefore  deem  it  my  duty,  as  Governor  of  the  State,  to  recommend 
that  this  proposed  amendment  should  not  be  ratified. 

The  Legislature  adopted  Governor  Hughes'  view  of  the 
danger  of  the  amendment  and  its  ratification  was  defeated  in 
1910. 

Primary  Law  Reform 

Throughout  his  three  and  a  half  years  as  Governor  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  Mr.  Hughes  fought  for  the  reform  of  the 
primary  election  machinery.  New  York  had  fallen  far  behind 
other  States  in  its  primary  laws.  The  State  had  no  direct 
primary  law  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  term.  This  condition, 
Mr.  Hughes  believed,  favored  boss  rule  and  the  nomination  of 
unfit  candidates  for  office,  and  that  it  was  not  an  uncommon 
thing  in  the  State  for  delegates  who  had  been  honestly  chosen 
to  be  unseated  and  excluded  from  nominating  conventions  be- 
cause they  refused  to  carry  out  the  programme  that  had  been 
laid  out  by  a  group  of  leaders  or  even  a  single  leader  for  the 
convention  to  ratify.  A  flagrant  instance  of  such  arbitrary 
exclusion  had  been  offered  in  the  Democratic  convention 
which  was  held  in  Buffalo,  in  1906,  for  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Hughes'  opponent  in  his  first  campaign  for  Governor. 

In  his  first  and  second  messages  to  the  Legislature,  Gover- 
nor Hughes  recommended  the  enactment  of  a  direct  primary 
law  in  permissive  form,  so  that  any  County  organization 
might  make   use   of   it   if   it   chose   to   do    so. 

After  his  re-election,  in  his  annual  message  of  1909,  Gov- 
ernor Hughes  asked  the  Legislature  to  pass  a  mandatory 
direct  nominations  law.  The  chief  points  which  he  believed 
such  a  law  should  contain  were  set  forth  in  his  message  as 
follows: 

I  therefore  recommend  a  system  of  direct  nominations  by  all  parties  for 
all  elective  ofifices,  other  than  those  of  presidential  electors,  filled  at  the 
November  election  or  at  special  elections  called  to  fill  vacancies  in  such 
offices.  Heretofore  I  have  suggested  that  it  be  made  permissive,  because 
it  was  believed  that  such  a  provision  would  rapidly  lead  to  its  general 
extension.  But  the  objections  urged  to  this  course  and  the  strength  which 
the  movement  for  direct  nominations  has  gathered  have  produced  the  con- 
viction that  we  should  decide  upon  a  policy  binding  upon  all  parties.  In 
this  State  the  way  has  been  prepared  for  this  course  by  the  method  of 
party  enrollment  now  in  use  in  portions  of  the  State  and  by  our  familiarity 
with  provisions  designed  to  prevent  corrupt  practices  and  frauds  at  elec- 
tions. While  I  do  not  desire  unduly  to  elaborate  detail,  I  further  recom- 
mend: 

(i)  That  provision  be  made  for  the  enrollment  of  party  voters  through- 
out the  State,  and  that  participation  in  primary  elections  be  limited  to  the 
enrolled  party  voters,  with  stringent  measures  to  prevent  fraud.  The  en- 
rollment may  be  made  in  substantially  the  same  manner  as  is  provided  for 
with  regard  to  registration. 

(2)  That  the  expense  of  holding  primary  elections,  including  the  print- 
ing of  official  ballots,  provision  of  polling  places  and  the  like,  be  borne  by 
the  public. 

(3)  That  the  Corrupt  Practices  Act  be  extended  so  as  to  prescribe  the 
expenses  which  may  lawfvilly  be  incurred  in  connection  with  candidacies 
for  nomination   and  to  ensure  the  publicity  of  all   expenses. 

(4)  That  the  amount  which  may  be  expended  by  candidates  for  nomi- 
nation  be   limited. 

(5)  That  generally,  with  such  changes  as  may  be  necessary  for  adapta- 
tion, the  safeguards  of  the  law  governing  general  elections  be  extended  to 
primary  elections. 

We  may  thus,  in  perfecting  the  plan,  avoid  such  mistakes  as  may  have 
been  made  in  other  States  while  securing  the  benefits  of  a  system  which 
by  virtue  of  its  appeal  to  the  sentiment  of  liberty  has  rapidly  won  its  way 
in  the  favor  of  the  people  throughout  the  country. 

In  order  to  carry  ouf^is  ideas  he  drew  a  primary  election 
bill  which  became  known  as  the  Hinman-Green  bill  and  which 
created  an  entirely  original  form  of  machinery  which  many  ex- 
perienced political  leaders  believed  would  prove  effective  in 
practice.  It  provided  for  the.  enrollment  of  the  party  voters, 
an  official  primary  ballot,  separate  primary  ejections  for  the 
choice  of  State  Committees,  containing  one  Committeeman 
from  each  of  the  iqo  Assemblv  districts  in  the  State,  and  for 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         107 

meetings  of  the  State  Committees  to  suggest  the  names  ot 
candidates  for  nominations,  to  be  voted  for  on  primary  day. 
It  provided  for  the  designation  of  rival  candidates  by  petition, 
and  it  threw  around  the  voting  on  primary  day,  for  the  first 
time,  practically  all  the  safeguards  adopted  to  prevent  ballot 
frauds  on  election  day. 

This  bill  was  defeated  in  1909,  and  again  in  1910.  In  an 
extraordinary  session  called  by  the  Governor  in  1910  to  recon- 
sider the  question,  another  bill,  known  as  the  Cobb  bill,  was 
introduced.  This  bill  was  called  a  "compromise  bill"  from 
the  fact  that  it  made  certain  concessions  to  some  of  the 
opponents   of  the   Hinman-Green    bill. 

Colonel  Roosevelt  returned  from  his  trip  to  Africa  while 
the  Cobb  bill  was  pending  in  Albany  and  went  to  Cambridge 
to  attend  the  commencement  exercises  at  Harvard  Uni- 
versity. Both  sides  in  the  primary  bill  controversy  appealed 
to  him.  Governor  Hughes  was  about  to  receive  a  degree 
from  Harvard  University  and  he  met  Colonel  Roosevelt  in 
Cambridge.  He  asked  Colonel  Roosevelt  to  throw  his  in- 
fluence in  favor  of  the  bill  and  this  Colonel  Roosevelt  did  in 
a  telegram  addressed  to  Lloyd  C.  Griscom,  Chairman  of  the 
Republican  County  Committee  of  New  York  County,  which 
he  sent  from  Cambridge  on  June  29,  1910,  as  follows: 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  Cobb  bill,  with  the  amendments  proposed  by 
you,  meets  the  needs  of  the  situation.  I  believe  the  people  demand  it.  1 
most  earnestly  hope  that  it  may  be  enacted  into  law. 

President  Taft  also  sent  a  telegram  favoring  the  Cobb  bill. 
Despite  these  appeals  the  bill  was  beaten  in  both  houses  of 
the  Legislature,  the  vote  in  the  Assembly  being  sixty-three 
ayes  to  eight  noes — seventy-six  being  the  vote  required  for 
passage — and  in  the  Senate,  nineteen  ayes  to  twenty-five  noes, 
twenty-six  affirmative  votes  being  necessary  for  passage. 

The  contest  waged  by  Governor  Hughes  for  direct  nomina- 
tion started  an  agitation  which  led  to  the  passage  of  the 
present  Direct  Primary  Law.  This  law  does  not  in  the  least 
resemble  the  plan  proposed  by  the  Governor  in  the  Hinman- 
Green  bill  and  it  has  failed  to  give  the  party  voters  the  con- 
trol which  Mr.  Hughes  believed  to  be  essential.  Many 
persons  think  that,  while  bowing  to  the  popular  demand,  the 
Democratic  Legislature  which  passed  the  law  purposely  made 
it  as  ineffective  as  possible  so  that  the  direct  nominations  idea 
might  be  discredited. 

During  this  contest  to  change  the  primary  election  machin- 
ery, the  cry  was  raised  that  he  was  seeking  to  destroy  party 
organization  and  that  he  was  "an  anti-organization  man." 
This  criticism,  however,  was  a  part  of  the  opposition  cam- 
paign. Governor  Hughes  then,  as  aUvays,  recognized  the 
necessity  for  party  organization  and  its  desirability.  He  in- 
sisted that  his  only  endeavor  was  to  make  the  party  organ- 
ization stronger  and  more  effective  than  it  had  ever  been 
before  by  giving  the  party  voters  themselves  a  voice  in  its 
management.  He  made  this  clear  in  his  messages  to  the 
Legislature. 

Frederick  M.  Davenport,  the  Progressive  candidate  for 
Governor  in  New  York  State  in  1914,  recently  made  a  tour 
through  the  West  for  the  purpose  of  noting  the  effect  of 
radical  legislation  there.  The  results  of  his  observations 
were  pubUshed  in  the  "Outlook."  The  issue  of  that  publi- 
cation for  July  12,  1915,  contains  comments  upon  several  new 
laws,  including  the  Direct  Primary.  In  that  article,  Mr. 
Davenport,  said: 

The  preliminary  "unofficial"  conferences  which  are  now  held  under  the 
Direct  Primary  from  New  York  to  the  Pacific  Coast  by  all  parties  are 
the  direct  descendants  of  the  garret  and  subterranean  gatherings  of  both 
tlie  earlier  and  the  later  periods  of  popular  government  in   America.     And 


108         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK~1916 


the  instinct  cannot  be  stifled.  It  should  rather  be  legalized  and  made  re- 
sponsible and  open ;  otherwise  a  secret  cabal,  whether  benevolent  or 
malevolent,  is  sure  to  flourish  and  be  a  continuing  source  of  irritation  in  a 
democracy.  Governor  Hughes  met  this  problem  squarely  while  he  was  the 
Executive  in  New  York.  He  proposed,  as  an  essential  part  of  the  de- 
mocracy of  his  Direct  Primary  plan,  that  representative  State  leaders, 
freely  chosen  by  voters  in  the  local  Assembly  Districts,  and  without  power 
legally  to  perpetuate  themselves,  should  in  the  most  open  manner  and  with 
the  most  careful  legal  restrictions,  make  the  initial  suggestions  of  State 
candidates  for  oflice.  But  the  final  determination  upon  these  suggestions 
and  upon  all  other  suggestions  which  might  likewise  be  freely  made  by 
petition,  should  lie  within  the  body  of  enrolled  voters  in  each  party  on 
Primary  Day.  With  this  open  and  responsible  and  legalized  leadership  at 
the  top,  through  a  popularly  elected  committee  or  a  popularly  elected 
State  Committee,  and  with  tho  town  meeting  re-established  everywhere  at 
the  bottom,  the  Direct  Primary  would  fulfill  the  needs  of  both  representa- 
tive and  direct  democracy  far  better  than  it  does  at  present.  The  Direct 
Primary  at  present  drives  leadership  to  cover  and  makes  no  place  for  those 
splendid  mass  gatherings  and  discussions  in  the  small  units  of  the  Nation 
which  formerly  cleared  the  air  and  informed  and  trained  the  electorate,  not 
only  in  New  England,  but  in  many  other  parts  of  the  country. 

Reform  of  the  Election  Laws 

Governor  Hughes  throughout  his  two  terms  urged  reform 
in  the  election  laws  of  the  State  and  particularly  a  simplified 
form  of  ballot  under  which  the  names  of  candidates  for  each 
office  should  appear  but  once,  grouped  under  the  name  of  that 
office.  This  form  is  generally  known  as  the  "Massachusetts 
ballot." 

The  contest  which  was  waged  when  David  B.  Hill  was 
Governor  of  the  State  in  1889-90  had  resulted  in  a  ballot  con- 
taining party  columns,  with  emblems  which  enabled  the  most 
ignorant  and  careless  of  voters  to  vote  the  straight  party 
ticket  by  making  a  single  cross-mark  at  the  head  of  the  party 
column.  There  was  no  limitation  as  to  the  number  of  times 
the  name  of  the  candidate  nominated  by  several  party  organ- 
izations might  appear  on  the  ballot.  While  this  form  of  ballot 
made  it  easy  for  the  voter  who  desired  to  vote  for  his  party 
rather  than  candidates,  it  practically  disfranchised  the  voter 
who  desired  to  vote  for  candidates  rather  than  for  a  party. 

In  his  first  message  to  the  Legislature,  in  1907,  Mr.  Hughes 
said: 

It  is  not  impossible  to  have  a  simple  form  of  ballot  which  will  put 
parties,  candidates  and  voters,  respectively,  on  an  entirely  equal  footing.  I 
believe  that  the  best  form  of  ballot  is  that  in  which  the  names  of  the 
candidates  for  the  respective  offices  appear  but  once  grouped  under  the 
names  of  the  ofiices.  I  recommend  that  such  a  ballot,  with  appropriate 
designation  of  party,  opposite  the  candidate's  name,  should  be  adopted. 
The  fact  that  wc  are  accustomed  to  another  form  of  ballot  in  New  York 
has  given  rise  to  objections  which  experience  in  other  States  has  shown 
to  be  without  weight. 

Although  Governor  Hughes  renewed  this  recommendation 
each  year,  it  was  not  until  after  he  had  left  the  office  of  Gov- 
ernor that  it  was  finally  adopted.  The  ballot  which  he  pro- 
posed is  now  the  official  ballot  of  the  State. 

Campaign  contributions  from  corporations  were  forbidden 
by  a  law  resulting  from  the  insurance  investigation.  This 
made  an  enormous  difference  in  elections,  greatly  reducing 
the  amount  of  money  spent. 

The  Corrupt  Practices  Law  was  strengthened  in  several  im- 
portant particulars  during  Mr.  Hughes  term  at  his  insistence. 
In  his  first  message  to  the  Legislature  he  said: 

The  laws  relating  to  Corrupt  Practices  should  be  reinforced  by  amend- 
ment as  experience  reveals  defects.  There  is  no  better  way  of  putting  an 
end  to  bribery  and  corruption  than  by  compelling  full  publicity  as  to  cam- 
paign expenditures,  and  this  was  the  intent  of  the  legislation  of  last  year. 

Governor  Hughes  also  recommended  that  the  amount  a 
candidate  might  spend  to  procure  his  election  should  be 
limited*  Other  recommendations  proposed  limitation  of  the 
number  of  pollworkers  who  might  be  employed,  and  provision 
for  the  better  identification  of  voters  wherever  fraudulent 
practices  existed. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         109 

Labor  Legislation 

Many  labor  laWvS  were  enacted  during  Governor  Hughes' 
administration. 

The  Labor  Department  was  made  more  effective  by  pro- 
visions for  additional  inspectors.  The  Bureau  of  Mercantile 
Inspection  was  created  >  and  the  inspection  of  mercantile  es- 
tablishments was  taken  from  the  health  officers  of  cities  of 
the  first  class  and  given  to  the  Department  of  Labor. 

The  Child  Labor  Law  was  made  more  stringent.  Proper 
ventilation  and  suitable  washrooms  in  factories  were  provided 
for.    Protection  was  given  to  tunnel  workers. 

The  limitation  of  hours  of  labor  of  employees  on  street 
surface  railroads  was  extended  to  cities  of  the  second  class. 

The  employment  of  railroad  employees,  except  in  specified 
cases  of  accident  or  unexpected  delay,  for  more  than  sixteen 
consecutive  hours  was  prohibited. 

An  eight-hour  day  for  railroad  telephone  and  telegraph  op- 
erators was  provided. 

The  payment  of  wages  semi-monthly  to  employees  of  steam 
surface  railroads  was  provided  for. 

Ice-harvesting  companies  were  required  to  pay  wages  in 
cash. 

These  are  samples  of  the  labor  legislation  which  distin- 
guished Governor  Hughes'  terms  of  office. 

The  most  important  labor  enactment  for  which  he  was  re- 
sponsible, however,  was  the  Employers'  Liability  and  Work- 
men's Compensation  Law.  In  order  to  open  the  way  for  the 
passage  of  this  law,  the  Governor  brought  about  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  Commission,  of  which  Senator  J.  M.  Wainwright, 
of  Westchester  County,  was  Chairman.  This  Commission 
made  a  thorough  study  of  the  laws  of  other  States  and  coun- 
tries and  their  operation.  As  a  result,  the  first  Workmen's 
Compensation  Law  in  the  State  of  New  York  was  enacted 
in  1910,  in  accordance  with  the  Governor's  recommendations. 

This  law  was  afterwards  declared  unconstitutional  by  the 
Court  of  Appeals  and  it  was  necessary  to  amend  the  Consti- 
tution in  order  to  make  effective  legislation  of  this  character. 

The  verdict  of  labor  upon  Mr.  Hughes'  administration  was 
given,  after  he  had  resigned  the  office  of  Governor,  in  an 
editorial  in  the  "Legislative  News,"  the  organ  of  the  New 
York  State  Federation  of  Labor: 

"HE   WAS    A    GREAT    GOVERNOR" 

Now  that  Governor  Hughes  has  retired  from  politics  and  ascended  to  a 
place  on  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  in  the  world,  the  fact  can  be  acknowl- 
edged without  hurting  anybody's  political  corns,  that  he  was  the  greatest 
friend  of  labor  laws  that  ever  occupied  the  Goyernor's  chair  at  Albany. 
During  his  two  terms  he  has  signed  56  labor  laws,  including  among  them 
the  best  labor  laws  ever  enacted  in  this  or  any  other  State.  He  also 
urged  the  enactment  of  labor  laws  in  his  messages  to  the  Legislature,  even 
going  so  far  as  to  place  the  demand  for  a  labor  law  in  one  of  his  mes- 
sages to  an  extra  session  of  the  Legislature. 

Only  163  Labor  Laws  have  been  enacted  in  this  State  since  its  erection 
in  1777 — in  133  years.  One-third  of  these,  exceeding  in  quality  all  of  the 
others,  have  been  enacted  and  signed  during  Governor  Hughes'  term  of 
three  years  and  nine  months. 

With  such  a  record  of  approval  and  suggestion  of  progressive  legislation 
in  the  interest  of  humanity  to  his  credit,  it  is  easy  to  believe  that  human 
rights  will  have  a  steadfast  and  sympathetic  upholder  in  the  new  Justice 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

\ 

Race  Track  Gambling  and  the  Constitution 

The  Constitutional  Convention  of  1894  proposed  an  amend- 
ment to  the  State  Constitution  to  prohibit  pool-selling  and 
book-making  on  race  tracks.  The  prohibition  was  contained 
in  Section  9  of  Article  I  of  the  Constitution  in  the  following 
language: 

Nor  shall  any  lottery  or  the  sale  of  lottery  tickets,  pool-selling,  book- 
making,  or  any  other  kind  of  gambling  hereafter  be  authorized  or  allowed 


110         liEPUBLlCAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

within  this  State ;  and  the  Legislature  shall  pass  appropriate  laws  to 
prevent  offenses  against  any  of  the  provisions  of  this  section. 

This  provision  was  adopted  as  a  part  of  the  revised  Consti- 
tution in  1895.  The  Legislature  passed  a  law  making  pool- 
selling  or  book-making  a  felony  excepting  where  an  exclu- 
sive penalty  was  otherwise  provided.  It  then  passed  the 
Percy-Gray  Law,  which  provided  that  the  exclusive  penalty 
for  pool-selling  or  book-making  on  authorized  race  tracks, 
provided  no  memorandum  or  token  of  the  bet  was  delivered, 
should  be  forfeiture  of  the  amount  wagered,  to  be  recovered 
in  a  civil  action. 

JJnder  this  disingenuous  law,  conditions  at  the  race  tracks 
operated  in  the  State  had  gone  from  bad  to  worse.  Gambling 
was  carried  on  openly  and  on  a  tremendous  scale  in  the 
betting  rings  which  were  conducted  with  no  pretense  of  con- 
cealment and,  in  fact,  under  the  protection  of  the  authori- 
ties. In  his  judgment,  these  demoralizing  conditions  en- 
couraged thefts  and  defalcations,  ruined  many  business  men, 
and  fostered  vice  and  crime. 

Governor  Hughes  in  his  annual  message  of  1908  pointed 
out  to  the  Legislature  the  conflict  between  the  plain  mandate 
of  the  Constitution  and  the  Percy-Gray  Law  under  which 
book-making  and  pool-selling  were  permitted  to  flourish,  and 
he  asked  the  Legislature  to  repeal  the  Percy-Gray  Law.  This 
recommendation  led  to  a  bitter  struggle.  Vast  interests  and 
enormous  profits  were  at  stake.  The  racing  men  succeeded 
in  enlisting  the  support  of  many  influential  members  of  the 
Legislaure  of  both  political  parties  and  the  Governor  was 
compelled  to  take  his  case  to  the  people  of  the  State. 

In  his  last  message,  sent  to  the  special  session  of  the  Legis- 
lature, Governor  Hughes  said: 

Nor  can  the  question  be  finally  disposed  of  save  by  vindicating  the  honor 
of  the  State  and  by  demonstrating  that  there  is  no  power,  however  strong 
or  unscrupulous,  which  can  be  permitted  to  override  the  will  of  the  people 
as  expressed  in  the  fundamental  law. 

,  The  Governor's  racing  bills  passed  the  Assembly  and  as 
the  time  drew  near  for  a  final  vote  on  them  in  the  Senate, 
the  racing  men  exerted  all  the  pressure  they  could  command. 
The  bills  were  finally  lost  in  the  regular  session  by  a  tie 
vote;  but  a  vacancy  existed  in  the  Forty-seventh  Senate  dis- 
trict in  the  western  part  of  the  State.  Governor  Hughes  called 
a  special  election  in  that  district  on  May  12.  The  campaign 
turned  upon  the  race  track  bills.  The  Governor  stumped  the 
district  in  support  of  them  and  a  Senator  was  elected  who 
favored  their  passage.  The  Governor  then  called  a  special 
session  of  the  Legislature  to  meet  on  June  12.  The  bills  were 
finally  passed  by  one  vote. 

Much  bitterness  was  engendered  by  this  contest  and  for 
several  years  racing  was  suspended.  The  race-track  men,  and 
with  them  many  friends  ^of  sport  in  general  who  had  been  in- 
duced to  believe  that  the  Governor  was  opposed  to  horse  rac- 
ing and  to  all  sports,  did  their  best  to  defeat  him  when  he  ran 
for  re-election.  This  feeling  has  now  utterly  disappeared. 
The  opinion  of  racing  men  is  shown  by  the  following  extract 
from  the  "Rider  and  Driver,"  the  organ  of  horse  breeders, 
for  July,  1916: 

The  nomination  of  Justice  Charles  E.  Hughes  for  the  Presidency  has 
brought  many  inquiries  from  our  readers  as  to  the  probable  attitude  of 
horsemen  for  or  against  his  election.  Naturally,  the  question  is  based  upon 
his  activities  in  regard  to  the  so-called  anti-racing,  but  really  anti- 
gambling,  legislation  in  New  York  State  when  he  was  Governor.  On 
first  thought  the  impression  was  that  his  record  would  militate  against 
him,  but  on  mature  reflection  we  feel  that  time  has  hea'ed  much  of  the 
bitterness  of  that  struggle  and  that  the  improved  conditions  of  racing 
would  seem  to  justify  his  course,  which  was  undoubtedly  based  upon  a 
high   moral    sense    of    righteousness.      In   looking   back    now,    one   readily 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         111 

sees  that  the  Govei'nor  was  the  inflexible  agent  of  a  State-wide  senti- 
ment to  put  down  a  condition  that  had  fastei^ed  itself  upon  the  splendid 
sport  of  racing,  wliich,  although  drastic,  has  undoubtedly  proven  to  be, 
like  the  eradication  of  slavery  ^nd  other  evils,  for  the  best  good  not  only 
of  the  people  at  large,  but  for  horse  lovers  and  racing  interests  in  par- 
ticular. 

Conservation  of  Natural  Resources 

The  conservation  of  natural  resources  was  being  much  dis- 
cussed when  Mr.  Hughes  was  elected  Governor.  New  York 
State  had  no  laws  for  the  protection  of  public  property  of 
this  class.  At  Niagara  Falls  it  had  given  away  in  perpetuity 
the  most  valuable  rights  in  the  world  and  electric  power  com- 
panies were  eagerly  seeking  new  water  powers. 

To  the  preservation  of  these  water  powers  as  a  part  of  the 
public  property,  as  well  as  to  the  preservation  and  extension 
of  the  State's  forest  preserves,  Mr.  Hughes  gave  much  atten- 
tion. 

It  had  been  the  custom  when  grants  of  water  power  rights 
belonging  to  the  State  were  made,  to  require  no  payment  in 
return,  or  at  best  only  a  nominal  one.  The  Governor  insisted 
that  the  State  should  obtain  suitable  compensation  for  the 
use  of  its  water  powers.  In  accordance  with  his  usual  custom 
of  ascertaining  the  facts  before  attempting  to  legislate,  he 
recommended  that  the  State  Water  Supply  Commission  make 
an  investigation  of  available  water  powers  in  the  State  and 
report  to  the  Legislature. 

The  investigation  was  completed  and  the  report  was  made 
in  1910.  The  Governor  commended  it  to  the  careful  consider- 
ation of  the  Legislature  and  made  the  following  recommenda- 
tions: 

The  investigation  has  proceeded  far  enough  to  raise  the  question  as 
to  the  action  which  should  be  taken  by  the  State,  and  I  commend  thi»- 
subject  to  your  most  careful  consideration.  The  following  principles 
should,    I    believe,    be   accepted : 

(i)  That  the  flow  of  water  in  our  rivers  should  be  regulated  and 
our  water  powers  developed  to  the  fullest  extent  that  may  be  practicable. 

This  is  essential  to  prevent  unnecessary  damage  from  floods  and  to 
ensure  our  industrial  progress  and  the  future  prosperity  of  our  people. 

(2)  That  with  respect  to  streams  having  their  headwaters  within 
the  boundaries  of  the  forest  parks,  all  plans  of  regulation  or  power  de- 
velopment should  be  executed  only  by  the  State,  and  all  reservoirs  and 
their  appurtenances  and  the  impounded  waters  should  be  the  property 
of  the  State  and  under  exclusive  State  control,  and  not  be  permitted  to 
pass    into   private   hands. 

Any  such  plan  should  embrace  all  necessary  safeguards  to  ensure  the 
proper    protection    of    the    forests. 

(3)  That  with  respect  to  any  other  streams  flowing  through  any 
other  public  park  or  reservation  of  the  State,  such  plans  should  likewise 
be  executed  by  the  State  and  it  should  retain  exclusive  ownership  and 
control   in  order  adequately   to   safeguard   the    State's    interests. 

(4)  That  further,  as  it  is  of  great  public  importance  that  the  water 
powers  of  the  State  should  be  developed  in  a  comprehensive  manner, 
and  that  these  natural  sources  of  industrial  energy  should  not  become 
the  subject  of  an  injurious  private  control,  such  development  should  be 
undertaken  by  the  State  whenever  such  action  appears  to  be  feasible 
and  for  the   general  interest. 

(5)  That  in  any  case  of  State  development  of  water  power  provision 
should  be  made  for  the  granting  of  such  rights  as  may  be  proper,  to 
use  the   power   so   developed  upon   equitable  terms   and  conditions. 

(6)  That  the  State  should  not  undertake  any  plan  of  regulation  or 
water-power  development  save  upon  a  basis  which  would  make  its 
investment  a  fair  and  reasonable  one  from  the  public  standpoint  by 
virtue  of  practicable  measures  for  ensuring  such  a  return  upon  the 
.State's   outlay   as   would  be  equitable  in  the  particular  circumstances. 

(7)  That  any  amendment  of  the  Constitution  at  this  time  for  the 
purpose  of  permitting  any  portion  of  the  forest  preserve  to  be  used  for 
any  such  purpose  should,  by  its  terms,  or  by  appropriate  reference, 
suitably  define  the  property  within  the  preserve  which  is  to  be  used  and 
the  manner  of  its  use.  No  amendment  and  no  plan  of  development 
should  meet  with  any  favor  which,  after  the  most  rigid  scrutiny,  does 
not  afTord  absolute  assurance  that  in  no  way  will  the  public  interest  in 
the   forests  be  parted  with  or  jeopardized. 

The  Legislature  passed  a  bill  providing  for  the  develop- 
ment   of   water    powers,    but    it    failed    to,  comply    with    the 


112        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Governor's  recommendations  and  the  result  was  so  unsatis- 
factory that  he  vetoed  it. 

The  Governor  took  great  interest  throughout  his  term  in 
the  extension  of  the  State  park  system.  In  his  first  year, 
the  Hoi>,  William  Pryor  Letchworth  conveyed  to  the  State 
a  tract  of  i,ooo  acres  of  land  in  Wyoming  County,  includ- 
ing the  Genessee  Falls,  one  of  the  most  beautiful  waterfalls 
in  the  State.  Threats  had  been  made  to  appropriate  these 
falls  for  the  purpose  of  water  power  development,  and  Mr. 
Letchworth  prevented  this  by  his  gift,  which  the  State  ac- 
cepted upon  the  Governor's  recommendation. 

Another  large  extension  of  the  State  park  system  was  the 
gift  of  10,000  acres  of  land  in  Orange  and  Rockland  Counties, 
together  with  $1,000,000,  which  was  made  by  Mrs.  Mary  W. 
Harriman,  widow  of  Edward  H.  Harriman,  in  accordance 
with  his  wishes.  With  this  gift,  the  State  received,  as  a  re- 
sult of  the  activity  of  the  Palisades  Park  Commission,  of 
which  George  W.  Perkins  was  president,  the  sum  of  $1,625,- 
000  from  public  spirited  citizens  to  be  used  for  the  purchase 
of  land  adjoining  the  Harriman  tract  for  the  formation  of  a 
reservation,  to  be  developed  in  connection  with  Palisades 
Park.  In  consideration  of  this  gift  the  State  appropriated 
$2,500,000  and  agreed  to  move  the  new  State  prison  away  from 
the  west  side  of  the  Hudson  to  another  site. 

In  addition  to  these  gifts,  the  firm  of  Witherbee,  Sherman 
&  Company,  at  Port  Henry,  in  the  Governor's  last  year  con- 
veyed to  the  State  the  historic  ruins  of  Crown  Point  on  Lake 
Champlain.  The  name  of  Crown  Point  has  been  identified 
with  the  history  of  the  State  from  the  earliest  times.  Upon 
the  recommendation  of  the  Governor,  the  gift  was  accepted 
and  Crown  Point  was  converted  into  a  State  reservation. 


New  Banking  Laws 

The  panic  of  1907  checked  prosperity  and  brought  about 
the  failure  of  many  financial  institutions.  The  events  of  that 
year  showed  the  need  for  a  revision  of  the  banking  laws  of 
the  State.  Governor  Hughes  invited  six  well-known  bankers, 
representing  all  the  classes  of  institutions  involved,  to  act 
as  an  unpaid  Commission  to  examine  into  the  situation  and 
make  recommendations  to  him  for  the  reform  of  the  la\^i6. 
A.  Barton  Hepburn  was  Chairman  of  this  Commission. 

Just  as  the  evils  which  had  crept  into  the  business  of  life 
insurance  were  eradicated  by  the  legislation  framed  by  Mr. 
Hughes  and  recommended  by  the  Armstrong  Committee,  so 
the  chief  evils  which  made  the  banking  situation  unsafe  were 
eradicated  by  the  legislation  evolved  from  the  recommenda- 
tions of  the  Committee,  the  Superintendent  of  Banks,  and  the 
Governor,  This  legislation  was  regulative  and  restrictive  and, 
like  the  insurance  legislation,  it  made  the  officers  and  direc- 
tors responsible.  Among  other  provisions  of  the  new  law 
was  one  which  extended  the  authority  of  the  Superintendent 
of  Banks  to  private  banks  in  which  large  amounts  of  money 
were  deposited  by  immigrants  unfamiliar  with  American  in- 
stitutions. Failures  among  these  banks,  which  had  hitherto 
been  without  supervision,  had  furnished  frequent  scandals. 
This  law  was  attacked  as  unconstitutional  but  it  was  finally 
upheld  by  the  United  States  Supreme  Court. 

Efficiency  in  Office 

Governor  Hughes  always  insisted  upon  efficiency  in  officf. 
No  project  attracted  him  unless  it  was  practical.  In  this  first 
inaugural  address,  delivered  in  January,   1907,  he  said: 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         113 


Each  measure  proposed  must  ultimately  be  tested  by  critical  analysis 
of  the  particular  problem — the  precise  mischief  alleged  and  the  adequacy 
of  the  proffered  remedy.  It  is  the  capacity  for  such  close  examination 
without  heat  or  disqualifying  prejudice  which  distinguishes  the  construc- 
tive effort  from  vain  endeavors  to  change  human  nature  by  changing 
the   forms  of  government. 

Believing  that  too  many  laws  were  passed  by  the  Legisla- 
ture he  refused  to  consider  bills  that  were  unnecessary 
or  the  purpose  of  which  could  be  met  without  special 
legislation,  and  in  this  way  he  materially  reduced  the  volume 
of  new  statutes.  The  Legislature  had  been  accustomed  to 
pass,  and  Governors  to  sign,  a  great  quantity  of  bills  fixing 
the  salaries  of  local  officers,  cancelling  tax  sales,  validating 
acts  of  notaries  and  commissioners  of  deeds,  extending  fran- 
chises of  railways,  amending  the  Forest,  Fish  and  Game  Law, 
authorizing  the  presentation  of  claims  against  the  State  or 
its  municipalities,  reinstating  public  officers  who  had  been  dis- 
missed, and  the  like.  Governor  Hughes  insisted  that  all  these 
matters  should  be  taken  care  of  under  general  laws  and  that 
if  existing  general  laws  were  found  to  be  insufficient,  they 
should  be  amended. 

Governor  Hughes  was  much  interested  in  seeing  that  the 
new  insurance  laws  were  faithfully  executed.  In  his  speech 
accepting  the  nomination  for  Governor,  he  had  said: 

I  shall  spare  no  effort  to  make  eflfective  the  reforms  in  the  business 
of  life   insurance   so  essential   to   the  interests   of  the   policyholders. 

With  regard  to  public  office,  the  Governor  held  a  high 
opinion.  Like  President  Cleveland  he  looked  upon  the  duty 
of  filling  such  offices  as  a  public  trust  and  he  used  the  greatest 
care  to  obtain  the  men  whom  he  regarded  as  best  fitted  to 
discharge  the  duties  of  the  offices  which  he  was  called  upon 
to  fill.  He  never  appointed  a  friend  to  offuce  as  a  reward 
or  did  he  ever,  for  revenge,  remove  from  office  an  opponent, 
or  the  friends  and  supporters  of  an  opponent.  In  order  that 
he  might  be  the  better  able  to  secure  efficiency  in  office,  he 
obtained  from  the  Legislature  in  1907  the  passage  of  a  law 
known  as  the  Moreland  Act  which  authorized  the  Governor 
to  investigate  State  administrative  departments  in  order  to 
ascertain  the  conditions  which  existed  therein.  This  law  has 
proved  of  much  benefit. 

The  Short  Ballot,  State  Budget,  Civil  Service  Laws 

Governor  Hughes  was  always  an  advocate  of  the  short 
ballot  as  the  most  effective  means  of  centralizing  responsi- 
bility and  encouraging  efficient  administration.  He  also  ad- 
vocated the  adoption  of  a  State  budget  system  and  he  gave 
especial  attention  to  upholding  and  extending  the  State  Civil 
Service  Laws. 

Problems  of  State  Government 

In  his  annual  message  to  the  Legislature  of  1909,  Mr. 
Hughes  indicated  "lines  of  progress"  as  follows: 

While  we  may  hesitate  to  forecast  the  future,  it  would  seem  that 
progress   in   solving  the   problems  of  State   government  will  involve: 

(i)  The  concentration  of  responsibility  with  regard  to  executive 
powers    in    order   to   promote   efficiency    of    administration. 

(a)  Direct  accountability  to  the  people  by  those  charged  with  this 
executive    control    over   administrative   agencies. 

(3)  Such  provision  with  regard  to  electoral  Imachinery  as  will 
aid  in  focusing  the  attention  of  the  people  upon  the  officers  so  account- 
able. 

(4)  Adequate  means  to  secure  the  effective  expression  of  the  will  of 
the  people  in  the   selection  of  such  officers. 

Appointed  to  the  Supreme  Court 

Mr.  Hughes  was  nominated  to  be  an  Associate  Justice  of 
the  Supreme   Court  of  the  United  States  by  President  Taft 

1 


114         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

on  May  2,  igio.  He  resigned  the  office  of  Governor  on  Oc- 
tober 6,  1910,  and  took  his  seat  on  the  bench  of  the  Supreme 
Court  on  October,  10.  Tliere  was  talk  in  1912  of  nominating 
Mr.  Hughes  for  the  Presidency,  but  he  absolrtely  forbade 
the  use  of  his  name,  announcing  that  if  nominated  he  would 
decline  the  nomination. 

Nominated  for  President' 

When  his  name  was  again  brought  forward  this  year  he 
declared  that  he  was  not  a  candidate  for  the  nomination  and 
declined  to  give  the  slightest  encouragement  to  the  cam- 
paign that  was  made  on  his  behalf  in  various  parts  of  the 
country.  He  refused  even  to  consider  the  possibility  of  his 
nomination,  declining  to  state  his  position  upon  any  of  the 
issues,  forbidding  the  use  of  his  name  wherever  it  was  pos- 
sible for  him  to  do  so,  and  refusing  even  to  say  whether  he 
would  accept  if  he  should  be  nominated.  No  delegate  to 
the  Republican  National  Convention  knew  from  Mr.  Hughes 
whether  he  would  accept  or  decline  the  nomination.  He 
continued  to  discharge  his  duties  as  an  Associate  Justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court  and  he  completed  writing  an  opinion  while 
the  National  Convention  was  in  session. 


WHITE  HOUSE  PARTISANSHIP 

After  backing  and  filling  over  and  over  again  on  the  sub- 
ject of  a  Tariff  Board,  after  telling  the  country  in  his)  In-^ 
dianapolis  speech  that  such  a  board  would  be  superfluous  be- 
cause the  Trade  Commission  was  authorized  to  do  just  that 
work,  President  Wilson  has  now  urged  Congress  to  authorize 
him  to  appoint  a  Tariff  Board,  and  the  recommendation  meets 
with  general  approval.  The  most  serious  obstacle  to  a  useful 
Tariff  Board  appointed  by  President  Wilson  is  the  fact  that 
he  has  shown  himself  incapable  of  appointing  a  non-partisan 
board  and  conscienceless  in  violating;  the  spirit  of  the  law 
when  it  requires  him  to  name  a  member  of  the  opposing  party. 
For  the  Federal  Reserve  Board,  which  of  all  instrumentalities 
of  the  government  should  be  most  free  from  politics  and 
political  influences,  Mr.  Wilson  named  five  Democrats,  be- 
sides forcing  on  it,  as  ex-officio  members,  two  violent  par- 
tisans, his  son-in-law,  Mr.  McAdoo,  and  John  Skelton  Wil- 
liams, Comptroller  of  the  Currency,  and  this  against  the  best 
judgment  of  the  very  Democrats  who  framed  the  Federal 
Reserve  act.  One  of  his  Democratic  appointees  was  so  ob- 
jectionable to  the  Senate  that  he  withdrew  his  name  and  sub- 
stituted that  of  a  Republican,  Mr.  Delano,  but  even  at  that 
the  board  stands  one  Republican  to  six  Democrats. 


PRESIDENTIAL  ARROGANCE 

The  crux  of  the  President's  blundering  is  to  be  found  in 
his  misconception  of  his  own  functions.  Impressed  by  his 
unprecedented  quick  elevation  from  a  college  professorship 
to  the  most  exalted  political  position  on  earth,  convinced  of 
the  popularity  of  the  hazy  theories  whose  fascinating  articu- 
lation had  charmed  the  people,  flushed  by  his  success  in 
subordinating  a  coordinate  branch  of  the  government  to 'his 
will,  isolated  and  feared,  he  unconsciously  but  inevitably  as- 
sumed the  attitude  of  one  divinely  appointed  to  conserve  hu- 
manity in  new  and  striking  ways — and  forgot  for  the  moment 
that  he  was  quite  a  fallible  and  far  from  omnipotent  being, 
who  in  reality  had  only  been  elected  President  of  the  United 
States,  charged  with  the  performance  of  certain  official  tasks 
specifically  defined  by  fundamental  law. — Colonel  Geo. 
Harvey,  in  the  North  American  Review. 


Charles  W,  Fairbanks 

The  career  of  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  is  a  typical  American 
story  of  professional,  business  and  political  success;  of  forg- 
ing forward  from  comparative  poverty  and  obscurity  to 
national  prominence;  of  gradual  growth  and  advancement 
through  the  patient  and  persistent  application  of  those  mental 
and  moral  qualifications  which  often  bring  large  achievement 
in  a  land  where  the  doors  of  opportunity  have  opened  to  so 
many  possessing  no  key  but  that  fashioned  by  courage  and 
capacity. 

On  a  farm  in  Union  county,  Ohio,  Charles  W.  Fairbanks 
was  born.  May  ii,  1852,  the  son  of  Loriston  M.  Fairbanks, 
a  native  of  Vermont,  who,  in  his  youth,  removed  to  Ware, 
Mass.,  where  he  worked  in  a  woolen  mill.  Afterward  he  emi- 
grated to  Ohio  to  engage  in  farming,  and  there  he  married 
Mary  Adelaide  Smith,  daughter  of  a  family  which  had  lately 
come  from  Columbia  County,  in  New  York  State.  To  this 
couple,  while  living  in  a  log  house  on  the  edge  of  the  forest, 
Charles  W.  Fairbanks  was  born.  There  he  was  reared,  bear- 
ing, as  he  grew  to  manhood,  his  part  in  the  strenuous  toil 
of  a  middle  west  farm  in  the  making.  The  Ohio  farm  of  that 
period  was  a  real  "university  of  hard  knocks";  its  matriculates 
learned  industry,  self  reliance  and  frugality,  and  within  many 
of  them  was  stirred  the  desire  for  an  education  which  would 
mean  an  enlarged  horizon  of  life. 

The  parents  sympathized  with  their  son's  desire  for  a 
college  education,  and  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  having  exhausted 
the  opportunities  of  the  country  school  house,  the  boy,  with 
a  few  dollars  saved  by  himself,  and  a  few  more  contributed 
by  the  father  whose  developing  farm  had  begun  to  yield  some- 
thing more  than  a  bare  living,  entered  the  Ohio  Wesleyan 
University,  a  Methodist  college  not  far  from  his  home.  In 
company  with  a  neighbor  lad,  he  set  up  light  housekeeping 
in  a  small  room.  The  room  was  furnished,  and  the  larder 
largely  supplied  from  home,  and  the  expenses  of  the  pair, 
all  told,  amounted  to  a  dollar  and  a  half  a  week.  Yet  this 
amount  represented  sacrifice  on  the  part  of  both  parents  and 
son;  the  young  man  supplemented  the  small  sum  with  which 
he  came  to  Delaware  by  working  as  a  carpenter's  assistant 
on  Saturdays.  He  found  time,  nevertheless,  to  take  part  in 
general  college  activities.  He  became  one  of  the  three  editors 
of  the  college  paper,  a  member  of  the  Phi  Gamma  college 
fraternity;  a  speaker  on  public  occasions  and  a  leader  in 
student  enterprises.  At  the  age  of  twenty,  a  towering,  raw- 
boned  youth,  he  graduated  and  returned  to  his  father's  house. 

The  Law 

With  his  mind  turned  toward  the  study  of  law,  young 
Fairbanks  employed  the  knowledge  of  reporting  he  had 
gained  on  the  college  paper,  as  a  means  of  getting  a  foothold 
in  the  world.  Through  an  uncle,  William  Henry  Smith,  then 
general  manager  of  the  Western  Associated  Press,  he  se- 
cured employment  as  a  representative  of  that  newsgathering 
organization,  first  at  Pittsburgh  and  then  at  Cleveland.  At 
Cleveland  he  attended  a  law  school,  and  in  May,  1874,  was 
admitted  to  the  bar.  In  June  of  the  same  year  he  located  in 
Indianapolis,  for  the  practice  of  his  profession.  And  in  Oc- 
tober following  he  married  Miss  Cornelia  Cole,  who  had 
been  a  fellow  student  at  Ohio  Wesleyan  University. 

In  Indianapolis  Mr.  Fairbanks  gave  the  succeeding  period 
of  twenty  years  almost  exclusively  to  the  law.  At  a  bar 
boasting  of  such  lawyers  as  Benjamin  Han;ison,  Joseph  E. 
McDonald,  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  and  others  of  similar 
calibre,  Mr.  Fairbanks  won  the  respect  of  his  associates  and 
through  success  in  many  important  pieces  of  litigation,  the 
confidence  of  clients.    His  practice  extended  to  the  neighbor- 


116         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

ing  states  of  Illinois  and  Ohio  and  before  Mr.  Fairbanks 
began  to  take  an  active  interest  in  national  politics  he  en- 
joyed a  law  practice  comparing  favorably  in  extent  and  emol- 
uments v^ith  that  of  any  lawyer  in  the  Middle  West.  The  day 
Mr.  Fairbanks  took  his  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
March  4,  1897,  he  closed  the  door  of  his  law  office,  and  has 
never  since  accepted  employment  as  an   attorney. 

From  his  youth  Mr.  Fairbanks  has  always  been  deeply 
interested  in  politics  and  public  affairs;  his  refusal  to  become 
actively  engaged  in  public  life  prior  to  1888  was  due  to  his 
determination  to  first  win  a  place  for  himself  in  his  profes- 
sion. At  the  age  of  21  he  made  his  first  Republican  speech 
in  his  old  home  county  in  Ohio,  and  in  a  modest  way 
thereafter  took  a  hand  in  the  affairs  of  his  party.  His  close 
association  with  and  friendship  for  Judge  Walter  Q.  Gresham, 
of  the  federal  bench,  led  to  his  championship  of  the  Gresham 
presidential  candidacy  before  the  Republican  national  con- 
vention in  1888.  At  the  age  of  thirty-five,  Mr.  Fairbanks  was 
managing  the  Gresham  campaign,  which,  for  a  time,  promised 
to  be  crowned  with  complete  success.  The  Republicans  of 
Indiana,  however,  expressed  a  preference  for  the  aspirations 
of  General  Harrison,  and  the  Gresham  canvass  proceeded 
under  the  handicap  of  the  State's  adherence  to  another  can- 
didate. On  the  first  ballot  General  Gresham  was  second 
only  to  Sherman  in  number  of  votes,  but  on  the  eighth  ballot 
the  Blaine  forces  went  to  Harrison,  nominating  him.  This 
espousal  of  the  Gresham  cause,  based  upon  strong  personal 
regard  and  friendship  did  not  prevent  Mr.  Fairbanks  from 
taking  an  active  part  in  behalf  of  General  Harrison  in  the 
two  succeeding  campaigns,  or  from  enjoying  the  confidence 
of  "President  Harrison  while  in  office.  Mr.  Fairbanks  was 
a  strong  advocate  of  the  renomination  of  General  Harrison 
in  1892.  Mr.  Fairbanks  delivered  the  keynote  speech  for  the 
Indiana  Republicans  at  their  State  convention  in  1892,  and 
at  that  early  date  did  not  hesitate  to  attack  the  cheap  money 
fallacy  then  becoming  prevalent.  In  1894  Mr.  Fairbanks 
stepped  easily  into  the  place  of  leadership  among  Indiana 
Republicans.  He  made  a  thorough  speaking  campaign 
throughout  the  state.  Indiana  swung  into  the  Republican 
column  by  an  unprecedented  plurality — and  stayed  there  for 
sixteen  years. 

For  Honest  Money 

Two  years  later  came  a  test  of  Mr.  Fairbank's  qualities  of 
leadership.  It  was  generally  conceded  that  if  the  State  were 
carried  by  the  Republicans  in  1896,  Mr.  Fairbanks  would  be 
elected  Senator  to  succeed  Mr.  Voorhees.  Therefore,  suc- 
cess was  personally  important  to  the  Indiana  leader.  The 
free  silver  heresy  had  swept  the  country,  and  had  infected 
Indiana  Republicans.  Many  of  the  Republican  papers  and 
politicians  of  the  Middle  West  believed  that  in  the  absence 
of  either  surrender  to,  or  compromise  with  the  free  silver 
advocates,  Republican  success  was  impossible.  At  a  meeting 
of  the  Republican  State  committee  called  early  in  1896,  this 
opinion  was  voiced  by  several  party  leaders.  Mr.  Fairbanks 
listened  to  the  prophecies  of  disaster,  and  then  declared  that 
if  the  abandonment  of  the  principle  of  honest  money  were 
essential  to  Republican  success,  it  would  be  far  better  for 
the  party  to  go  down  in  defeat,  and  he  was  personally  ready 
to  go  down  with  it.  From  that  time  there  was  no  doubt 
as  to  the  position  of  Indiana  Republicanism,  and  the  May 
convention  of  the  party  spoke  in  a  decisive  way  against  the 
free  silver  heresy.  This  convention  also  instructed  the  State's 
delegates  to  the  approaching  national  convention  to  support 
William  McKinley  for  President.  Mr.  Fairbanks  had  long 
been  a  personal  friend  of  McKinley  and  was  one  of  the  fore- 
most leaders  in  the  advancement  of  his  presidential  can- 
didacy. He  was  chosen  by  McKinley  to  be  temporary  chair- 
man of  the  National  Convention  of  1896. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         117 

Mr.  Fairbanks'  speech  sounded  the  keynote  of  the  St. 
Louis  convention.  His  ringing  declarations  in  favor  of  pro- 
tection and  sound  money  stirred  the  great  convention  crowd 
to  demonstrations  of  enthusiasm,  and  foreshadowed  the  de- 
cisive declarations  of  the  party's  platform  in  one  of  the  crucial 
campaigns  of  the  nation's  history.  Speaking  of  this  deliver- 
ance, Major  John  M.  Carson  wrote:  "Fairbanks  was  placed 
at  the  head  of  the  Indiana  delegation  to  the  St.  Louis  con- 
vention, and  was  made  temporary  chairman  of  that  body,  de- 
livering a  speech  that  attracted  wide  attention  and  contributed 
to  fix  the  status  of  the  party  on  the  money  question.  The 
convention  declared  against  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  and  it 
was  largely  due  to  the  persistent  efforts  of  Mr.  Fairbanks  and 
a  few  other  sagacious  and  conservative  men  that  that  declar- 
ation was  made." 

Mr.  Fairbanks  threw  all  his  energies  into  the  succeeding 
campaign.  Indiana  was  a  battle  ground,  and  he  took  an  active 
part  in  the  management  of  the  campaign,  speaking,  beside, 
in  every  part  of  the  State,  and  in  other  States.  The  legisla- 
ture elected  in  Indiana  in  1896  was  heavily  Republican  and 
it  elected  Mr.  Fairbanks  to  the  Senate.  He  took  his  seat  the 
dajuhis  friend,  William  McKinley,  was  inaugurated  president. 

As  Senator 

Briefly  reviewing  his  career  as  a  senator,  former  Secretary 
of  State  John  W.  Foster,  writes: 

'.  "He  came  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  at  the  same 
time  that  Mr.  McKinley  was  inaugurated  as  President.  They 
had  long  been  friends,  and  the  President  had  a  high  estimate 
of  the  senator's  ability  and  political  sagacity.  So  much  was 
this  the  case  that  it  came  to  be  understood  that  the  senator's 
acts  and  speeches  were  an  exposition  of  the  views  of  the  Pres- 
ident. He  was  the  faithful  supporter  of  the  latter's  policies 
and  measures.  This  was  notably  the  case  in  respect  to  the 
Spanish  war.  He  stood  by  the  President  in  his  strenuous 
efforts  to  find  peaceful  settlement,  when  Congress  and  the 
country  were  clamoring  for  war.  But  when  the  issue  was 
made  up  and  war  came,  the  senator  promptly  tendered  his 
services  to  the  Governor  of  Indiana  for  military  duty,  which 
very  properly  was  not  accepted.  In  no  other  place  could  he 
be  so  useful  to  the  country  as  in  the  Senate. 

"His  record  in  the  Senate  is  so  fresh  to  the  public  mind 
that  it  need  hardly  be  recapitulated.  Almost  immediately 
after  he  entered  that  body  he  was  recognized  as  one  of  its 
most  useful  and  influential  members.  He  debated  many  of 
its  most  important  measures  and  his  views  and  position  were 
known  on  all  of  them. 

"He  served  in  the  committees  on  foreign  relations  and 
on  immigration  and  thus  had  to  deal  with  some  of  the  most 
interesting  and  perplexing  questions  in  our  relations  with 
foreign  governments.  I  have  already  alluded  to  his  attention 
to  the  complications  with  Spain,  in  which  he  assumed  so 
honorable  a  stand.  He  had  to  do  with  the  international  ques- 
tions growing  out  of  the  construction  of  the  Panama  Canal. 
I  quote  one  of  his  declarations: 

"  'It  pays  nations,  as  well  as  individuals,  to  adhere  to  the 
inflexible  principles  of  fair  dealing.  No  doubt  the  United 
States  could  have  ignored  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  and  pro- 
ceeded with  the  construction  of  the  canal,  but  it  preferred, 
as  it  always  prefers,  the  frank  and  honorable  way.'  " 

In  1898  a  protocol  was  signed  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  for  the  appointment  of  a  joint  high  com- 
mission for  the  adjustment  of  Canadian  questions,  that  were 
of  long  standing  and  of  great  importance.  It  was  desired  by 
the  two  countries  to  have  them  considered  by  the  commis- 
sion and  finally  put  to  rest. 


lib         KEPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

The  commission  was  composed  of  twelve  members,  six 
from  each  country.  The  chairman  of  the  American  members 
of  the  commission  was  Senator  Fairbanks. 

Of  the  work  of  the  joint  high  commission  and  the  ability 
displayed  by  Senator  Fairbanks,  John  W.  Foster,  one  of  the 
American  commissioners,   spoke  as  follows: 

"During  the  administration  of  President  McKinley  it  was 
deemed  desirable  to  make  an  earnest  effort  to  adjust  the 
various  questions  between  the  United  States  and  Canada, 
some  of  which  had  been  the  source  of  controversy  between 
the  two  neighboring  countries  for  generations,  and  all  of 
which  tended  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  their  relations. 

"Among  these  were  the  Northwestern  fisheries,  which  had 
been  the  fruitful  source  of  discussion  and  negotiations  for  a 
hundred  years;  the  Bering  Sea  seal  industry,  which  had  at  one 
time  threatened  war  with  Great  Britain  and  had  been  the 
subject  of  international  arbitration,  but  was  still  a  vexed  and 
unsettled  question;  the  Alaskan  boundary  dispute,  a  topic 
likely  at  any  time  to  bring  about  a  conflict  of  authorities; 
commercial  reciprocity,  a  subject  in  which  the  Canadians  and 
certain  sections  of  the  United  States  took  deep  interest;  the 
hounding  privilege,  intimately  connected  with  our  interstate 
commerce  laws  and  the  unequal  competition  of  the  Canadian 
railroads;  and  several  other  questions,  as  naval  armament  on 
the  Great  Lakes,  reciprocal  mining  privileges,  immigration 
and  the  labor  laws,  more  accurate  marking  of  the  interna- 
tional boundary,  etc.,  embracing  no  less  than  twelve  different 
subjects. 

Canadian  Commission 

"It  was  determined  to  refer  all  these  matters  to  a  joint  high 
commission,  and  six  persons  were  selected  by  the  United 
States  and  an  equal  number  by  Great  Britain.  For  mernbers 
of  this  commission,  it  was  the  desire  of  President  McKinley, 
to  name  statesmen  of  large  experience  and  the  highest  stand- 
ing, as  it  was  known  that  the  British  members  would  be  men 
of  prominence  and  ability.  It  was  a  most  distinguished  honor 
that  Senator  Fairbanks  should  be  chosen  as  chairman  of  the 
American  Commission,  especially  as  there  was  associated 
with  him  men  of  much  longer  experience  in  the  public  service. 
The  British  commission  was  headed  by  Lord  Herschel,  the 
lord  chancellor,  and  the  recognized  head  of  the  English  bar, 
and  next  on  the  commission  was  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier,  the 
prime  minister  of  Canada,  a  resourceful  and  brilliant  states- 
man. 

"During  the  years  1898  and  1899  the  commission  held  two 
sessions  in  Quebec  and  two  in  Washington,  and  went  very 
fully  over  the  important  subjects  committed  to  it  for  adjust- 
ment. On  several  of  these  it  reached  practically  satisfactory 
conclusions,  which  would  have  taken  the  shape  of  treaty  stipu- 
lations, but  for  an  irreconcilable  difference  of  opinion  re- 
specting the  Alaskan  boundary.  Because  of  a  failure  to  agree 
to  an  adjustment  of  this  matter  the  British  members  of  the 
commission  refused  to  come  to  an  agreement  of  any  of  the 
other  questions  before  it,  and  the  commission  adjourned  to 
meet  again  whenever  convened  by  the  chairman  of  the  two 
sections. 

"The  Alaskan  boundary  controversy  has  happily  been  satis- 
factorily settled  by  the  London  joint  tribunal,  and  this  result, 
so  gratifying  to  the  United  States,  was  largely  due  to  the 
work  of  the  joint  high  commission.  Senator  Fairbanks  was 
a  member  of  the  subcommittee  having  the  Alaskan  boundary 
in  charge,  and  he  took  a  deep  interest  in  shaping  the  issues 
which  were  eventually  submitted  to  the  London  tribunal. 

"It  is  a  matter  of  pride  to  Americans  to  be  assured  that 
in  all  the  deliberations  of  the  commission,  when  he  was  con- 
fronted by  the  ablest  lawyers  and  statesmen  of  England  and 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         US 

Canada,  Senator  Fairbanks  sustained  the  cause  of  his  coun- 
try with  skill  and  success,  and  represented  it  with  great 
dignity  and  uniform  courtesy." 

As  a  member  of  the  Senate  Mr.  Fairbanks  assisted  in  fram- 
ing the  tariff  and  currency  legislation  which  brought  to  the 
nation  that  complete  restoration  of  prosperity  with  which  the 
name  of  President  McKinley  will  ever  be  honorably  identified. 
While  the  tariff  legislation  was  pending,  the  relations  of  the 
United  States  with  Spain  reached  an  acute  stage.  President 
McKinley  sought  by  diplomacy  to  avert  war,  while  pushing 
forward  preparations  for  hostilities  should  they  come. 
.A.gainst  a  resolution  introduced  by  Senator  Morgan  recogniz- 
ing the  belligerency  of  the  Cuban  insurgents,  Senator  Fair- 
banks made  a  strong  speech,  pleading  for  harmony  of  action 
with  the  President.  He  declared  that  he  believed  it  to  be  the 
duty  of  the  American  government  to  negotiate  with  Spain 
for  the  termination  of  the  war  and  the  independence  of 
Cuba.  "If  these  peaceful  and  honorable  methods  fail  and  the 
war  should  continue,  I  would  have  no  hesitancy  in  reachii^ 
out  the  mighty  arm  of  this  government,  and  saying:  'This 
war  should  cease.'  "  Speaking  in  April,  1898,  in  behalf  of  a 
resolution  declaring  Cuba  independent,  demanding  the  with- 
drawal of  Spain  from  the  Island  and  authorizing  the  Presi- 
dent to  use  the  army  and  navy  to  make  the  resolution  oper- 
ative, Senator  Fairbanks  said: 

"Our  own  tranquility,  our  own  sense  of  security,  our  regard 
for  our  present  and  future  comfort  and  for  the  lives  of  her 
helpless  and  hapless  subjects,  demand  that  we  should  inter- 
pose the  mighty  power  of  this  government  to  stop  the  carni- 
val of  crime  and  suffering  and  restore  peace  to  the  Island  of 
Cuba  until  some  suitable  government  may  be  formed  which 
shall  be  a  guaranty  to  us  and  to  the  other  nations  of  the 
world,  that  it  will  at  all  times  in  the  future  be  ready  and  will- 
ing and  able  to  discharge  its  domestic  and  international  obli- 
gations. 

"All  efforts  at  amicable  solution  have  failed,  and  all  that 
remains  is  to  invoke  the  power  of  this  government  in  behalf 
of  enduring  peace  and  imperiled  humanity.  We  shall  now 
have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that,  come  what  may  in  the 
lottery  of  war,  we  have  left  undone  nothing  which  could  be 
done  consistently  with  honor  to  secure  a  pacific  settlement. 
To  the  high  and  holy  cause  of  humanity  and  the  vindication 
of  our  national  honor,  we  dedicate  the  lives  and  fortune  of 
the  people  of  this  republic." 

Senator  Fairbanks  delivered  a  notable  speech  against  the 
Teller  resolution  providing  for  the  payment  of  bonds  of  the 
United  States,  principal  and  interest,  at  the  option  of  the 
government,  in  silver  coin.  "There  must  be  no  equivocation," 
he  declared,  "with  respect  to  the  character  of  our  money 
standard,  and  no  hesitancy  nor  divided  purpose  in  its  inflexible 
maintenance."  Senator  Fairbanks  supported  by  speech  and 
vote  the  bill  establishing  permanently  the  gold  standard  as 
the  basis  of  American  monetary  values. 

Other  notable  speeches  by  Senator  Fairbanks  were  upon  the 
various  constitutional  and  administrative  problems  arising 
out  of  the  acquisition  of  our  insular  possessions  as  the  result 
of  the  Spanish  American  war,  and  in  support  of  Chinese  ex- 
clusion and  upon  other  immigration  problems.  Senator  Fair- 
banks introduced  the  bill  providing  for  the  financing  of  the 
Panama  Canal  through  a  bond  issue  which  put  a  part  of  the 
burden,  properly,  upon  succeeding  generations.  Senator 
Fairbanks  made  a  number  of  speeches  in  the  Senate  and  on 
public  occasions  in  favor  of  international  arbitration. 

Vice  President 

At  the  Republican  national  convention  of  1904  Senator 
Fairbanks  was  unanimously  nominated  for  Vice  President 
He  was  not  a  candidate  for  this  preferment,  but  accepted  the 


120        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK~1916 

nomination  as  a  call  to  duty.  President  Roosevelt  took  no 
part  in  the  speaking  campaign,  and  Senator  Fairbanks  made  a 
country-wide  canvass,  traveling  25,000  miles,  making  hundreds 
of  speeches,  and  establishing  a  permanent  national  reputa- 
tion as  a  public  speaker.  Following  his  election  as  Vice  Pres- 
ident Mr.  Fairbanks  responded  to  such  calls  for  his  services 
as  a  speaker  on  public  occasions  as  he  could  without  neg- 
lecting his  duty  as  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate.  Few  men 
in  the  history  of  the  nation  have  spoken  to  so  many  people, 
in  so  many  localities;  few  men  in  American  public  life  have 
acquired  so  wide  a  personal  acquaintance.  Democratic,  cor- 
dial and  interested  in  others,  Mr.  Fairbanks  commands  the 
admiration  and  respect  of  vast  numbers  of  people  to  a  degree 
seldom  surpassed.  As  President  of  the  Senate  Mr.  Fairbanks 
gained  the  confidence  and  good  will  of  the  membership  of 
that  body  to  an  extent  not  often  equaled  in  the  history  of  the 
office,  and  made  a  record  for  fidelity  in  the  performance  of 
duty  which  has  never  been  surpassed.  On  only  one  or  two 
occasions  was  he  absent  from  the  chair  during  an  entire 
meeting  of  the  Senate. 

In  placing  Mr.  Fairbanks  in  nomination  for  Vice  President 
at  Chicago  in  1904,  Senator  Dolliver  said:  "The  office  has 
sought  the  man,  and  he  will  bring  to  the  office  the  command- 
ing personality  of  a  statesman  equal  to  any  of  the  great  re- 
sponsibilities which  belong  to  our  public  affairs.  A  leader 
of  the  Senate,  the  champion  of  all  the  great  policies  which 
constitute  the  invincible  record  of  the  Republican  party  dur- 
ing the  past  ten  years,  his  name  will  become  a  tower  of 
strength  to  our  cause,  not  only  in  his  own  State,  but  every- 
Vv^here  throughout  the  country.  A  man  of  affairs,  the  whole 
business  community  shares  the  confidence  which  his  political 
associates  have  reposed  in  him  from  the  beginning  of  his 
public  life.  The  quiet,  undemonstrative  popular  opinion 
which  has  given  the  Republican  party  a  platform  upon  which 
all  Republicans  can  stand  with  no  dissenting  voice,  here  or 
anywhere,  has  long  since  anticipated  the  action  of  this  con- 
vention in  adding  to  the  national  ticket  the  name  of  Senator 
Fairbanks." 

In  the  Republican  national  convention  of  1908,  Vice  Pres- 
ident Fairbanks  was  presented  by  Indiana  Republicans  as  a 
Presidential  candidate.  Mr.  Fairbanks  took  an  active  part  in 
the  speaking  campaign  of  that  year  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Taft. 
Upon  his  retirement  from  the  Vice  Presidency,  in  March, 
1909,  Mr.  Fairbanks,  in  company  with  Mrs.  Fairbanks,  started 
on  a  year's  trip  around  the  world.  Mr.  Fairbanks  was  per- 
sonally received  by  the  Emperor  of  Japan,  the  Prince  Re- 
gent of  China,  the  King  of  Greece,  the  King  of  Italy,  the 
Sultan  of  Turkey,  the  Emperor  of  Germany  and  the  late  King 
Edward  of  England.  Mr.  Fairbanks  had  previously  met 
the  then  Prince  of  Wales,  now  King  George  of  England,  when 
he  represented  the  United  States  at  the  Quebec  tercentenary 
by  appointment  of  President  Roosevelt. 

Upon  their  return  from  this  trip,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Fairbanks 
were  received  with  unusual  honors  at  Indianapolis,  They 
were  greeted  by  an  immense  crowd  as  they  passed  through 
the  streets,  escorted  by  a  committee  of  representative  In- 
dianapolis business  men,  to  their  home.  Mr.  Fairbanks  has 
devoted  himself  since  to  semi-public  activities.  He  founded 
the  Indiana  Forestry  Association,  and  in  the  act  establishing 
Arbor  Day  the  Democratic  legislature  of  the  State  incor- 
porated in  the  measure  a  provision  that  one  of  the  objects  of 
the  annual  celebration  by  Indiana  school  children  should  be 
the  honoring  of  Mr.  Fairbanks  and  others  active  in  arousing 
interest  in  the  reforestization  of  the  state.  He  became  Presi- 
dent of  the  Methodist  Hospital  of  Indiana,  a  trustee  of  De- 
Pauw  University,  and  has  been  active  in  other  similar  direc- 
tions. 

Mrs.  Fairbanks  died  October  24,  1913.     She  was  prominent 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         121 

and  influential  in  national  women's  affairs,  and  had  served  as 
President  General  of  the  Daughters  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion, Mr.  Fairbanks  has  five  children,  four  sons  and  a  daugh- 
ter; Warren,  Richard,  Fred,  Robert  and  Mrs.  John  W.  Tim- 
mons. 

By  the  united  voice  of  Indiana  Republicanism  Mr.  Fair- 
banks was  presented  to  the  Republican  National  Convention 
of  1916,  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  The  support  at- 
tracted was  formidable,  and  the  enthusiasm  with  which  it  was 
urged  was  notable.  Following  the  nomination  of  Justice 
Hughes,  an  almost  unanimous  call  to  the  Vice  Presidential 
nomination  was  extended  to  Mr,  Fairbanks  by  the  convention. 
Mr.  Fairbanks  was  not  only  not  a  candidate,  but  did  not  desire 
the  nomination,  and  had  wired  the  chairman  of  the  Indiana 
delegation  not  to  permit  the  use  of  his  name.  When  the 
nomination  was  tendered  with  such  unanimity  and  earnest- 
ness, however,  Mr.  Fairbanks  was  induced  to  regard  it  as  a 
call  to  further  duty  to  his  party,  and  soon  after  the  adjourn- 
ment of  the  convention  he  indicated  his  acceptance. 

Worthy  of  All  Honors 

What  was  said  by  the  late  John  L.  Griffiths  concerning 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Fairbanks  to  the  Vice  Presidency  in 
1904,  constitutes  now  an  even  more  appropriate  characteriza- 
tion of  the  selection  and  the  man,  than  it  did  then.  Speak- 
ing at  a  meeting  of  Mr.  Fairbanks'  friends  and  neighbors,  as- 
sembled without  distinction  of  party  at  the  Fairbanks  home 
in  Indianapolis,  Mr.  Griffiths  said: 

"The  nominee  of  the  Chicago  convention  for  the  Vice  Pres- 
idency has  not  been  the  favorite  of  fortune.  He  has  fairly 
and  justly  earned  all  the  honors  which  have  been  bestowed 
upon  him.  He  comes  close  to  the  people  because  his  life  has 
been  rooted  in  their  lives. 

"His  nomination  is  a  recognition  of  the  growing  power  of 
the  great  Middle  West — of  that  section  of  our  common 
country  where  the  people  are  peculiarly  frugal  and  resource- 
ful, industrious  and  thrifty,  with  sturdy  notions  of  honesty, 
where  they  care  less  for  cleverness  than  for  integrity  and 
place  a  higher  value  upon  character  than  they  do  upon  wealth. 

"Charles  W.  Fairbanks  was  made  one  of  the  standard 
bearers  of  his  party  because  he  has  always  had  'a  healthy 
conscience'  in  public  matters  and  has  been  actuated  by  an 
overpowering  sense  of  duty.  He  has  felt  as  Lincoln  did, 
that  in  the  tides  of  feeling  which  sweep  and  surge  about  a 
public  man,  he  must  keep  some  consciousness  of  being  some- 
where near  the  right.  He  must  keep  some  standard  or  prin- 
ciple fixed  within  himself.  He  has  been  (^iligent  in  the  busi- 
ness of  his  government.  He  has  never  regarded  the  holding 
of  an  office  as  a  pastime,  but  has  keenly  felt  the  high  respon- 
sibility which  a  lofty  trust  imposes.  He  has  always  had  'a 
sweet  and  just  tongue,'  speaking  what  he  had  to  say  temper- 
ately but  forcibly.  No  public  utterance  of  his  can  be  re- 
called in  which  he  ever  abused  a  political  opponent.  He  has 
won  his  way  into  the  hearts  of  men  by  traveling  a  pathway 
too  seldom  traversed — the  pathway  of  gentleness  and  fair- 
ness   and    moderation. 

"His  nomination  is  a  reminder  that  the  early  traditions  of 
the  republic  have  not  entirely  disappeared.  Again  we  have 
the  inspiring  spectacle  of  the  office  seeking  the  man.  When- 
ever this  occurs,  now  as  in  the  days  of  Washington  and  Jef- 
ferson and  the  elder  Adams,  it  is  the .  capable  man  that  is 
sought — the  man  who  by  training,  education,  experience  and 
ability  is  best  equipped  for  the  office," 

We  shall  send  our  flag  into  all  ports  of  trade,  not  as  a 
menace,  but  as  the  harbinger  of  peace  and  good  will. — Hon. 
C.  W.  Fairbanks,  at  Freehold,  N.  J.,  June  27,  1903. 


Hughes  as  Governor 

RECORD    ON    VARIOUS    POLICIES    WHILE    CHIEF 
EXECUTIVE  OF  NEW  YORK  STATE 


LABOR 

Many  measures  for  the  protection  and  welfare  of  labor  were 
passed    during    Governor    Hughes'    administration. 

The  results  accomplished  during  his  first  term  were  outlined 
briefly  in  his  speech  of  acceptance  of  the  second  nomination, 
as  follows: 

"The  Labor  Department  has  been  made  more  effective. 
Additional  inspectors  have  been  provided.  The  Bureau  of 
Mercantile  Inspection  has  been  created  and  inspection  of 
the  establishments  subject  thereto  has  been  removed  from 
the  over-burdened  health  officers  of  cities  of  the  first  class 
and  placed  with  the  State  Department.  The  head  of  the 
department,  himself  a  labor  man  who  won  his  promotion  by 
his  proved  capacity,  has  made  a  commendable  record  in  the 
enforcement  of  the  law. 

"The  child  labor  laws  have  been  made  more  stringent. 

"Improved  provision  has  been  made  with  regard  to  ven- 
tilation of  factories  and  for  suitable  washrooms;  protection 
has  been  provided  for  those  employed  in  the  construction  of 
tunnels  and  for  proper  report  of  accidents. 

"The  limitation  of  the  hours  of  labor  of  employees  on  street 
surface  railroads  has  been  extended  to  all  cities  of  the  second 
class.  The  employment  of  railroad  employees,  except  in 
specified  cases  of  casualties  or  unexpected  delays  of  trains, 
for  more  than  sixteen  consecutive  hours,  has  been  prohibited 
and  provision  has  been  made  to  enforce  periods  of  rest.  An 
eight-hour  day  has  been  provided  for  railroad  telegraph  and 
telephone  operators. 

"It  has  been  required  that  the  employees  of  steam  surface 
railways  shall  receive  their  wages  semi-monthly  instead  of 
monthly  as  heretofore,  thus  aiding  thrift  and  protecting  them 
from  the  exactions  to  which  they  have  been  exposed.  And  the 
law  as  to  cash  payment  of  wages  has  been  amended  so  as  to 
include  companies  engaged  in  harvesting  and  storing  ice." 

In  addition  to  many  other  acts  or  amendments  to  acts  pro- 
viding for  the  prevention  of  industrial  diseases  and  accidents, 
a  new  type  of  legislation  was  secured  in  Governor  Hughes' 
second  term  providing  for  the  relief  of  employees  or  their 
families  after  industrial  injury.  An  important  investigation 
•was  made  by  the  Wainwright  Commission  into  the  matter 
of  workmen's  compensation  and  employment,  which  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  enactment  of  the  Workmen's  Lt.ir  j  Misation 
and  Employers'  Liability  Acts. 

Interest  in  Labor 

Governor  Hughes'  interest  in  matters  affecting  labor  was 
summarized  in  his  speech  of  acceptance  in  1909: 

"We  are  solicitous  for  the  interests  of  labor.  Every 
measure  proposed  on  behalf  of  labor  has  received  the  most 
serious  and  sympathetic  consideration.  These  interests  can- 
not be  separated  from  those  of  the  community,  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  toiling  masses  is  of  the  deepest  concern  to  all." 

The  Legislative  Labor  News,  the  recognized  organ  of  the 
State  Federation  of  Labor,  published  by  John  M.  O'Hanlon. 
Troy,  N.  Y.,  indicated  after  the  Governor's  resignation  in 
1910,  how  this  interest  had  resulted  in  unusually  favorable 
labor  legislation,  by  commenting  under  the  caption,  "He  Was 
a  Great  Governor,"  as  follows: 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         123 

"Now  that  Governor  Hughes  has  retired  frorn  politics  and 
ascended  to  a  place  on  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  in  the 
world,  the  fact  can  be  acknowledged  without  hurting  any- 
body's political  corns,  that  he  was  the  greatest  friend  of 
labor  laws  that  ever  occupied  the  Governor's  chair  at  Albany. 
During  his  two  terms  he  has  signed  56  labor  laws,  including 
among  them  the  best  labor  laws  ever  enacted  in  this  or  any 
other  state.  He  also  urged  the  enactment  of  labor  laws  in 
his  messages  to  the  Legislature,  even  going  so  far  as  to  place 
the  demand  for  a  labor  law  in  one  of  his  messages  to  an  extra 
session   of   the    Legislature, 

"Only  162  labor  laws  have  been  enacted  in  this  State  since 
its  creation  in  1777 — in  133  years.  One-third  of  these,  ex- 
ceeding in  quality  all  of  the  others,  have  been  enacted  and 
signed  during  Governor  Hughes'  term  of  three  years  and 
nine  months. 

With  such  a  record  of  approval  and  suggestion  of  progres- 
sive legislation  in  the  interest  of  humanity  to  his  credit,  it 
is  easy  to  believe  that  human  rights  will  have  a  steadfast  and 
sympathetic  upholder  in  the  new  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States." 

Attitude  Toward  Labor  Unions 

The  Governor  frequently  gave  expression  to  his  natural 
sympathy  with  the  constructive  work  done  by  labor  organiza- 
tions. A  notable  instance  was  when  he  spoke  on  August 
29,  1908,  at  the  dedication  of  the  Tuberculosis  Pavilion  erected 
by  the  Central  Federation  of  Labor  of  Albany: 

"My  friends,  there  are  some  who  regard  organized  labor 
as  a  source  of  strife  and  menace  of  difficulty.  I  regard  it  as 
a  fine  opportunity  for  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of 
men  working  with  no  other  purpose  than  to  make  the  most 
of  themselves  and  to  achieve  something  for  their  families.  I 
regard  it  as  a  fine  opportunity  for  the  realization  of  the 
highest  benefits  for  those  that  every  patriotic  citizen  feels 
most  solicitous  about  to  see  that  everything  should  be  done 
for  their  continued  progress. 

"Under  wise  leadership,  with  statesmanlike  guidance,  with 
a  sincere  intention  to  promote  the  benefit  of  the  community 
and  to  secure  honorable  progress,  the  mission  of  labor  organ- 
izations is  one  of  the  finest  that  any  association  of  men 
could  guard.  Today  we  have  a  realization  of  what  can  be 
accomplished. 

"We  have  entered  into  a  campaign  which  requires  the  co- 
operation of  all  in  the  community  to  stamp  out  this  great 
white  plague.  By  the  mitigation  of  improper  conditions  of 
labor,  by  the  decrease  of  hours  of  labor,  by  securing  better 
administration  of  health  departments  and  wiser  legislation 
with  regard  to  the  conditions  of  tenement  houses  and  with 
reference  to  many  preventable  nuisances  much  has  been  done 
to  obtain  better  conditions  for  the  workingman.  But  what 
is  done  each  year  only  points  out  what  is  to  be  done  the  year 
following. 

"There  is  a  great  movement  in  this  country  from  one  end 
to  the  other,  a  movement  of  progress  that  is  not  sensational, 
that  is  not  intended  for  the  benefit  of  this  or  that  particular 
man,  selfishly  considered,  that  is  not  controlled  by  any  set 
of  men,  but  is  for  the  improvement  and  the  progress  of 
humanity,  because  all  our  decent  citizenship  is  determined 
that  every  abuse  that  can  be  corrected  and  that  every  man 
shall  have  a  fair  chance  in  this  country." 

The  Governor  frequently  held  conferences  with  labor  union 
delegations  during  his  incumbency.  In  1908  an  effort  was 
made  to  open  such  work  places  as  butcher  and  barber  shops 
on  Sunday,  and  a  delegation  of  the  State  Federation  of  Labor 
appeared  before  him  to  enlist  his  opposition  to  such  measures. 
When   a  minister  who  accompanied    them,   representing   the 


124         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK-^916 

Sabbatarian  Association,  read  a  long  address  to  the  Governor 
uring  him  to  keep  such  places  closed  on  Sunday,  the  latter 
immediately  replied: 

"I  believe  in  a  six-day  working  week.  So  do  you.  But  do 
you  know  that  the  men  who  are  making  a  six-day  week  a  pos- 
sibility and  an  eventual  fixture  are  these  men  and  their  asso- 
ciates," indicating  the  labor  union  members  present.  "I 
long  ago  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  labor  unions  are 
going  to  solve  the  Sunday  labor  question  to  the  best  interest 
of  the  country.  Join  hands  with  them  and  you  will  double 
your   results   while   halving  your   labor." 

Reorganization  o£  Department  of  Labor 

The  Governor's  first  message  to  the  Legislature  in  1907 
emphasized  the  need  of  a  vigorous  enforcement  of  the 
Labor  laws: 

"The  Labor  Department  should  be  put  on  a  better  footing. 
Prior  to  1901  the  Bureaus  or  Departments  of  Labor  Statistics, 
Factory  Inspection,  and  Mediation  and  Arbitration  were 
separately  organized.  In  that  year  they  were  consolidated 
into  the  present  Department  of  Labor,  but  this  was  accom- 
plished without  a  suitable  revision  of  the  law  and  some  con- 
fusion has  resulted.  Not  only  should  the  law  be  carefully 
revised,  but  provision  should  promptly  be  made  to  increase 
the  efficiency  of  the  department  by  thoroughly  equipping  it 
for  its  work.  It  serves  no  useful  purpose  to  increase  the 
duties  of  a  department  without  supplying  the  means  by  which 
they  may  be  discharged.  And  it  is  of  vital  importance  to  the 
interests  of  the  wage  earners  throughout  the  State  that  the 
provisions  of  the  Labor  Law  should  be  strictly  enforced. 

"There  is  urgent  need  for  more  inspectors.  It  is  utterly 
impossible  for  the  present  force  to  meet  the  requirements  of 
the  law,  and  whatever  increase  is  necssary  to  secure  the 
enforcement  of  the  important  provisions  of  the  statutes  regu- 
lating the  conditions  of  labor  should  be  supplied  without 
delay.  To  attain  proper  efficiency  the  work  should  be  special- 
ized and  positions  und  salaries  should  be  graded." 

Chapter  505  which  took  effect  June  15,  completely  reor- 
ganized the  Department  of  Labor  and  provided  for  an  en- 
larged staff  to  enforce  the  law.  .  In  the  words  of  the  Commis- 
sioner of  Labor:  "It  was  the  most  intelligent  and  generous 
treatment  the  Department  has  received  from  the  Legislature 
for  many  years." 

Protection  of  Child  Labor 

Definite  and  specific  legislation  for  the  protection  of  chil- 
dren was  urged  in  his  1907  message: 

"I  recommend  to  your  careful  consideration  the  important 
subject  of  child  labor.  Laws  for  the  protection  of  children, 
in  securing  them  their  right  to  an  elementary  education  and 
in  surrounding  them  with  appropriate  safeguards,  make  a 
special  appeal  to  humane  sentiment,  and  nothing  should  be  left 
undone  to  give  them  full  effect. 

"Children  under  sixteen  should  have  an  eight-hour  day. 
Such  a  provision  will  not  only  furnish  protection  from  excess- 
ive strain,  but  will  also  aid  the  administrative  officers  in  their 
enforcement  of  the  law. 

"I  also  recommend  that  in  order  to  protect  children  from 
dangerous  employments  there  should  be  a  more  precise  pro- 
hibition specifying  the  occupations  in  which  children  under 
sixteen  shall  not  be  employed.  General  prohibitions  as  to 
such  matters  are  apt  to  be  found  inoperative.  It  is  fair  to 
all  concerned  and  essential  to  the  protection  of  children  that 
the  law  be  made  as  specific  as  possible." 

Two  laws,  as  outlined  by  the  Governor,  were  later  enacted: 
Chapter  286,  reducing  the  number  of  hours  per  day  where 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         125 

children  may  be  employed  in  factories  from  9  to  8  and  the 
hours  between  when  they  may  be  employed  from  between 
7  a.  m.  and  6  p.m.  to  8  a.m.  and  5  p.m.,  and  Chapter  507, 
extending  these  provisions  to  apply  to  children  employed  "in 
connection  with  factories"  and  entirely  reframing  the_  law 
relative  to  the  hours  of  labor  of  females  over  16,  dividing 
them  into  two  classes,  minors  under  21  and  adults,  in  order 
to  limit  to  the  adults  the  effect  of  recent  decisions  of  the 
courts  holding  the  night  work  prohibition  of  Section  TJ  un- 
constitutional because  it  applied  to  adults.  Governor  Hughes 
regarded  these  bills  of  such  extreme  importance  to  working 
women  and  children  that  he  approved  them  June  15,  1907, 
despite  the  retention  of  the  unconstitutional  provision  as  is 
evidenced  by  his  memorandum  of  approval: 

"The  bill  makes  distinct  provision  for  the  case  of  female 
minors  so  that  legislation  as  to  these  will  not  depend  upon 
the  validity  of  a  general  clause  applicable  to  all  women, 
whether  minors  or  adults. 

"The  bill  is  of  such  a  remedial  character  that  I  do  not  feel 
justified  in  withholding  my  signature  merely  because  of  the 
formal  retention  of  a  provision  of  the  existing  law  which  the 
decision  of  the  court  has  rendered  inoperative." 

Message  to  Legislature  (1909) — As  the  Governor's  recom- 
mendation relating  to  the  protection  of  children  against  dan- 
gerous employments,  contained  in  his  first  message  to  the 
Legislature,  had  not  been  carried  out,  he  agiin  urged  the 
enactment  of  such  legislation: 

"I  renew  the  recommendation  made  in  my  first  message 
that  in  order  to  protect  children'  against  dangerous  employ- 
ments, there  should  be  a  more  precise  prohibition  specifying 
the  occupations,  to  be  selected  with  just  discrimination,  in 
which  children  under  sixteen  years  of  age  shall  not  be 
employed.  It  is  believed  that  this  will  be  an  improvement 
upon  the  general  terms  of  the  present  law. 

"It  is  also  desirable  in  the  interests  of  justice,  as  well  as 
to  aid  in  the  enforcement  of  the  law,  that  where  a  minor 
under  sixteen  sustains  an  injury  in  the  course  of  an  employ- 
ment which  the  law  forbids,  the  employer  should  be  liable  by 
reason  of  the  violation  of  the  law,  without  regard  to  con- 
tributory negligence  or  the  employee's  assumption  of  risk." 

A  bill  was  passed,  which  later  became  Chapter  299,  and 
which  instead  of  containing  an  uncertain  general  prohibition 
specified  by  name  a  score  of  different  kinds  of  machines  or 
machinery  upon  which  children  under  sixteen  may  not  be 
employed.  It  prohibited,  in  addition,  their  employment  in 
certain  specific  operations,  processes  or  occupations,  including 
in  the  case  of  girls,  employments  which  required  them  to 
remain  standing  constantly — this  second  list  of  prohibited 
employments  having  in  view  not  only  danger  of  accidental 
injury,  but  also  danger  to  health  from  harmful  or  poisonous 
substances  used. 

Health   and   Safety   of   Employees   in   Mercantile    Establish- 
ments 

Message  to  the  Legislature  (1908) — The  power  of  inspec- 
tion of  mercantile  establishments  had  heretofore  been  vested 
in  local  boards  of  health.  The  resulting  inadequate  enforce- 
ment of  the  existing  provisions  of  the  labor  law  brought  the 
following  recommendation  from  the  Governor: 

"Complaint  is  made  of  the  enforcement  of  the  provisions 
of  the  Labor  Law  relating  to  mercantile  establishments  on 
the  ground  that  local  boards  of  health  who  are  charged  with 
the  duty  of  inspection  are  not  in  a  position  to  give  the  matter 
requisite  attention.     It  is  urged  that  better  results  would  be 


126         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

obtained  if  it  were  committed  to  the   State   Department  of 
Labor.     I  present  the  question  for  your  consideration." 

At  the  regular  session  of  the  Legislature  a  bill  was  intro- 
duced to  transfer  the  duty  of  enforcing  the  mercantile  law 
in  cities  of  the  first  class  from  local  boards  of  health  to  the 
State  Commissioner  of  Labor.  The  bill  passed  the  Assembly 
without  much  difficulty,  but  in  the  Senate  met  with  powerful 
opposition  on  the  part  of  merchants  who  would  be  affected 
by  the  measure.  Notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the  many 
friends  of  the  bill  its  opponents  succeeded  in  preventing  its 
passage. 

Extraordinary    Session — Message    to    Legislature    (May    ii). 

The  supply  bill  passed  at  the  regular  session  contained  ai^ 
appropriation  to  enable  the  Labor  Department  to  undertake 
this  work,  but  as  the  amendments  to  the  substantive  law  had 
not  been  made,  the  Governor  included  such  action  in  his  rec- 
ommendations to  the  extraordinary  session  of  the  Legisla- 
ture: 

"Fifth.  The  amendment  of  the  Labor  Law  so  as  to  pro- 
vide for  a  bureau  of  Mercantile  Inspection  in  the  Labor 
Department  and  to  place  with  the  Commissioner  of  Labor 
the  enforcement  of  the  law  relating  to  mercantile  and  other 
establishments  micntioned  in  section  i6i  of  the  law,  at  least 
in  the  larger  cities.  It  is  apparent  that  local  boards  of  health 
in  the  large  cities  are  not  in  a  position  to  give  this  matter 
suitable  attention.  The  enforcement  of  the  law  with  regard 
to  child  labor  is  a  matter  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  it 
will  be  more  largely  secured  by  placing  it,  in  connection  v/ith 
these  establishments,  with  the  State  Commissioner  of  Labor. 

"The  supply  bill  passed  at  the  regular  session  carries  appro- 
priations to  enable  the  Labor  Department  to  undertake  this 
work.  But  the  necessary  arnendments  of  the  substantive  law 
have  not  been  made." 

The  bill  was  accordingly  again  introduced  and,  although 
again  vigorously  opposed,  was  finally  passed  and  became 
Chapter  520  of  the  laws  of  1908. 

Semi-Monthly  Payment  of  Wages  by  Railroads 

The  first  bill  requiring  railroads  to  pay  wages  semi- 
monthly instead  of  monthly  was  introduced  in  1901.  Since 
then  the  measure  appeared  perennially  before  the  Legisla- 
ture. After  eight  years  of  activity  by  railroad  employees  the 
bill  was  finally  enacted  as  Chapter  442  of  the  laws  of  1908. 

This  act  was  one  of  the  two  preferred  measures  that  year 
of  the  State  Federation  of  LalDor  and  was  actively  cham- 
pioned by  the  legislative  agents  of  that  organization  and  the 
railway  brotherhoods,  and  on  the  other  hand  was  vigorously 
opposed  by  the  railroads. 

In  approving  the  act,  Governor  Hughes  said: 

"By  the  Labor  Law  it  is  provided  that  corporations  and 
joint  stock  associations  shall  pay  their  employees  y/eekly. 
Steam  surface  railroads,  however,  were  excepted  from  this 
provision  and  permitted  to  pay  monthly.  This  mitigates  this 
discrimination  by  providing  for  a  sertji-monthly  payment. 

"It  is  urged  that  this  change  will  cause  the  steam  railroads 
some  inconvenience  and  expense.  Bttt  doubtless  the  present 
law  occasions  inconvenience  i.nd  expense  to  other  corporations 
who  are  not  benefited  by  any  exception.  It  is  better  that  the 
present  bill  should  become  a  law  and  suitable  administrative 
arrangements  be  made  to  comply  with  it,  than  that  the  ex- 
isting discrimination  which  cannot  be  justified  with  due  re- 
gard to  the  policy  of  the  provision  of  the  Labor  Law,  should 
be  maintained." 

As  adequate  penalties  for  violation  of  this  law  had  not 
• 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK—lUlt)         12? 

been  provided,  the  Governor  included  in  his  message  to  the 
Legislature  of  1909  the  following  recommendation: 

"At  the  last  session  a  law  was  passed  providing  for  semi- 
monthly payment  of  railroad  employees.  While  a  penalty  for 
its  violation  is  provided  for  by  the  Labor  Law,  it  is  not  sat- 
isfactory, and  the  Penal  Code  should  be  amended  so  as  to 
bring  within  its  provisions,  the  violation  of  the  amendment 
of  last  year.  There  should  be  no  question  as  to  the  adequacy 
of  the  penalty." 
'  And  an  appropriate  amendment  was  then  passed. 

Regulation  of  Employment  Agencies 

Abuses  in  connection  with  employment  agencies  led  to  an 
entire  recasting  of  the  law  regulating  employment  agencies. 
Chapter  700  of  the  laws  of  1910  provided  for  the  licensing, 
supervision  and  regulation  of  employment  agencies  by  local 
Commissioners  of  Licenses  in  the  larger  cities  and  by  Mayors 
in  the  smaller  cities.  The  act  included  provisions  for  the 
protection  of  the  unemployed  person  in  search  of  work  from 
exploitation  by  employment  agents  and  provided  for  max- 
imum fees,  prohibited  misrepresentation  regarding  the  place 
and  kind  of  work,  etc. 

Employers*  Liability  and  Workmen's  Compensation 

Governor  Hughes  made  clear  his  understanding  of  the 
perils  of  the  industrial  army  and  of  the  need  of  preventive 
measures  to  safeguard  workmen  from  industrial  accidents 
immediately  after  his  inauguration,  in  a  speech  he  delivered 
at  the  opening  of  the  "Exposition  of  Safety  Devices  and  In- 
dustrial Hygiene"  on  January  28,  1907: 

"In  meeting  here  we  express  our  appreciation  of  the  neces- 
sity of  awakening  geners^l  interest  in  the  safety  of  those  en- 
gaged in  industrial  employments.  We  shudder  at  the  thought 
of  the  carnage  of  war,  but  we  give  too  little  attention  to  the 
perils  of  our  industrial  army  and  to  the  useless  sacrifice  of  life 
and  productive  efficiency  which  is  the  result  of  preventable  ac- 
cidents in  industry.  We  are  lacking  in  sufficient  data  to  state 
with  exactitude  the  number  of  the  victims,  but  such  statistics 
as  are  at  hand  permit  appalling  inferences.  It  has  been 
estimated  that  the  so-called  industrial  accidents  in  the  United 
States  amount  to  over  500,000  in  a  year.  Whether  or  not 
this  be  accurate,  there  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  alarm- 
ing extent  of  the  casualties  of  peace,  and  the  same  humane 
sentiment  which  has  found  expression  in  efforts  to  prevent 
war  and  to  mitigate  its  horrors  should  compel  the  adoption 
of  all  practicable  measures  to  safeguard  our  industrial  labor- 
ers. 

"The  common  law  reflects  the  view  that  the  laborer  is  free 
in  his  choice  of  an  occupation  and  voluntarily  accepts  its 
obvious  risks.  He  is  supposed  to  deal  on  a  footing  of  equality 
with  his  employer  and  to  be  compensated  by  the  agreed 
wages  for  the  risks  which  he  assumes.  However  convenient 
this  may  be  as  a  matter  of  legal  theory,  we  know  that  our 
industrial  army  is  recruited  from  those  who  have  no  choice 
but  to  take  the  work  nearest  at  hand,  and  to  accept,  for  the 
most  part,  whatever  perils  may  attend  it.  The  workman  takes 
the  risk  because  he  must  work  or  starve,  and  in  getting  work 
he  cannot  afford  to  be  too  squeamish  about  the  conditions 
under  which  he  is  employed.  To  be  sure,  humane  motives 
and  economic  reasons  have  led  to  the  adoption  of  varied 
safety  appliances.  Inventive  skill  has  been  directed  to  the 
protection  of  labor.  Legislatures  have  intervened  and  Lave 
specifically  required  protection.  But  much  remains  to  be 
accomplished,  and  from  experience  abroad  the  conclusion  is 
forced  upon  us  that  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  injuries 
which  annually   occur  are  wholly  useless.     It  is  a   shocking 


128         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

thought  that  the  wage  earners  of  the  country,  v.  ho  by  their 
daily  toil  make  possible  the  industrial  prestige  of  which  we 
boast,  should  be  subjected  through  ignorance  or  indifference 
■to  unnecessary  peril.  The  interests  of  labor  are  the  interests 
of  all  the  people,  and  the  protection  of  the  wage  earner  in 
the  security  of  his  life  and  health  by  every  practical  means 
is  one  of  the  most  sacred  trusts  of  society.  It  is  of  the  first 
importance  that  this  obligation  should  voluntarily  be  recog- 
nized and  that  every  effort  should  be  made  to  better  the  lot 
of  industrial  employees  by  making  the  conditions  of  their 
labor  decent,  wholesome  and  safe." 

Message  to  Legislature  (1909) — The  subject  of  employers' 
liability  and  workmen's  compensation  was  called  to  the  at- 
tention of  the  Legislature  in  the  Governor's  message  as 
follows: 

'T  also  recommend  that  provisions  be  made  for  special  and 
expert  inquiry  into  the  questions  relating  to  employers'  lia- 
bility and  compensation  for  workmen's  injuries.  Our  pres- 
ent methods  are  wasteful  and  result  in  injustice.  Numbers 
of  negligence  cases  are  prosecuted  upon  a  basis  which  gives 
the  attorneys  a  high  percentage  of  recoveries.  Only  a  small 
percentage  of  the  premiums  paid  for  insurance  against  lia- 
bility is  devoted  to  payment  of  losses.  As  a  result  the  work- 
men do  not  receive  proper  compensation  and  employers  pay 
large  amounts  that  do  not  reach  them.  There  are  constitu- 
tional restrictions  which  stand  in  the  way  of  some  of  the 
remedies  which  have  been  devised  in  other  countries;  but 
the  subject  should  be  thoroughly  examined  to  the  end  that 
the  present  waste  and  injustice  should  be  mitigated  to  the 
fullest  extent  that  may  be  found  to  be  at  once  practicable 
and  consistent  with  the  provisions  of  our  fundamental  law." 

In  the  same  message  he  urged  that 

'Tt  would  be  salutary  to  go  further  in  accordance  with  the 
principles  which  have  been  announced  in  some  other  jurisdic- 
tions and  in. the  case  of  injuries  sustained  by  adults  by  reason 
of  conditions  created  or  permitted  in  violation  of  the  Labor 
Law  to  preclude  a  defense  upon  the  ground  of  the  assump- 
tion of  risk  by  the  employees.  This  would  be  an  appropriate 
penalty  for  an  infringement  of  the  statute  and  secure  the  pro- 
tection which  the  statute  is  designed  to  afford  by  requiring 
suitable  safeguards  against  the  risks  that  are  incident  to  the 
employment.  Our  statute  should  make  this  policy  clear  in 
appropriate  terms." 

In  accordance  with  this  suggestion  the  "Wainwright  Com- 
mission" to  investigate  the  subjects  of  employers'  liability 
and  unemployment  was  appointed.  This  Commission  made  a 
careful  study  of  these  subjects  both  in  this  country  and 
abroad  and  recommended  remedial  legislation. 

Message  to  Legislature  (1910) — The  work  of  the  Commis- 
sion and  its  comprehensive  report  was  referred  to  by  Gov- 
ernor Hughes  in  his  annual  message  the  following  year: 

''Existing  conditions  with  regard  to  employers'  liability 
and  compensation  for  workmen's  injuries  are  so  unjust  that 
there  should  be  remedial  action  as  soon  as  it  can  be  taken 
intelligently  after  competent  investigation.  The  present 
methods  are  satisfactory  neither  to  employer  nor  employed, 
and  the  rules  of  law  governing  legal  liability  offend  the  com- 
mon sense  of  fairness.  Under  the  legislation  of  the  last  ses- 
sion a  commission,  broadly  representative  in  character,  was 
appointed  and  authorized  to  make  full  inquiry  with  respect 
to  industrial  accidents  and  their  causes;  also  into  the  causes 
of  unemployment  and  the  means  of  securing  a  better  distri- 
bution of  labor.  The  work  of  the  commission  should  be 
supported,  and  it  is  hoped  that  its  labors  and  recommenda- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         129 

tions  may  lead  to  the  adoption  of  comprehensive  measures 
which  will  avoid  the  present  waste  and  injustice,  and  prornote 
contentment  and  prosperity  by  securing  improved  conditions 
for  those  engaged  in  industrial  occupations." 

Two  acts  were  passed  by  the  Legislature  after  the  filing 
of  the  commission's  report.  Chapter  352  greatly  extended 
the  legal  liability  of  employers  based  on  negligence  and  at 
the  same  time  offered  a  plan  of  fixed  compensation  which 
employers  and  employees  may  by  voluntary  agreement  sub- 
stitute for  their  respective  liabilities  and  rights  under  the  lia- 
bility law,  and  Chapter  674  substituted  outright  for  certain 
especially  dangerous  occupations  in  place  of  employers'  lia- 
bility based  on  negligence,  compulsory  compensation  with  a 
fixed  scale  for  all  employees  accidentally  injured  when  not 
guilty  of  serious  or  wilful  misconduct. 

The  Governor  in  signing  the  bills  said: 

"The  importance  of  providing  a  suitable  scheme  of  com- 
pensation for  industrial  accidents  and  of  avoiding  the  shock- 
ing waste  and  injustice  of  our  present  methods  must  be  con- 
ceded by  all  open  minded  students  of  industrial  conditions. 
It  is  difficult  to  devise  any  method  of  compensation  which 
will  not  be  visited  with  severe  criticism  and  a  satisfactory 
solution  of  the  problem  can  only  be  reached  by  experimenta- 
tion. 

"The  proposals  of  the  Commission  have  been  criticised  by 
some  on  the  ground  that  they  do  not  go  far  enough  and  by 
others  because  they  go  too  far.  While  avoiding  extremes,  the 
Commission  has  sought  to  afford  a  scheme  of  compensation 
through  the  testing  of  which  the  State  may  find  a  basis  for 
the  establishment  of  its  policy. 

"With  respect  to  the  objections  urged  upon  me  as  to  the 
validity  of  certain  features  of  the  bill,  I  believe  that  the  ques- 
tions thus  raised  should  be  left  to  the  determination  of  the 
courts.  In  this  way  only  can  there  be  an  authoritative  deter- 
mination with  respect  to  the  measures  that  are  within  the 
limits  of  legislative  power  and  a  suitable  shaping,  in  the  light 
of  judicial  decisions,  of  the  policy  of  the  State  with  respect 
to  compensation  for  industrial  accidents." 

Chapter  674  was  the  first  State  law  in  this  country  to  adopt 
the  principle  of  compulsory  compensation.  Both  acts  were 
notable  as  effecting  a  general  change  from  the  principle  of 
liability  to  that  of  automatic  compensation. 

PUBLIC  SERVICE  CORPORATIONS 

Message  to  Legislature  (1907) — In  his  first  message  Gover- 
nor Hughes  pointed  out  that  the  existing  scheme  of  regula- 
tion of  public  service  corporations  was  inadequate  because 
the  powers  of  the  existing  Board  of  Railway  Commissioners 
were  not  sufficiently  well  defined  and  because  no  suitable 
means  was  provided  by  which  they  could  enforce  their  de- 
cisions. No  penalties  were  provided  in  case  of  disobedience 
to  the  orders  of  the  Board,  and  the  Board  was  not  authorized 
to  institute  and  and  conduct  legal  procedings  in  order  to  en- 
force its  orders.  The  Governor  recommended  that  the  Board 
of  Railway  Commissioners  and  the  Commission  of  Gas  and 
Electricity  should  be  abolished  and  that  a  new  Commission 
be  constituted  with  adequate  powers  of  regulation  and  super- 
vision over  all  public  service  commissions.  The  regulation 
of  railroad  corporations  was  urged  for  the  following  reasons: 

"For  want  of  it,  pernicious  favoritism  has  been  practiced. 
Secret  rebates  have  been  allowed,  and  there  have  been  unjust 
discriminations  in  rates  and  in  furnishing  facilities  for  trans- 
portation. Those  who  have  sought  to  monopolize  trade  have 
thus  been  enabled  to  crush  competition  and  to  grow  in  wealth 
and  power  by  crowding  out  their  rivals  who  have  been  de- 


130         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK  -1916 

prived  of  access  to  markets  upon  equal  terms.  These  abuses 
are  not  to.be  tolerated.  Congress  has  legislated  upon  the 
subject  with  reference  to  interstate  commerce,  where  natu- 
rally the  evil  has  been  most  prominent.  But  domestic  com- 
merce must  be  regulated  by  the  State,  and  the  State  should 
exercise  its  power  to  secure  impartial  treatment  to  shippers 
and  the  maintenance  of  reasonable  rates.  There  is  also  need 
of  regulation  and  strict  supervision  to  ensure  adequate  service 
and  due  regard  for  the  convenience  and  safety  of  the  public. 
The  most  practicable  way  of  attaining  those  ends  is  for  the 
Legislature  to  confer  proper  power  upon  a  subordinate  ad- 
ministrative body." 

Introduction  of  Bill. — After  a  vigorous  legislative  battle 
the  Public  Utilities  Law  which  the  Governor  recommended 
was  passed  in  the  Legislature  early  in  June.  It  placed  under 
direct  State  control  every  public  service  corporation,  great 
or  small,  in  the  State  of  New  York,  with  the  single  exception 
of  telephone  and  telegraph  companies.  It  applied  to  railroads, 
street  railways  and  subway  lines,  express  companies  and  gas 
and  electric  light  companies.  The  previously  existing  State 
Railroad  Commission  and  Commission  of  Gas  and  Electricity 
were  abolished,  and  a  Public  Utilities  Commission,  with  two 
branches,  one  for  New  York  City,  and  the  other  for  the 
remainder  of  the  State — or,  as  it  is  sometimes  stated,  two 
commissions  for  the  two  districts  of  the  State — was  estab- 
lished in  its  stead. 

These  two  commissions  were  given  the  power  and  the  duty 
to  compel  all  corporations  to  give  safe  and  adequate  service 
at  just  and  reasonable  rates;  to  prevent  all  rebates  and  dis- 
crimination in  rates  b}-^  the  different  classes  of  shippers  or 
passengers  in  all  kinds  of  traffic;  to  compel  all  common  car- 
riers to  have  sufficient  cars  and  motive  power  to  meet  all 
requirements  for  the  transportation  of  passengers  and  prop- 
erty which  may  be  reasonably  anticipated,  and  to  see  that 
every  common  carrier  is  held  specifically  liable  for  loss  or 
damage  due  to  delay  in  transit  occasioned  by  negligence.  The 
bill  prohibited  the  issuance  of  free  passes  except  in  a  few 
instances.  It  provided  that  no  franchise  should  be  capitalized 
in  excess  of  the  amount  actually  paid  to  the  State  as  con- 
sideration of  the  grant  of  the  fianchise,  and  that  the  capital 
stock  of  the  corporations  formed  by  the  merger  or  consolida- 
tion of  two  or  more  corporations  should  not  exceed  the  sum 
of  the  capital  stock  of  the  corporations  so  consolidated  at  their 
par  value  or  such  sums  and  any  additional  sums  actually  paid 
in  cash.  It  also  forbade  the  capitalization  in  the  stock  of  any 
corporation  of  any  contract  for  consolidation  or  lease  and 
forbade  any  corporation  to  issue  bonds  against  or  as  a  lien 
upon  any  contract  for  consolidation  or  merger.  It  provided 
moreover  that  no  corporation  should  purchase  or  hold  stock 
in  another  such  corporation  or  common  carrier  unless  author- 
ized to  do  so  by  the  Commission. 

The  Governor  in  his  speech  of  acceptance  (second  nom- 
ination) the  following  year  outlined  the  powers  of  these  Com- 
missions and  indicated  how  in  their  administrative  functions 
they  would  protect  the  interests  of  both  the  public  and  the 
public  service  corporations: 

"A  plan  for  the  effective  regulation  of  public  service  cor- 
porations now  covering  railroad,  gas  and  electrical  com- 
panies has  been  provided.  It  has  been  the  subject  of  sharp 
attack  because  of  its  safeguards  against  predatory  financier- 
ing and  its  provisions  for  the  enforcement  of  public  obliga- 
tions. That  there  must  be  regulation  of  these  corporations 
is  obvious.  Congress  cannot  supervise  commerce  within  the 
State  any  more  than  the  State  can  regulate  interstate  com- 
merce. The  concerns  of  the  State  must  be  attended  to  by 
rhe   State.     These  corporations  receive  public   franchises  be- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         131 

cause  of  expected  public  benefits.  They  receive  these  fran- 
chises upon  clear  conditions  and  they  owe  a  duty  to  the  State 
to  furnish  adequate  service  without  unjust  discriminations 
upon  reasonable  terms.  This  duty  the  State  must  enforce. 
It  must  be  done  either  directly  by  the  Legislature  or  through 
some  administrative  body. 

"But  the  questions  which  arise  in  connection  with  the  en- 
forcement of  public  rights  are  varied  and  intricate.  They 
demand  investigation  and  the  consideration  of  a  host  of  de- 
tails. Special  conditions  must  be  considered,  and  to  deal 
justly  there  must  be  flexibility  of  action.  In  view  of  the  vast 
range  of  our  commerce  and  the  variety  of  questions  presented, 
it  is  utterly  impracticable  for  the  Legislature  to  attempt  to 
regulate  these  concerns  directly.  It  would  have  to  resolve 
itself  into  an  administrative  board  and  sit  continuously,  and 
even  then  by  virtue  of  the  very  nature  of  its  organization,  it 
would  inevitably  fail. 

•'The  natural  tendency  of  legislation,  in  attempting  direct 
regulation  in  detail,  :s  toward  arbitrary  action,  and  nothing 
can  be  more  injurious.  Increased  facilities,  better  stations, 
improved  roadways,  the  elimination  of  grade  crossings,  addi- 
tional rolling  stock  are  imperatively  required  to  meet  the 
growing  demands  of  commerce.  The  convenience  of  the  pub- 
lic, the  furnishing  of  adequate  service,  and  the  employment  of 
thousands  of  men  at  fair  wages  are  dependent  upon  earnings. 
Arbitrary  reduction  of  rates  without  investigation  and  definite 
knowledge  of  results  is  the  height  of  folly.  We  must  insist 
upon  just  treatment  of  corporate  enterprise  while  at  the  same 
time  we  demand  strict  enforcement  of  the  obligations  of  the 
corporation  to  the  public." 

In  1908  Governor  Hughes  recommended  that  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  Public  Service  Commission  be  extended  over  tele- 
phone and  telegraph  companies  which  had  been  excluded 
from  its  control  in  the  law  creating  it.  This  was  done  in 
1910  and  the  control  of  the  Commission  over  all  public  serv- 
ice corporations  was  made  complete. 

COURTS  AND  PROBATION 

Throughout  his  administration  Governor  Hughes  called  at- 
tention to  the  necessity  for  revising  the  judicial  procedure  of 
the  State,  particularly  in  the  courts  of  inferior  jurisdiction, 
where  delays  had  resulted  in  considerable  social  injustice. 

Civil  Courts— The  City  Court  of  New  York  was  at  this  time 
three  years  behind  in  its  regular  calendar,  so  that  unless  a 
case  was  of  such  a  nature  that  it  could  be  put  upon  the  short 
course  calendar,  it  took  three  years  for  it  to  reach  trial.  At 
the  same  time  there  were  6,543  undisposed  of  cases  on  the  gen- 
eral calendar  in  the  Municipal  Court  in  the  Borough  of  Man- 
hattan and  8,789  cases  on  the  reserve  calendar.  Governor 
Hughes  said  of  this  situation: 

"It  is  doubtful  whether  any  court  in  the  county  affects  the 
welfare  of  more  persons.  It  is  the  poor  man's  court,  where 
justice  should  be  speedy,  but  delays  of  this  sort  amount  to 
a  denial  of  justice  and  breed  disrespect  for  the  law  and  its 
administration.  If  we  are  to  maintain  law  and  order  and 
conserve  our  institutions,  evils  of  this  sort  must  be  remedied. 
While  we  are  spending  many  millions  of  dollars  on  public 
works  of  great  importance  to  the  business  interests  of  the 
State,  we  must  not  fail  to  make  adequate  provision  to  secure 
to  the  masses  of  the  people  the  prompt  enforcement  of  their 
rights  and  the  swift  redress  of  their  grievances.  No  one  who 
is  acquainted  with  the  conditions  prevailing  in  these  courts, 
and  the  earnest  efforts  which  are  made  by  the  justices  who 
perform  their  duties  under  conditions  of  great  embarrassment 
can  fail  to  recognize  the  necessity  of  devising  some  means 
of  relief." 


132         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Probation — During  the  first  year  of  Governor  Hughes'  ad- 
ministration he  called  attention  to  the  need  of  perfecting  the 
probation  system  of  the  State,  based  on  a  careful  and  sym- 
pathetic study  of  the  subject  in  order  to  devise  a  practicable 
statutory  scheme.  A  State  Probation  Commission  was  ap- 
pointed in  June  of  that  year  to  collate  information  about  this 
method  of  dealing  with  prisoners  and  to  supervise  the  efforts 
of  probation  officers  to  reclaim  the  offenders  placed  in  their 
charge.  It  also  was  given  power  to  investigate  the  work  of 
any  probation  officer  it  had  occasion  to  suspect. 

The  report  of  the  Probation  Commission  in  1910  shows 
what  progress  was  made  in  the  State's  probationary  system: 

"Prior  to  1907  there  were  no  statistics  available  as  to  the 
extent  of  the  use  of  probation  in  New  York  State.  In  that 
year  the  probation  system  was  reported  as  used  in  16  cities, 
I  village  and  11  county  courts.  The  growth  of  the  system 
during  the  next  three  years  led  to  its  use  in  1910  in  ^y  cities, 
over  40  towns  and  villages,,  and  34  county  courts,  besides  in 
the  Supreme  Court  in  a  number  of  counties. 

"The  first  appropriation  for  the  salary  of  a  probation  officer 
was  made  in  1904.  In  1907  the  number  of  publicly  salaried 
positions  was  35;  in  1910  the  number  had  increased  to  106. 
Not  until  1908  was  it  permissible  for  counties  to  make  appro- 
priations for  the  probation  service.  In  1910,  16  counties  had 
provisions  for  salaried  probation  officers. 

"Since  the  Commission  came  into  existence  the  number  of 
children  placed  on  probation  each  year  has  been  about  2,000, 
and  the  number  of  adults  so  dealt  with  has  averaged  between 
6,000  and  7,000.  The  number  of  persons  on  probation  at  a 
time  averages  between   3,000  and  4,000. 

"Marked  improvements  have  been  made  in  the  operations 
of  the  probation  system  during  the  last  three  years.  More 
care  than  ever  before  is  exercised  by  judges  in  selecting  de- 
fendants to  be  released  on  probation;  offenders  are  kept  on 
probation  longer  and  under  closer  oversight;  more  is  done 
to  aid  probationers  to  improve  their  habits;  and  the  abuses 
which  formerly  characterized  the  use  of  the  system  are  de- 
creasing. 

"The  probation  system  to-day  is  stronger,  and  is  receiv- 
ing more  hearty  support  from  officials  and  the  general  public, 
than  ever  before."  , 

The  year  following  the  appointment  of  the  State  Proba- 
tion Commission  the  first  salaried  probation  officers  had  been 
appointed,  and  boards  of  supervisors  were  authorized  to 
appropriate  money  for  them  in  County  Courts.  In  19O9  the 
first  Juvenile  Detention  Home  was  established  in  Buffalo 
and  a  National  Probation  Association  was  organized.  In 
1910,  the  new  inferior  courts  act  authorized  the  appointment 
of  salaried  civilian  probation  officers  in  place  of  police  of- 
ficers and  a  Domestic  Relations  Court  was  established  in 
Buffalo  upon  the  Commission's  recommendation — the  first 
such  court  in  the  world  presided  over  by  a  judge  devoting  his 
time  exclusively  to  such  cases. 

EDUCATION 

Several  important  educational  policies  were  adopted  by  the 
State  in   Governor   Hughes'  administration. 

The  establishment  of  trade  schools  in  connection  with  the 
public  schools  was  provided  for  by  Chapter  263  of  the  laws 
of  1908.  It  permitted  the  establishment  by  local  public 
school  authorities  of  either  general,  industrial  or  trade 
schools  and  provided  for  their  subsidy  by  the  State.  An 
important  provision  of  the  act  destined  to  give  employers 
and  employees  a  voice  in  their  management  required  the  pub- 
lic school  authorities  to  appoint  "an  advisory  board  of  five 
members    representing    the    local    trades    and    industries"    to 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         133 

"counsel  with  and  advise"  the  school  authorities  in  such  man- 
agement. 

Message  to  Legislature  (1909) — The  Governor  dwelt  on  the 
lack  of  suitable  vocational  training  in  his  next  annual  mes- 
sage: 

"The  lack  of  suitable  vocational  training  is  a  matter  of 
serious  concern.  Adequate  opportunities  for  boys  to  become 
skilled  workmen  do  not  exist  and  none  of  our  efforts  to  sup- 
ply industrial  training  have  fully  met  the  difficulty.  A  seri- 
ous aspect  of  it  is  that  children  who  are  not  being  trained 
for  some  definite  vocation  are  not  being  trained  for  anything. 
It  is  said  that  more  than  one-half  of  all  who  enter  the  public 
elementary  schools  leave  before  completing  the  work  of  the 
schools.  Obviously  the  curriculum  of  the  elementarj^  schools 
should  make  it  to  the  interest  of  the  children  to  remain  to 
the  end  of  the  course.  At  least  it  should  be  of  a  character 
to  impel  rational  parents  to  see  that  it  is  clearly  to  their 
ultimate  interest  to  keep  their  children  in  school  to  the  end 
of  the  elementary  course,  and  to  justify  the  State  in  so 
doing   in   case   parents   are   remiss." 

Children — The  act  creating  the  Bureau  of  Industries  and 
Immigration  upon  the  recommendation  of  Governor  Hughes' 
Commission  of  Immigration  gave  that  Bureau  power  to 
secure  and  distribute  to  school  superintendents  the  names  and 
addresses  of  newly  arrived  alien  children  of  school  age  to  aid 
in  the  enforcement  of  the  compulsory  attendance  provisions  of 
the  Education  law.  The  data  for  such  children  was  then  secured 
from  the  federal  immigration  authorities  and  in  the  first  year 
of  its  existence  the  Bureau  distributed  8,369  names  of  such 
alien  children.  This  experiment  proved  of  such  value  that 
the  Federal  Government  has  since  adopted  the  plan  and  is 
now  distributing  the  names  of  all  newly  arrived  children  of 
school  age  to  school  superintendents  throughout  the  country. 

Adults — The  same  Bureau  was  also  empowered  to  devise 
methods  for  the  proper  instruction  of  adult  and  minor  aliens 
in  the  English  language  and  in  respect  to  the  duties  and  rights 
of  citizenship  and  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  American 
system  of  government,  and  otherwise  to  further  their  educa- 
tion. A  special  study  was  made  of  labor  camps  and  it  was 
found  that  they  were  wholly  without  educational  facilities. 
The  immigrant's  need  of  learning  the  English  language  in 
order  to  prevent  accidents,  to  enable  him  to  understand  his 
work  better  and  to  adopt  an  American  standard  of  living 
and  of  learning  civics  and  the  principles  of  the  American 
form  of  Government  to  promote  better  citizenship  was 
pointed  out  by  this  Bureau.  The  passage  of  an  act  was  later 
secured,  establishing  schools  in  temporary  labor  camps — the 
first  of  its  kind  in  the  country. 

Compulsory  Evening  School  Attendance — The  education 
law  was  amended  by  Chapter  409  of  the  laws  of  1909  to  pro- 
vide for  the  compulsory  evening  school  attendance  in  cities 
of  the  first  and  second  class  of  persons  between  the  ages  of 
14  and  16  who  had  not  graduated  from  the  day  schools  and 
to  provide  for  its  enforcement. 

Agricultural — In  his  address  at  the  Wyoming  County  Fair, 
Warsaw,  N.  Y.,  on  September  15,  1908,  Governor  Hughes 
made  clear  his  understanding  of  the  need  for  agricultural 
education: 

"Now,  we  want  to  make  progress  in  all  agricultural  work; 
we  want  to  have  the  State  of  New  York  go  forward  and 
far  surpass  all  that  has  hitherto  been  accomplished  by  secur- 
ing proper  instruction,  proper  opportunities  for  agricultural 
education. 

"That  (farmer)  boy  that  I  spoke  of  a  moment  ago  wants 
to  have  not  a  haphazard  existence  on  the  farm,  just  practicing 


134         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

what  he  may  have  learned  with  restricted  opportunity;  he 
wants  to  have  the  best  of  all  experiences  brought  right  to 
his  aid;  he  does  not  want  mere  theoretical  instruction,  but 
he  does  want  to  know  what  has  been  tried,  what  experience 
shows  and  others  know;  and  there  is  no  reason  in  the  world 
why  the  boy  that  goes  on  the  farm  should  not  have  as  good 
a  training  as  the  boy  that  goes  into  the  law  or  into  medicine 
or  into  every  daily  vocation  of  an  inheritance  experience. 
The  object  of  an  education  is  to  bring  within  the  range  of 
one  what  he,  in  the  experience  of  a  long  life,  could  never 
acquire  for  himself;  but  he  is  taught  what  has  been  accom- 
plished in  the  centuries  past  under  varied  conditions,  so  he 
may  have,  at  once,  that  great  capital  to  draw  upon. 

"So  we  have  entered  upon  a  course  of  agricultural  educa- 
tion in  this  State  of  the  most  practical  sort," 

BANKING 

A  thorough  system  of  banking  reform  comprised  in  21 
new  State  laws  carried  through  by  Governor  Hughes.  In 
1907  the  large  number  of  failures  in  banks  and  trust  com- 
panies had  called  attention  to  the  need  for  radical  revisions 
in  the  State  banking  laws.  The  supervision  of  trust  com- 
panies was  inadequate  and  a  plan  had  been  developed  by 
financiers  of  a  certain  type  which  made  it  possible  for  them  to 
get  control  of  a  chain  of  banks  although  they  had  only  a 
moderate  amount  of  capital  to  begin  with.  Their  plan  of 
cooperation  was  for  a  man  or  group  of  men  with  such 
schemes  in  view  to  get  a  controlling  interest  in  a  bank  of 
moderate  size,  to  put  up  this  stock  as  collateral  for  loans  in 
another  bank,  using  the  proceeds  of  such  loans  to  buy  stock 
in  still  other  institutions,  and  then  to  go  on  repeating  this 
operation,  thus  making  it  easy  to  "pack"  the  board  of  di- 
rectors and  use  the  ba.ik's  funds  for  speculative  purposes. 

The  Governor  asked  six  prominent  bankers  of  New  York 
City  to  serve  on  an  unpaid  commission  to  suggest  the  neces- 
sary reforms  in  the  banking  law.  The  supervision  of  trust 
companies  and  the  question  of  the  extraordinarily  high  cost 
of  liquidating  institutions  that  had  failed  were  important 
aspects  of  the  work  to  be  done. 

Regulation  of  General  Banking — The  new  laws  provided  for 
a  more  adequate  supervision  over  institutions  under  the  juris- 
diction of  the  Banking  Department,  and  for  an  expert  admin- 
istration of  the  affairs  of  institutions  that  had  failed,  enabling 
them  to  resume  promptly  when  possible  and  reducing  the  ex- 
pense of  receiverships.  The  Superintendent  of  Banks  was 
given  power  to  approve  or  disapprove  propositions  to  open 
branches  of  banks,  trust  companies  and  safe  deposit  banks. 

These  laws  also  defined  the  responsibilities  of  directors 
and  provided,  among  other  things,  to  eliminate  the  "dummy" 
director,  that  every  director  of  a  State  bank  or  trust  com- 
pany must,  upon  being  reelected  to  office,  make  oath  that 
the  stock  necessary  to  qualify  him  as  a  director  had  not 
been  hypothecated  during  the  preceding  term.  Loans  were 
safeguarded  and  restricted  and  underwritten  loans  prohibited 
except  under  certain  conditions,  to  check  the  tendency  to- 
ward the  use  of  corporate  funds  in  untried  and  speculative 
enterprises.  Banks  and  trust  companies  were  also  prohib- 
ited from  becoming  underwriters  and  from  loaning  on  second 
mortgages  if  the  total  encumbrance  was  in  excess  of  two- 
thirds  of  the  value  of  the  property,  and  from  loaning  on  such 
securities  at  all  if  the  first  mortgage  exceeded  10  per  cent 
of  the  capital  and  surplus  of  the  bank  or  trust  company  mak- 
ing the  loan.  The  aggregate  of  real  estate  loans  by  banks 
in  Manhattan  was  limited  to  10  per  cent  of  their  total  assets 
—in  banks  outside  Manhattan  to  25  per  cent. 

The   matter   of   deposits   with    other   institutions   and    loans 


HEPUBLICAN    CAiVlPAlGN    TEXT-BOOK- -191G         ISo 

secured  by  the  stock  of  moneyed  corporations  were  also  reg- 
ulated, to  check  the  "chain  of  banks"  evil.  The  cash  reserve 
to  be  maintained  by  such  banks  was  increased  in  Manhattan 
from  IS  to  25  per  cent  of  the  deposits — 15  per  cent  to  be 
carried  in  the  vaults  and  10  per  cent  as  deposits  with  a 
reserve  agent;  and  in  Brooklyn  10  per  cent  cash  in  vaults 
and  ID  per  cent  with  a  reserve  agent.  Elsewhere  in  the  State 
the  reserve  requirements  for  State  banks  were  increased 
from  5  to  6  per  cent  for  cash  in  vaults  and  from  5  to  9 
per  cent  with  a  reserve  agent.  ^°~ 

Trust  company  reserves  were  also  altered;  in  the  Borough 
of  Manhattan  15  per  cent  of  the  deposits,  including  certain 
deposits,  was  to  be  carried  in  cash  in  the  vaults,  as  against 
the  previous  requirements  of  5  per  cent  cash  in  vaults  and 
10  per  cent  with  a  depository.  In  other  boroughs  of  Greater 
New  York  the  reserve  requirement  was  made  10  per  cent 
cash  in  vaults  and  5  per  cent  with  a  depository,  while  else- 
where in  the  State  it  was  made  4  per  cent  cash  in  vaults. 

Regulation  of  Savings  Banks — The  new  laws  were  designed 
to  relieve  savings  banks  from  the  irregularities  of  market 
fluctuations.  All  trustees  of  savings  banks  were  required 
to  take  an  oath  of  office.  It  was  provided  that  such  banks 
might  borrow  money  upon  a  pledge  of  their  securities  by  a 
vote  of  the  majority  of  the  Board  and  with  the  approval  of 
the  Superintendent  of  Banks.  The  regulations  regarding  the 
valuation  of  securities  held  by  savings  banks  were  also  altered. 

METHODS  OF  SPECULATION 

In  the  first  year  of  his  administration  Governor  Hughes 
urged  the  Legislature  to  appoint  a  committee  to  inquire  into 
Wall  Street  methods  relating  to  speculation  in  securities  and 
commodities  and  to  recommend  legislation  to  prevent  illegit- 
imate transactions  and  protect  investors.  A  bill  embodying 
these  recommendations  was  introduced  and  failed  of  passage. 

In  December,  1908,  he,  therefore,  appointed  a  citizens'  com- 
mittee to  undertake  this  investigation  without  expense  to  the 
State.  His  letter  of  appointment  clearly  indicates  what  he 
had  in  mind:  ^ 

"At  the  last  session  of  the  Legislature  I  recommended  that 
provision  should  be  made  for  suitable  inquiry  into  the  facts 
relating  to  speculation  in  securities  and  commodities,  with 
the  vie\y  of  ascertaining  the  manner  in  which  illegitimate 
transactions  might  be  prevented  and  legitimate  business  safe- 
guarded. As  I  stated  in  accepting  renomination,  I  had  in 
mind,  in  making  this  recommendation,  such  an  expert  inquiry 
as  was  made  into  banking  conditions,  the  result  of  which  was 
the  passage  of  highly  beneficial  measures. 

"In  this  Commonwealth,  the  vast  commercial  and  financial 
transactions  represent  the  activities  of  the  entire  country. 
It  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that  legislation  affecting  busi- 
ness and  exchange  should  be  the  result  of  deliberate  study, 
and  that  we  should  neither  threaten  business  stability  by  ill- 
considered  measure,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  invite  agitation 
or  impair  confidence  by  ignoring  abuses  and  by  failing  to 
provide  suitable  correction.  It  is  with  this  view  that  I 
request  you  to  act  as  a  committee  for  the  purpose  of  col- 
lecting facts,  receiving  suggestions,  and  making  such  recom- 
mendations as  may  seem  to  you  fitting  with  regard  to  the 
following  question: 

"  'What  changes,  if  any,  are  advisable  in  the  laws  of  the 
State  bearing  upon  speculation  in  securities  and  commodities 
or  relating  to  the  protection  of  investors  or  with  regard  to 
the  instrumentalities  and  organizations  used  in  dealings  in 
securities  and  commodities  which  are  the  subject  of  specu- 
lation?' 


136         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

"It  is  not  my  intention  to  limit  you  in  the  consideration 
of  any  phase  of  the  matters  submitted,  and  I  am  confident 
that  your  carefully  formed  opinions,  being  those  of  men 
known  for  their  interest  in  public  questions  and  their  ac- 
quaintance, and  accredited  to  the  community  by  high  repu- 
tation, will  be  of  the  greatest  value." 

CONSERVATION 

The  conservation  of  the  material  resources  of  the  State  was 
advocated  by  Governor  Hughes  throughout  his  administra- 
tion. 

Purchase  of  Forest  Lands — In  1907  over  46,000  acres  of 
forest  land  were  purchased  or  contracted  for  by  the  Land 
Purchasing  Board  making  a  total  of  over  one  and  one-half 
million  acres  held  by  the  State.  The  Governor  said  in  his 
message  of  1908: 

''It  would  be  difficult  to  name  any  matter  of  greater  im- 
portance to  the  people  than  the  conservation  of  our  forests. 
To  this  end  the  State  should  largely  extend  its  purchases  and 
so  far  as  possible  avoid  the  increased  cost  which  will  be 
entailed  by  delay.  Any  effort  on  behalf  of  private  interests 
to  invade  the  common  right  in  these  lands  and  their  main- 
tenance for  the  public  benefit  should  be  defeated." 

Message  to  Legislature  (1909) — The  Governor  urged  upon 
the  Legislature  the  importance  of  conserving  new  forest 
lands: 

"The  conservation  of  our  forests  is  so  essential  to  the 
maintenance  of  our  water  supply  and  to  the  health  and  in- 
dustrial activitit  J  of  the  people  that  the  police  powers  of  the 
State  should  be  used  to  secure  the  proper  regulation  of 
forests  held  in  private  ownership,  as  for  example  by  prevent- 
ing the  cutting  of  trees  under  suitable  dimensions. 

"Tl.e  time  must  shortly  come  when,  no  longer  having  rea- 
son to  fear  the  grasp  of  the  selfish  hand  and  having  settled 
the  Inviolability  of  the  public  interest  in  our  priceless  forest 
possessions,  we  shall  make  possible  their  scientific  protection 
and  their  proper  utilization  for  the  public  benefit.  We  may 
thus  not  only  secure  needed  dollars  in  safeguarding  our 
streams  and  industrial  power,  but  we  may  also  properly 
promote  the  health  and  enjoyment  of  the  people.  We  shall 
not  realize  the  full  benefit  of  these  great  resources  until  we 
not  only  preserve  our  forests  by  intelligent  treatment,  but 
also  by  means  of  suitable  roads  and  well-kept  trails  we  make 
our  mountain  pleasure  grounds,  under  wise  regulations  pro- 
tecting woodland  and  nature's  beauty,  more  accessible  to  our 
people  and  render  available  to  the  many  the  invigoration  and 
the  inspiration  which  few  may  now  enjoy." 

Water  Power — The  regulation  and  development  of  the  enor- 
mous water  power  of  the  State  was  frequently  urged  by  Gov- 
ernor Hughes.  He  called  the  attention  of  the  people  of  the 
State  to  the  enormous  value  of  the  State's  water  power  and 
pointed  out  the  opportunities  for  industrial  development 
which  were  inherent  in  this  power: 

"It  has  been  estimated  by  the  water  supply  commission 
that,  excluding  Niagara  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  rivers  of 
the  State  with  the  proper  storage  of  their  flood  waters  are 
capable  of  furnishing  at  least  1,000,000  horsepower  for  indus- 
trial purposes;  and  it  is  deemed  clear  that  550,000  horsepower 
of  energy  is  annually  allowed  to  run  to  waste  because  no  well 
devised  and  comprehensive  plan  for  the  general  and  syste- 
matic development  of  water  powers  has  been  undertaken  by 
the  State.     And  the  incidental  additions  which  would  accrue 


REPUBi^ICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         137 

from  the  regulation  of  our  streams  and  the  prevention  of 
drought  and  flood  are  sufficiently  obvious. 

"We  now  have  within  our  grasp  an  opportunity  which  for 
the  sake  of  the  industrial  freedom  and  prosperity  of  the 
future  we  should  not  permit  to  be  Avasted.  These  great 
natural  sources  of  power  should  not  only  be  developed  in  a 
manner  which  the  State  alone  can  make  possible,  but  should 
be  held  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  under  conditions  which 
will  ensure  the  protection  of  the  common  right  and  fair  re- 
turn for  privileges  granted." 

Creation   of   State   Water   Supply    Commission    (1907) — At 

the  Conference  of  Governors  on  Conservation  in  1908,  Gov- 
ernor Hughes  summarized  the  results  accomplished  during 
the  first  year  of  his  administration: 

"A  matter  of  extreme  importance  to  the  future  prosperity 
of  the  State  is  the  development  and  control  of  its  water 
powers.  With  increased  facilities  in  the  transmission  of  elec- 
trical power,  the  subject  compels  attention,  as  the  control  of 
the  water  powers  of  the  State  will  mean  largely  the  domina- 
tion of  its  industrial  activities.  From  recent  statistics  it 
appears  that  of  the  entire  horsepower  developed  by  water 
for  manufacturing  purposes  in  the  United  States,  'over  one- 
quarter  is  used  in  New  York.  And  New  York  is  fortunate 
in  having  within  her  borders  so  many  sources  of  power,  and 
in  possessing  extraordinary  opportunities  for  further  develop- 
ment. It  is  difficult  to  overestimate  the  great  importance  of 
this  subject  and  the  necessity  of  taking  wise  action  at  the 
present  time  in  order  that  we  may  properly  care  for  the 
interests  of  the  future. 

"In  my  annual  message  to  the  Legislature  of  1907,  after 
referring  to  the  importance  of  acquiring  forest  lands,  I  said: 
'In  this  connection  it  is  well  to  consider  the  great  value  of 
the  undeveloped  water  powers  thus  placed  under  State  con- 
trol. They  should  be  preserved  and  held  for  the  benefit  of 
all  the  people  and  should  not  be  surrendered  to  private  inter- 
ests. It  would  be  difficult  to  exaggerate  the  advantages 
which  may  ultimately  accrue  from  these  great  resources  of 
power  if  the  common  right  is  duly  safeguarded.' 

"After  referring  to  the  legislation  which  has  created  a 
Water  Supply  Commission,  charged  with  duties  with  regard 
to  portable  waters  and  river  improvement,  I  added:  *It  re- 
mains to  be  considered  whether  it  is  not  advisable  to  provide 
a  more  comprehensive  plan,  embracing  in  a  clearly  defined 
way  the  matter  of  water  storage  and  the  use  of  water 
courses  for  purposes  of  power.  The  entire  question  of  the 
relation  of  the  State  to  its  water  demands  more  careful  at- 
tention than  it  has  hitherto  received  in  order  that  there  may 
be  an  adequate  scheme  of  just  regulation  for  the  public 
benefit.' 

"Pursuant  to  this  recommendation,  the  Legislature  of  1907 
directed  the  State  Water  Supply  Commission  'to  collect  in- 
formation relating  to  the  water  powers  of  the  State  and  devise 
plans  for  the  development  of  such  water  powers,'  and  appro- 
priated $35,000  for  the  purpose.  The  act  contemplated  a 
thorough  investigation  and  the  submission  of  accurate  infor- 
mation and  comprehensive  plans." 

Compensation  for  Water  Power  Privileges — The  Governor 
opposed  the  grant  of  water  power  priviliges  without  com- 
pensation and  without  restrictions  which  would  protect  the 
right  of  the  public  from  whom  those  privileges  are  derived. 
In  the  same  address  he  pointed  out  that: 

"In  connection  with  this  it  may  be  noted  that  the  State 
last  year  established  a  precedent  of  requiring  proper  com- 
pensation for  grants  of  power  privileges  in  public  waters. 


138         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

"Water  power  privileges  have  been  granted  in  the  past 
without  any  provision  for  a  payment  to  the  State  in  return 
for  what  the  State  gives.  These  grants  have  frequently  been 
made  without  proper  reservations  or  conditions  and  without 
anything  constituting  a  suitable  consideration  They  have 
amounted  simply  to  donations  of  public  rights  for  private 
benefit.  It  does  not  fetter  individual  enterprise  to  insist 
upon  protection  of  the  common  interest  and  due  payment  for 
what  is  obtained  from  the  public.  Last  year  on  the  grant 
of  a  franchise  to  a  development  company  which  was  to  de- 
velop power  from  the  St.  Lawrence  River,  it  was  insis,ted 
that  provision  should  be  made  for  compensation  for  the 
privilege  upon  a  sliding  scale  according  to  the  power  de- 
veloped. And  thus  it  was  established  that  hereafter  in  the 
State  of  New  York  public  privileges,  on  terms  of  justice  to 
the  investors  and  the  public  alike,  must  be  paid  for. 

"The  conservation  of  our  resources  means  not  simply  their 
physical  preservation  but  the  safeguarding  of  the  common 
interest  in  the  bounties  of  nature  and  their  protection  both 
from  the  ruthless  hand  of  the  destroyer  and  from  the  grasp 
of  selfish  interests." 

Determining  Principles  in  Water  Power  Development — The 
Governor  enumerated  the  provisions  which  a  proper  water 
power  bill  should  contain,  in  his  message  to  the  Legislature 
of  igio: 

"The   following  principles   should,   I   believe,   be   accepted: 

(i)  That  the  flow  of  water  in  our  rivers  should  be  regulated 
and  our  water  powers  developed  to  the  fullest  extent  that  may 
be  practicable. 

"This  is  essential  to  prevent  unnecessary  damage  from 
floods  and  to  insure  our  industrial  progress  and  the  future 
prosperity  of  our  people. 

(2)  That  with  respect  to  streams  having  their  head  waters 
within  the  boundaries  of  the  forest  parks,  all  plans  of  regula- 
tion or  power  development  should  be  executed  only  by  the 
State,  and  all  reservoirs  and  their  appurtenances  and  the 
impounded  waters  should  be  the  property  of  the  State  and 
under  exclusive  State  control,  and  not  to  be  permitted  to  pass 
into  private  hands. 

"Any  such  plan  should  embrace  all  necessary  safeguards 
to  insure  the  proper  protection  of  the  forests. 

(3)  That  with  respect  to  any  other  streams  flowing  through 
any  other  public  park  or  reservation  of  the  State,  such  plans 
should  likewise  be  executed  by  the  State  and  it  should  re- 
tain exclusive  ownership  and  control  in  order  adequately  to 
safeguard  the   State's  interests. 

(4)  That  further,  as  it  is  of  great  public  importance  that 
the  water  powers  of  the  State  should  be  developed  in  a  com- 
prehensive manner  and  that  these  natural  sources  of  indus- 
trial energy  should  not  become  the  subject  of  an  injurious 
private  control,  such  development  should  be  undertaken  by 
the  State  whenever  such  action  appears  to  be  feasible  and 
for  the  general  interest. 

(5)  That  in  any  case  of  State  development  of  water  power, 
provision  should  be  made  for  the  granting  of  such  rights, 
as  may  be  proper,  to  use  the  power  so  developed  upon  equit- 
able terms  and  conditions. 

(6)  That  the  State  should  not  undertake  any  plan  of  regu- 
lation or  water  power  development  save  upon  a  basis  which 
would  make  its  investment  a  fair  and  reasonable  one  from 
the  public  standpoint  by  virtue  of  practicable  measures  for 
ensuring  such  a  return  upon  the  State's  outlay  as  would  be 
equitable    in    the   particular    circumstances. 

(7)  That  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution  at  this  time 
for  the  purpose  of  permitting  any  portion  of  the  forest  pre- 


KEPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 191t)         13i> 

serve  to  be  used  for  any  such  purpose  should,  by  its  terms, 
or  by  appropriate  reference,  suitably  define  the  property 
within  the  preserve  which  is  to  be  used  and  the  manner  of  its 
use.  No  amendment  and  no  plan  of  development  should 
meet  with  any  favor  which,  after  the  most  rigid  scrutiny,  does 
not  afiford  absolute  assurance  that  in  no  way  will  the  public 
interest  in  the  forests  be  parted  with  or  jeopardized." 

ELECTORAL   REFORM 

Governor  Hughes'  fight  for  primary  election  reform  was 
coupled  with  a  demand  for  comprehensive  electoral  reforms 
which  included  a  simple  form  of  ballot,  prevention  of  cor- 
rupt practices  and  publicity  for  campaign  contributions. 

Message  to  the  Legislature  (1907) — In  his  first  message, 
the  Governor  urged  the  adoption  of  a  simple  form  of  ballot 
Avhich  would  put  parties,  candidates  and  voters  on  an  en- 
tirely   equal    footing. 

"I  believe  that  the  best  form  of  ballot  is  that  in  which 
the  names  of  the  candidates  for  the  respective  offices  appear 
but  once  grouped  under  the  names  of  the  offices.  I  recom- 
mend that  such  a  ballot,  with  appropriate  designation  of 
party,    opposite    the    candidate's    name,    should    be    adopted. 

*  *     * 

"The  argument  in  favor  of  the  party  column  is  that  the 
voter  who  wished  to  vote  a  straight  ticket  should  have  the 
opportunity  of  doing  so  with  a  minimum  of  inconvenience. 
But  the  straight  voter  has  no  inherent  right  to  a  preference 
and  his  constitutional  privilege  is  satisfied  if  he  is  allowed 
freely    and    secretly    to    vote    by    ballot    for    each    candidate. 

*  *  *  It  is  wholesome  that  the  voter  should  be  required 
to  express  his  preference  with  reference  to  each  office;  and  it 
is  desirable  that  each  party  should  be  stimulated  to  additional 
care  in  its  nomination,  particularly  for  minor  offices,  because 
the  candidates  are  to  be  submitted  to  this  test.  It  is  also 
important  to  make  the  count  as  simple  and  easy  as  possible. 
No  question  of  party  expediency  is  involved,  as  all  parties  are 
treated  alike." 

Speech  of  Acceptance — The  Governor,  when  renominated 
for  the  same  office,  again  took  occasion  to  make  clear  his 
stand  on  electoral  reform: 

"Of  fundamental  importance  is  purity  of  elections  and  the 
full  and  uncorrupted  expression  of  the  popular  will.  Marked 
progress  has  been  made.  Two  years  ago  we  passed  a  law 
prohibiting  corporations  from  making  contributions  to  cam- 
paign funds.  We  have  passed  and  strengthened  a  law  for 
the  prevention  of  corrupt  practices  and  making  provision 
for  publicity  as  to  campaign  contributions  an'd  expenditures. 
I  believe  no  more  drastic  statute  has  been  passed  in  the 
country  on  this  subject. 

"And  this  is  enlightened  party  policy.  For  no  party  can 
hope  to  retain  the  confidence  of  the  people  which  does  not 
justify  it  by  open  methods  and  frank  reliance  upon  popular 
support  because  of  the  character  of  its  policies  and  the 
honesty  and  ability  of  its  administration. 

"I  have  recommended  the  adoption  of  a  simplified  form  of 
ballot,  without  the  party  column,  in  which  the  names  of 
candidates  for  the  respective  offices  shall  appear  but  once, 
grouped  under  the  names  of  the  offices.  I  do  not  regard  such 
a  form  of  ballot  as  rendering  it  more  difficult  for  the  voter 
to  exercise  his  Constitutional  privilege  of  designating  upon 
the  ballot  the  candidate  whom  he  wishes  to  support.  On  the 
contrary,  such  a  ballot  would  have  the  advantage  not  only 
of  giving  him  this  opportunity,  but  of  encouraging  the  nomi- 
nation of  candidates  who  would  not  suffer  by  reason  of  sep- 


140         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

arate  consideration.  Whatever  may  be  the  present  state  of 
sentiment  in  the  State  as  to  this,  I  believe  that  in  the  light 
of  the  experience  of  other  States  the  argument  in  its  favor 
will  steadily  gain  ground." 

ADMINISTRATIVE  EFFICIENCY 

Public  Officials — Throughout  his  administration  the  Gover- 
nor demanded  honesty  and  efficiency  in  public  service.  High 
standards  of  administrative  efficiency  on  the  part  of  the  indi- 
viduals charged  with  carrying  into  effect  the  responsibilities 
of  government,  was  urged  by  the  Governor  in  his  first  in- 
augural address: 

"This  extension  compels  the  strictest  insistence  upon  the 
highest  administrative  standards.  We  are  a  government  of 
laws  and  not  of  men.  We  subordinate  individual  caprice  to 
defined  duty.  The  essentials  of  our  liberty  are  expressed  in 
constitutional  enactments  removed  from  the  risk  of  temporary 
agitation.  But  the  security  of  our  government  despite  its 
constitutional  guarantees  is  found  in  the  intelligence  and 
public  spirit  of  its  citizens  and  in  its  ability  to  call  to  the 
work  of  administration  men  of  single-minded  devotion  to  the 
public  interests,  who  make  unselfish  service  to  the  State  a 
point  of  knightly  honor. 

"If  in  the  administration  we  make  the  standard  efficiency 
and  not  partisan  advantage,  if  in  executing  the  laws  we  deal 
impartially,  if  in  making  the  laws  there  is  fair  and  intelligent 
action  with  reference  to  each  exigency,  we  shall  disarm  reck- 
less and  selfish  agitators  and  take  from  the  enemies  of  our 
peace  their  vantage  ground  of  attack. 

"It  is  my  intention  to  employ  my  constitutional  powers  to 
this  end.  I  believe  in  the  sincerity  and  good  sense  of  the 
people.  I  believe  that  they  are  intent  in  having  government 
which  recognizes  no  favored  interests  and  which  is  not  con- 
ducted in  any  part  for  selfish  ends.  They  will  not  be,  and 
they  should  not  be,   content  with   less." 

In  his  inaugural  address  in  1909  he  laid  special  emphasis 
on  the  careful  selection  of  public  officials: 

"What  is  most  influential  in  securing  due  recognition  of  the 
dignity  of  office  is  proper  care  in  the  selection  of  officers. 
So  far  as  we  may  be  able  to  raise  the  standards  of  administra- 
tion we  may  make  easier  the  task  of  drawing  to  the  public 
service  men  of  high  capacity  and  unselfish  motive.  Con- 
spicuous examples  of  administrative  efficiency,  and  the  ap- 
propriate tributes  won  from  a  grateful  people,  will  do  more 
to  secure  disinterested  men  of  talent  for  public  office  and  to 
maintain  high  standards,  than  either  protests  against  the 
abuse  of  criticism  or  increase  of  pecuniary  rewards." 

The  standard  of  office  which  he  set  is  exemplified  by  the 
following  extract  from  one  of  the  Governor's  public  utter- 
ances at  the  time  of  a  removal  of  one  of  the  officials  of  the 
State: 

"But  the  removal  should  not  be  limited  to  acts  which 
constitute  a  crime  or  involve  moral  turpitude.  We  do  not  want 
our  offices  conducted  by  men  who  simply  keep  within  the 
Penal  Code  and  do  not  outrage  the  moral  sentiment  of  the 
community.  We  want  efficient  administrators,  men  who  are 
not  only  honest  but  capable  men,  who  have  a  high  standard 
of  administrative  duty,  who  do  not  proceed  along  the  line  of 
least  resistance,  but  are  intent  on  giving  the  service  to  which 
the  public  is  entitled." 

IMMIGRATION 

Soon  after  Governor  Hughes  took  office  the  question  of  in- 
vestigating the  condition  and  distribution  of  immigrants  in 
New  York  State  engaged  his  attention.  During  the  first  year 
of  his  administration  two  acts  were  passed  to  protect  immi- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         141 

grants  from  exploitation.  Chapter  185  of  the  laws  of  1907 
required  "immigrant  bankers"  to  file  with  the  State  a  bond 
for  $15,000,  while  Chapter  546  made  it  a  crime  for  any  person 
to  make  misrepresentation  in  the  sale  of  transportation  tickets 
or  to  advertise  himself  as  a  steamship  agent  without  written 
authority  from  the  company. 

American  Citizenship  and  Our  Foreign-Born — Governor 
Hughes  understood  the  various  racial  elements  of  which  our 
citizenship  is  composed  and  frequently  gave  expression  to  his 
faith  in  the  democracy  which  grew  out  of  the  fusion  of  races 
in  American  life.  In  an  address  to  a  committee  representing 
a  society  of  foreign-born  citizens  on  January  28,  1908,  ^he 
said: 

"One  of  the  most  encouraging  things  about  conditions  in 
this  country  is  the  fact  that  whatever  stocks  we  may  repre- 
sent, we  so  rapidly  become  responsive  to  the  American  ideal, 
and  the  genuine  love  of  our  institutions  is  not  confined  to 
people  of  any  race  or  of  any  stock,  but  is  general  to  all  the 
members  of  our  citizenship.  Were  it  otherwise  we  could 
not  last.  As  it  is,  we  can  confront  the  future  with  unbounded 
confidence." 

The  same  sentiment  was  expressed  in  an  address  in  March 
of  the  same  year  before  another  group  of  naturalized  citizens: 

"My  friends,  we  are  all  together  here;  we  have  got  to  do 
something  for  the  newcomer;  we  have  got  to  make  him 
realize  what  our  institutions  mean;  we  have  got  to  give  him 
a  helping  and  a  brotherly  hand.  No  American  can  afford  to 
set  himself  aloof,  and  when  we  gather  in  our  different  societies 
and  pay  just  tribute  to  our  stocks  and  the  great  men  who 
have  ennobled  the  fame  of  our  origin,  let  us  not  forget 
that  the  greatest  source  of  pride  is  in  the  contribution  we 
have  made  to  the  life  of  this  country,  and  the  test  of  our  own 
right  to  exult  in  our  ancestry  is  what  we  do  to  maintain 
what  they  have  so  richly  provided." 

The  Governor  entered  into  a  more  detailed  statement  of  his 
attitude  towards  the  foreign-born  citizen  in  an  address  at 
Cohoes,  N.  Y.,  on  June  24,   1909: 

"We  are  reminded  here  of  the  different  elements  that  have 
been  fused  into  American  life,  and  of  the  varied  sources  of  our 
power  as  a  nation.  No  true  American  begrudges  anyone 
his  pride  of  ancestry,  or  the  fondness  with  which  he  lingers 
over  the  glories  of  the  land  of  his  birth  or  the  pride  he  takes 
in  the  talents  of  the  race  to  which  he  belongs.  We  are  proud 
of  the  fact  that  in  this  country  we  are  not  dependent  upon 
any  one  influence,  or  any  one  source  of  strength;  but  we  have 
gathered  together  the  best  of  all,  and  we  represnt  in  our 
American  life  the  talents  and  the  aptitudes  of  all  humanity. 
*     *     * 

"We  sometimes  hear  people  talking  of  "the  American" 
as  though  he  belonged  to  one  particular  race;  and  some- 
times we  hear  the  distinction  drawn  between  so-called  "Amer- 
icans" and  so-called  "foreigners."  I  have  no  sympathy  for 
any  spirit  of  that  sort.  "American"  is  a  word  of  the  spirit, 
and  not  a  word  of  the  flesh.  "American"  means  devotion  to 
institutions,  and  not  a  particular  origin;  and  those  who  have 
come  here  from  any  country,  or  who  represent  here  the  dif- 
ferent racial  elements  that  appear  commingled,  are  either  true 
or  false  Americans  not  according  to  the  length  of  their  stay, 
the  place  of  birth  of  their  fathers,  or  the  distinction  of  their 
ancestry  in  this  country;  but  by  reference  exclusively  to  their 
honorable  devotion  to  the  principles  of  American  government, 
and  their  earnest  desire  that  the  institutions  of  this  country 
shall  be  preserved   in   their  integrity. 

"There  are  American  men  landing  from  the  ship  at  Ellis 
Island  almost  every  day  that  are  true  Americans  five  years 
before  they  can  take  out  their  naturalization  papers.     They 


142         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK  -liili; 

are  true  Americans  the  moment  they  land  on  American  soil 
because  of  the  patriotic  ideas  which  brought  them  here,  and 
their  intense  love  of  liberty  and  of  popular  government  under 
a  constitution  which  safeguards  the  rewards  of  thrift  and 
secures  honorably  acquired  property." 

Message  to  Legislature  (1909) — The  protection  and  Amer- 
icanization of  immigrant  residents  presented  so  many  points 
of  view  that  Governor  Hughes  sent  a  message  to  the  Legis- 
lature recommending  that  a  commission  be  appointed  to 
make  suitable  inquiry  into  this  subject  and  to  suggest  prac- 
ticable measures  to  remedy  existing  abuses  and  to  promote 
their  Americanization: 

''The  condition  of  immigrants  from  foreign  countries  who 
in  large  numbers  remain  in  this  State,  requires  careful  study. 
We  cannot  afiford  to  ignore  the  situation  and  our  first  effort 
should  be  properly  to  understand  it  and  to  take  whatever 
measures  may  be  necessary  to  protect  these  newcomers  from 
the  special  forms  of  imposition  of  which  they  are  the  victims 
and  through  a  proper  distribution  to  realize  their  economic 
value.  The  matter  has  many  phases  which  may  well  form 
the  subject  of  a  special  investigation.  I  recommend  that 
provision  be  made  for  the  appointment  of  a  commission  for 
this  purpose.  And  as  it  is  a  field  which  has  engaged  the  at- 
tention of  many  public  spirited  citizens,  I  believe  it  would  be 
possible  to  obtain  a  commission  possessing  the  highest  quali- 
fications which  would  serve  without  compensation." 

Commission  of  Immigration — A  Commission  was  accord- 
ingly appointed  which  investigated  the  condition  of  immi- 
grants living  in  the  State  and  transmitted  its  report  on  April 
5,  1909. 

The  Commission  recommended  as  a  result  of  its  inquiry 
that  a  Bureau  of  Industries  and  Immigration  should  be  es- 
tablished in  the  State,  especially  charged  with  the  duty  of 
securing  for  the  State  the  economic  advantages  derivable 
from  the  intelligent  utilization  of  the  alien  in  industrial,  agri- 
cultural and  other  employments  and  at  the  same  time  of 
protecting  the  alien  from  exploitation,  fraud  and  misrepresen- 
tation and  of  promoting  his  welfare  and  thus  facilitating  his 
development  into  an  intelligent  and  useful  citizen. 

Message  to  Legislature — Governor  Hughes  then  urged  ap- 
propriate action  in  a  message  that  accompanied  the  report 
of  the  Commission: 

"I  invite  your  attention  to  the  importance  of  suitable  meas- 
ures to  remedy,  so  far  as  may  be,  the  evils  which  are  disclosed. 
Our  laws  should  be  adapted  to  meet  the  exigency  which  arises 
from  the  introduction  of  so  many  into  our  population  who 
are  unfamiliar  with  our  usages  and  laws  and  are  the  ready 
victims  of  manifold  impositions.  We  cannot  afford  to  regard 
with  cynical  indifference  the  condition  and  opportunities  of 
those  who  have  recently  come  to  us  from  foreign  lands,  and 
we  should  be  solicitous  to  make  such  improvement  in  our 
laws  and  administration  as  will  reach  the  special  abuses  which 
have  been  found  to  exist.  It  should  be  considered  to  what 
extent  they  may  be  reached  through  existing  governmental 
agencies  and  how  far  it  may  be  necessary  to  improve  those 
agencies  to  ensure  practicable  correction. 

"It  is  desirable  that  there  should  be  legislation  imposing 
more  effective  restrictions  upon  the  business  of  private  indi- 
viduals who  receive  deposits  of  money  in  small  sums. 

"The  condition  of  labor  camps  in  connection  with  public 
works  should  also  receive  proper  attention.  The  importance 
of  suitable  vital  statistics  and  of  public  records  of  aliens  re- 
maining in  our  State  should  be  recognized,  and  it  should  also 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         14:^ 

be  considered  whether  it  is  not  feasible  to  adopt  some  meanf^ 
to  promote  their  better  distribution." 

Four  immigration  bills  were  passed  by  the  Legislature  in 
the  session  of  1910;  one  creating  the  Bureau  of  Industries 
and  Immigration  and  the  other  three  regulating  private 
bankers,  steamship  ticket  agents  and  notaries  public.  These 
laws  created  a  new  kind  of  administrative  machinery  for  the 
development  of  a  domestic  policy  in  dealing  with  admitted 
aliens. 

Creation  of  Bureau  of  Industries  and  Immigration — This 
bureau  was  clothed  with  the  power  of  carrying  out  and  de- 
veloping a  State  domestic  immigration  policy,  by  assuring  to 
every  alien  a  hearing  and  an  impartial  inqury  into  his  com- 
plaint or  difficulty,  by  obtaining  the  enforcement  of  existing 
laws  to  prevent  his  exploitation,  by  undertaking  investigations 
of  living  and  labor  conditions  and  submitting  recommenda- 
tions for  improvements  and  by  publishing  and  distributing 
information  to  facilitate  assimilation.  Chapter  514  creating 
the  Bureau  represented  novel  legislation,  not  only  for  the 
State  but  for  the  country.  It  was  originally  regarded  as  an 
experiment  and  the  Governor  therefore  gave  it  a  small  ap- 
propriation to  start  with  and  filed  the  following  memoran- 
dum when  vetoing  certain  items  for  the  equipment  of  the 
bureau: 

"The  legislation  providing  for  the  establishment  of  this 
bureau  is  a  result  of  the  able  commission  appointed  to  in- 
quire into  the  condition  of  aliens  within  the  State. 

"It  contemplates  a  field  activity  of  great  importance  and 
its  benefits  should  not  be  lost.  In  view,  however,  of  the 
present  demands  upon  the  State  I  cannot  approve  the  es- 
tablishment at  this  time  of  a  bureau  as  extensive  as  that 
provided  for  in  these  items.  I  have  left  sufficient  of  the 
appropriation  to  provide  for  a  small  but  reasonable  begin- 
ning in  connection  with  the  Department  of  Labor,  and  there 
is  no  doubt  that  the  work  will  be  extended  in  the  future  as  its 
quality  and   importance   may  justify." 

RACE  TRACK  GAMBLING 

When  Governor  Hughes  took  office  he  found  that  the  State 
Constitution,  the  fundamental  law  of  the  State,  was  being 
openly  and  flagrantly  violated  with  respect  to  pool-selling 
and  book-selling  at  race  tracks.  The  Constitution  plainly 
prohibited  such  gambling  and  the  Legislature  by  Chapter  270 
of  the  laws  of  1895  had  pretended  to  prohibit  it  and  had 
made  the  penalty  for  its  continuance  liability  to  a  civil  suit 
for  the  money  lost.  This  ineffective  penalty  actually  pro- 
tected such  practices,  and  criminal  proceedings  for  this  plain 
evasion  of  the  will  of  the  people  could  not  be  brought. 

Message  to  Legislature  (1908) — The  Governor  in  his  mes- 
sage called  attention  to  these  facts  and  asked  the  Legislature 
to  carry  into  effect  the  constitutional  mandate.  Acrimonious 
comments  were  made  on  the  Governor's  attempts  to  alter 
the  situation  and  a  resolution  was  passed  asking  for  a  letter 
which  Governor  Hughes  was  said  in  a  newspaper  article  to 
have  received  from  a  gambler  stating  that  legislators  had 
been  influenced  to  vote  against  the  bill.  The  Governor  re 
fused  to  give  them  the  letter  with  the  following  message: 

"I  give  no  credence  to  any  report  that  the  members  of 
your  honorable  body  would  be  deflected  from  their  manifest 
duty  by  an  attempt,  if  any  such  were  made,  on  the  part  of 
those  who  have  vast  interests  at  stake  in  this  matter  to  cor- 
rupt their  judgment.  On  the  contrary,  I  have  implicit  con- 
fidence that  the  Legislature  will  carry  into  effect  the  consti- 
Mitional   niandat<'  and  will  purge  our  State  of  this  source  of 


H4         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

misery  and  vice  which  exists  only  because  the  will  of  loo 
people,  flatly  declared  in  the  fundamental  law,  has  not  been 
carried  into  effect. 

"On  the  one  side  we  have  the  plain  provision  of  the  Con- 
stitution that  pool-selling  and  book-making  shall  not  be  al- 
lowed in  this  State  and  that  the  Legislature  shall  pass  appro- 
priate laws  to  prevent  these  offenses. 

"On  the  other  side  stand  those  who  would  sacrifice  the 
morals  of  our  youth  by  extending  the  area  of  unnecessary 
temptation;  who  would  inflict  needless  suffering  upon  help- 
less women  and  children,  depending  upon  the  cultivation  of 
thrift  and  industry;  and  who  would  imperil  the  welfare  of 
thousands  of  our  people,  simply  because  of  their  selfish  desire 
to  make  money  out  of  gambling  privileges.  They  fatten  upon 
wretchedness,  and  have  the  effrontery  to  demand  that  the  laws 
of  the  State  shall  be  adapted  to  their  purposes. 

"Your  honorable  body  knows  that  pool-selling  and  book- 
making  at  the  race  tracks  are  not  now  prevented  by  appro- 
priate laws  as  the  constitution  requires  but  flourish  sub- 
stantially unrestricted  under  what  amounts  to  legal  protec- 
tion. This  is  a  scandal  of  the  first  order  and  a  disgrace  to 
the  State." 

The  Governor  then  pointed  out  that  the  pending  Legis- 
lation was  not  intended  to  destroy  racing  but  merely  to 
make    effective    a    constitutional    prohibition. 

"The  bills  are  not  aimed  at  racing  or  at  race-tracks  or  at 
property.  They  are  aimed  at  public  gambling,  prohibited  by 
the  Constitution,  condemned  by  the  moral  sense  of  the  people, 
irrespective  of  creed,  conceded  to  be  the  prolific  source  of 
poverty  and  crime. 

"I  sincerely  trust  that  nothing  will  divert  your  attention 
from  this  main  issue  and  that  the  Legislature,  acting  in 
obedience  to  the  constitutional  provision,  will  free  us  from 
a  curse  of  which  no  just  defense  is  possible,  and  thus  com- 
mand the  approval  arid  the  confidence  of  the  people  of  the 
State." 

The  Assembly  passed  a  bill  correcting  the  situation  but 
the  Senate  would  not  do  so.  On  April  9th,  the  Governor 
sent  a  special  message  to  the  Legislature  urging  them  again 
to  enact  appropriate  legislation  to  abolish  the  existing  dis- 
criminations in  favor  of  race-track  gambling.  He  also  called 
their  attention  to  the  fact  that  under  the  constitution  the 
Legislature  must  make  existing  prohibitions  effective  and  had 
no  right  to  permit  it  or  regulate  it. 

The  Legislature  adjourned,  however,  without  passing  the 
race-track  bills  and  Governor  Hughes  forthwith  summoned 
the  Legislature  to  an  extraordinary  session  to  complete  the 
work  they  had  left  undone.     His  special  message  read: 

"I  recommend  for  your  consideration  the  enactment  of 
suitable  legislation  for  the  prevention  of  race-track  gambling. 

"The  issue  has  been  clearly  presented  whether  the  inter- 
ests of  those  who  wish  to  maintain  gambling  privileges  at 
race-tracks  shall  be  considered  paramount  to  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  State.  It  is  an  issue  which  has  been  clearly  de- 
fined and  is  fully  appreciated  by  the  people.  It  cannot  be 
obscured  by  a  discussion  of  propensities  of  human  nature. 
Race-track  gambling  exists  not  because  it  is  hidden  or  elusive, 
but  as  an  organized  business  shielded  by  the  legislative  dis- 
crimination. The  law  which  professes  to  prohibit  it  in  fact 
protects  it. 

"Nor  can  the  question  be  finally  disposed  of  save  by  vindi- 
cating the  honor  of  the  State  and  by  demonstrating  that 
there  is  no  power,  however  strong  or  unscrupulous,  which 
can  be  permitted  to  override  the  will  of  the  people  as  ex- 
pressed in  the  fundamental  law." 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGxN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         145 

The  Governor  appealed  to  the  people  over  the  head  of 
the  Legislature  and  succeeded  finally  in  obtaining  the  neces- 
sary legislation.  The  Governor's  motive  in  insisting  upon  the 
enactment  of  this  legislation  was  brought  before  the  people 
time  and  time  again,  as  in  a  speech  at  the  Richmond  County 
Fair,  Staten  Island,  on  September  lo,  1908,  when  he  announced 
his  belief  in  racing  and  in  sport  but  insisted  upon  making 
effective  the  Constitutional  prohibition  of  gambling: 

"It  may  be  said  that  it  is  not  a  plank  in  the  Republican 
Platform  upon  which  I  was  elected;  but  it  was  the  founda- 
tion of  all  the  planks  in  the  Republican  Platform,  without 
which  they  would  not  have  held  up  very  long.  Of  course,  you 
do  not  have  to  have  systematized  public  gambling,  largely 
at  the  expense  of  the  public  that  even  in  the  gambling  game, 
as  many  of  you  know,  do  not  have  a  fair  show.  Of  course, 
it  is  not  necessary  in  order  to  promote  sport,  to  defy  the  Con- 
stitution, or  to  engage  in  a  general  systematic  plan  of  public 
gambling.  The  very  essence  of  sport  is  that  it  is  above  mere 
considerations  of  improper  pecuniary  return.  I  believe  in 
racing,  and  in  sport;  but  whether  it  is  this  evil  or  that,  whether 
it  is  in  connection  with  railroads,  or  in  connection  with  race 
tracks,  it  has  to  do  with  this  department,  or  that  matter,  when 
anybody  says  we  can  get  the  best  of  the  Constitution,  because 
we  don't  like  it,  then  it  is  the  time  to  step  in  and  find  out 
what  the  people  of  the  State  say. 

"That  is  the  security  of  our  government,  and  the  respect 
which  the  people  have  for  law,  for  law  in  itself,  not  for  a 
particular  law;  everybody  likes  a  law  that  helps  him.  Every- 
body likes  a  law  which  aids  him,  as  he  thinks,  in  his  business. 
What  really  supports  us  as  a  free  government  is  not  respect 
for  a  particular  law,  but  respect  for  law  because  it  is  law; 
because  we  are  all  going  together  with  the  genuine  belief  in 
our  institutions,  and  a  determination  that  we  will  do  things 
in  the  right  way,  that  if  we  don't  like  a  law,  we  will  try  to 
repeal  it;  that  if  the  Constitution  is  not  right,  it  shall  be 
amended." 

The  Governor  showed  in  many  ways  his  interest  in  racing 
as  a  sport  and  in  improving  the  breed  of  horses,  especially 
in  what  he  did  to  develop  the  State  Fair.  His  recommenda- 
tions to  the  Legislature  on  July  12,  1907,  read: 

"I  recommend  for  your  consideration  the  subject  of  making 
a  suitable  appropriation  for  expert  examination  of  the  site 
of  the  State  Fair  at  Syracuse  and  the  preparation  of  suitable 
plans  for  an  adequate  scheme  of  development. 

"The  State  Fair  is  an  enterprise  too  important  to  be  per- 
mitted to  develop  except  with  reference  to  some  carefully 
devised  and  comprehensive  plan.  While  appreciating  the 
intelligent  direction  under  which  the  fair  has  been  brought 
to  ics  present  high  degree  of  usefulness,  I  believe  the  time 
has  come  when  plans  for  the  future  should  be  matured  under 
expert  guidance,  so  that  as  buildings  are  provided  from  time 
to  time  and  provision  is  made  for  the  various  interests  of 
the  fair,  they  all  may  have  relation  to  a  suitable  general 
scheme.  This  matter  should  be  taken  in  hand  promptly  so 
that  the  needed  extension  of  facilities  should  not  be  delayed 
and  at  the  same  time  all  the  advantages  of  method  and  fore- 
sight should  be  secured. 

"I  have  disapproved  the  item  in  the  bill  passed  at  the  last 
session  for  a  new  exposition  building  with  the  idea  that  the 
subject  can  be  immediately  dealt  with  and  under  expert  di- 
rection plans  can  be  made  pursuant  to  which  the  required 
appropriations  can  be  provided  early  in  the  next  session  of 
the  Legislature.  This  procedure,  I  believe,  will  prove  of  great 
advantage  and  insure  the  development  of  the  fair,  in  which 
all  citizens  should  be  interested,  in  the  most  satisfactory 
manner." 


The  Story  of  Mexico 

By  Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge 

The  great  war  in  Europe  has  obscured  the  Mexican  ques- 
tion, as  it  did  many  others,  in  people's  minds.  The  Mexican 
situation  has  been  largely  pushed  aside  and  forgotten.  Al- 
though one  of  the  most  important  transactions  in  which  this 
country  has  been  engaged  in  the  last  two  or  three  years,  it 
seemed  so  unimportant  to  the  President  that  he  did  not  even 
allude  to  it  in  his  annual  message.  I  think  that  in  itself  it  is 
extremely  serious,  and  especially  so  to  the  United  States, 
whose  territory  adjoins  that  of  Mexico. 

In  the  autumn  of  1910  the  Madero  revolution,  directed 
against  the  long-established  government  of  President  Diaz, 
began.  President  Diaz  left  Mexico  City  on  May  25,  191 1,  and 
Francesco  Madero,  the  leader  of  the  successful  revolution, 
arrived  there  on  June  7  of  the  same  year.  He  took  the  oath 
of  office  as  President  November  6,  191 1. 

When  the  revolution  broke  out,  as  everyone  will  recall, 
President  Taft  sent  an  army  of  20,000  men  to  the  border  to 
maintain  peace  in  that  region.  After  Madero  had  taken  the 
oath  as  President  and  become  President  de  facto  of  Mexico, 
the  disturbances  still  continuing.  President  Taft  issued  a 
proclamation  of  neutrality   March  2,   1912. 

On  March  14,  1912,  Congress  passed  a  resolution  giving 
the  Pr-esident  power,  when  he  found  that  in  an  American 
country  conditions  of  domestic  violence  existed  which  were 
promoted  by  the  use  of  arms  or  munitions  of  war  procured 
in  the  United  States,  to  forbid  the  export  of  such  arms  or 
munitions  of  war,  and  on  the  same  day  President  Taft  ex- 
ercised this  power  and  laid  an  embargo  on  the  export  of  arms 
to  Mexico. 

President  Taft  imposed  an  embargo  on  the  export  of  muni- 
tions of  war  and  arms,  and  it  was  a  direct  aid  to  the  Madero 
government,  which  was  then  facing  an  insurrection.  Then 
President  Wilson,  at  a  later  period,  lifted  the  embargo,  and 
that  was  a  direct  aid  to  the  insurgents  who  were  opposing 
the  government  of  Gen.  Huerta. 

Madero 

The  Madero  government  was  recognized  by  President  Taft. 
On  January  23,  1913,  a  little  less  than  a  year  later,  Felix  Diaz 
headed  a  revolution  against  the  Madero  government  in  Mex- 
ico City  and  attacked  the  palace.  Gen.  Huerta,  who  was  in 
command  of  the  Madero  forces,  went  over  to  Diaz  and  the 
Madero  government  was  overthrown.  Madero  and  the  vice 
president,  Suarez,  were  arrested  by  Huerta  February  18  and 
were  forced  to  resign.  On  February  20  Lascurain  was  sworn 
in  as  Provisional  President,  and  about  forty-eight  hours  later 
Madero  and  Suarez  were  killed.  The  manner  of  their  death 
has  never  been  made  perfectly  clear,  but  that  they  they  were 
unlawfully  killed  is,  I  think,  beyond  doubt. 

Gen.  Huerta  then  took  over  the  government,  and  in  ac- 
cordance with  constitutional  forms  became  Provisional  Pres- 
ident. This  was  so  near  the  4th  of  March  that  President 
Taft  took  no  action  in  regard  to  the  Huerta  government, 
feeling  that  he  had  not  the  right  to  commit  his  successor  on 
so  important  a  point. 

Huerta 

President  Wilson  came  in  on  the  4th  of  March,  and  on  the 
26th  of  that  month  the  revolution  headed  by  Carranza  broke 
out  in  northern  Mexico.  Nothing,  practically,  was  done  in 
regard  to  Mexican  affairs  until  the  following  summer,  when 

.46 


HtJPUBLlCAN     CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK  •    lyUJ  147 

the  President  sent  Mr.  Lind  as  his  personal  agent  to  Vera 
Cruz  and  subsequently  delivered  a  message  to  Congress  upon 
the  Mexican  situation.  The  instructions  to  Mr.  Lind  in- 
volved a  demand  in  the  nature  of  an  ultimatum  upon 
Gen.  Huerta  that  he  should  abdicate.  It  is  not  usual 
in  entering  into  negotiations,  no  matter  how  informal 
or  through  a  personal  emissary,  no  matter  how  informal  the 
emissary's  position  may  be,  to  demand  of  the  head  of  the 
government,  with  whom  that  emissary  is  to  communicate, 
that  he  should  abdicate.  Such  a  demand  crudely  stated  laid 
us  open  to  a  telling  retort,  and  that  is  the  reason  why  the 
then  secretarj'-  of  foreign  affairs  in  Mexico  was  so  successful 
in  his  reply.  Gen.  Huerta  refused  to  abdicate  and  the  corre- 
spondence to  which  I  have  referred  ensued. 

I  was  not  one  of  those  who  was  disposed  to  find  fault  with 
the  refusal  to  recognize  Gen.  Huerta,  although  there  was 
much  to  be  said  in  favor  of  that  course.  There  were  broad 
international  grounds  and  sound  international  grounds  upon 
which  that  refusal  could  have  been  based.  It  was  entirely 
possible  to  say  that  Gen.  Huerta's  government  was  unable 
to  maintain  international  relations,  for  over  a  large  area 
of  Mexico  it  exercised  no  authority.  It  was  possible  and 
proper  to  say  that  the  recognition  might  entail  the  validifica- 
tion  of  the  loans  which  the  Huerta  government  was  then  at- 
tempting in  Europe,  and  which  would  have  pledged  certain 
revenues  of  Mexico,  and  thus  deprived  the  United  States  of 
the  opportunity  of  securing  indemnity  for  injuries  to  its  citi- 
zens. 

Recognition  of  Huerta 

But  those  grounds  were  not  put  forward.  The  ground  on 
which  recognition  of  Huerta  was  refused  was  what  was  called 
a  moral  ground;  that  he  was  a  man  of  bad  character,  who  had 
reached  the  highest  position  in  Mexico  by  treacherous  and 
murderous  methods.  I  think  it  highly  probable  that  such 
were  his  methods.  That  is  the  way  supreme  power  has  gen- 
erally been  acquired  in  Mexico.  It  has  been  attained  by  force 
and  accompanied  by  acts  of  violence,  which  are  repellent  to 
every  man  who  believes  in  the  reign  of  law  and  in  ordered 
freedom. 

But  when  we  put  our  refusal  of  recognition  on  the  personal 
ground  that  the  character  of  the  head  of  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment at  that  time  was  unsatisfactory  to  us,  to  that  extent  we 
intervened.  We  had  an  absolute  right  on  international 
grounds  to  refuse  recognition,  but  when  we  say  to  another 
nation  we  object  to  the  man  who  is  at  the  head  of  your 
government  or  at  the  head  of  the  only  government  you  have 
got  because  he  is  a  person  of  obnoxious  character,  we  inter- 
vene in  the  affairs  of  that  nation. 

However,  the  refusal  to  recognize  Gen.  Huerta  was  based 
upon  that  ground,  and  while  it  undoubtedly  embarrassed  the 
Huerta  government  it  did  not  overthrow  it.  He  proved  him- 
self contumacious.  The  President,  who  disapproved  of  his 
methods,  as  we  all  disapproved  of  them,  now  had  added  to 
his  feelings  a  personal  resentment  because  Gen.  Huerta  had 
not  obeyed  the  President's  demand  for  his  abdication.  The 
President  is  a  man  accustomed  to  obedience,  and  I  can  quite 
understand  that  he  should  feel  a  natural  resentment  at  Gen, 
Huerta's  seeming  indifference  to  his  request. 

But  an  animosity  is  not  a  policy.  The  policy  of  the  United 
States  in  regard  to  Mexico,  speaking  from  the  international 
point  of  view,  was  to  secure  as  soon  as  possible  the  pacifica- 
tion of  the  country,  the  reestablishment  of  order,  the  removal 
of  all  our  many  causes  of  complaint,  the  security  of  the  lives 
and  property  of  our  own  citizens  and  also  of  the  citizens  or 
subjects  of  other  nations,  because  other  nations,  in  view  of 
our  attitude  and  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  declined  to  inter- 
vene and  made  no  suggestion  of  intervening  themselves,  and 


148         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

that  threw  a  moral,  if  not  a  legal,  responsibility  upon  us.  This 
would  have  been  a  worthy  national  policy,  but  the  business 
of  driving  Huerta  from  power  and  putting  somebody  else  in 
his  place  was  not  a  policy  at  all.  Nevertheless,  that  was  the 
object  to  which  our  government  addressed  itself. 

Still  Huerta  continued  to  hold  on.  Rumors  reached  us  in 
the  spring  of  1914  that  he  had  effected  a  loan  through  the 
Mexican  banks  of  sixty  millions  and  that  a  large  cargo  of 
arms  was  on  its  way  to  him  from  Germany. 

Tampico  Incident 

At  the  time,  while  the  indications  that  the  Huerta  govern- 
ment might  be  established  and  held  in  power  for  at  least  a 
year  longer  were  before  us,  there  came  what  was  known  as  the 
Tampico  incident.  I  need  not  recall  it  in  detail.  All  are 
familiar  with  what  happened.  A  boat's  crew  from  one  of  our 
warships,  flying  the  American  flag,  landed  perfectly  properly 
for  peaceful  purposes  and  were  arrested.  They  were  taken 
to  the  town  hall  and  released.  An  apology  was  offered  by 
the  commander  and  Admiral  Mayo  demanded  a  salute  to 
the  flag.  Our  government  took  the  question  from  the  locality 
where  it  had  occurred  and  carried  it  to  the  City  of  Mexico, 
thus  extending  its  scope  and  giving  it  a  national  character. 

The  Huerta  government  declined  to  give  the  salute  unless 
they  were  assured  that  it  would  be  returned.  In  those  cases 
which  have  happened  in  our  own  history,  where  a  salute  has 
been  given  it  sometimes  has  been  returned  and  sometimes 
not.  It  was  on  that  precise  point  we  came  to  blows  with  the 
Huerta  government.  The  President  appeared  before  Con- 
gress and  delivered  his  message,  and  there  was  submitted 
from  the  White  House  a  resolution  for  Congress  to  pass 
which  declared  that  we  should  give  the  President  power  to 
take  proper  steps  against  Victoriano  Huerta,  naming  him, 
which  shows,  as  I  have  said,  that  the  whole  purpose  was  the 
removal  of  Huerta. 

That  resolution  was  passed  by  a  genial  and  compliant 
House,  but  the  Senate  was  unwilling  to  put  the  United  States 
in  the  attitude  of  taking  a  step,  which  might  very  well  mean 
a  general  war  with  Mexico,  by  declaring  against  an  individ- 
ual by  name.  The  United  States  in  war  with  Victoriano 
Huerta  did  not  commend  itself  to  the  Senate  as  a  title  for 
our  action.  So  the  name  of  Gen.  Huerta  disappeared  from  the 
resolution.  The  Senate  Republicans  thought  that,  if  we  were 
to  take  this  very  serious  step,  it  was  proper  to  put  it  on  the 
broad  international  ground  of  protection  to  American  citizens, 
to  their  rights,  to  their  lives,  to  their  property,  rather  than  on 
the  narrow  ground  of  the  actions  of  one  man  who  happened 
to  be  at  the  moment  President  de  facto  of  Mexico,  Our 
proposition  of  amendment  in  this  sense  was  voted  down.  All 
efforts  to  get  any  recognition  of  the  wrongs  to  American 
citizens  were  voted  down.  An  amendment  offered  pledging 
this  government  against  the  acquisition  of  Mexican  territory 
was  voted  down,  and  the  resolution  which  in  fact,  though  not 
actually  by  name,  put  the  United  States  into  war  with  Vic- 
toriano Huerta  was  passed. 

Vera  Cruz 

While  it  was  passing  our  forces  had  gone  to  Vera  Cruz, 
where  there  was  no  American  property  in  danger,  where 
norfiing  had  occurred,  in  order  to  secure  reparation  for 
something  that  had  happened  at  Tampico.  The  resolution 
passed  to  the  sound  of  the  guns.  We  lost  19  men  killed,  and 
I  think,  altogether  there  were  120  killed  and  wounded.  Sev- 
eral hundred   Mexicans  were   also   killed  and   wounded. 

There  apparently  was  an  idea  in  the  President's  mind  that 
there  would  be  no  resistance  to  our  taking  Vera  Cruz.  He 
had  been  told  that  there  would  be  no  resistance  and  that  we 
would  peacefully  take  Vera  Cruz.     That  is  only  a  sample  of 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BpOK--1916         149 

the  manner  in  which  his  agents  subtracted  from  the  sum  of 
human  information  when  they  reported  to  him.  But  after  .the 
bloodshed  in  the  taking  of  Vera  Cruz  it  seemed  to  the  on- 
looker that  administration  officials  were  very  disturbed.  They 
did  not  seem  to  have  much  stomach  for  the  unexpected  fight 
which  had  arisen,  and  took  shelter  under  the  Niagara  con- 
ference, a  conference  which  never  could  have  had  any  result, 
because,  although  the  United  States  and  Huerta  sent  repre- 
sentatives to  it,  the  other  party  in  Mexico  sent  none,  and  were 
not  compelled  by  our  government  to  send  any.  However, 
the  conference  enabled  us  to  escape  further  fighting,  and  for 
that  we  may  be  duly  grateful. 

The  object  for  which  we  sent  those  ships  and  troops  to 
Vera  Cruz  was  to  get  reparation  for  the  insult  to  the  flag, 
and  the  reason  for  the  great  celerity  demanded  in  dealing 
with  the  resolution  was  to  stop  the  landing  of  a  cargo  of 
arms.  I  do  not  know  what  has  become  of  the  reparation 
for  the  insult  to  the  flag;  if  it  has  been  made,  I  have  never 
heard  of  it.  My  own  impression  is  that  it  has  been  forgotten. 
The  ship  that  brought  the  cargo  of  arms  from  Germany, 
which  was  then  selling  arms  to  belligerents,  was  named  the 
"Ypiranga."  She  arrived,  I  think,  the  day  after  our  occupation 
of  Vera  Cruz.  We  could  not  exclude  her  by  a  peaceful  block- 
ade; if  we  had  made  a  general  blockade,  it  would  have  been 
an  act  of  war;  and  we  were  not  to  be  at  war.  Therefore,  the 
"Ypiranga"  having  come  there,  the  only  way  she  could  land 
her  cargo  was  by  getting  permission  from  us  as  the  possessors 
of  the  port  to  do  so.  That  permission,  naturally,  we  did  not 
give.  Admiral  Badger — I  think  he  was  in  command  at  the 
time — telegraphed  to  Washington  to  ask  if  he  should  give 
clearance — the  vessel  was  obliged  to  get  clearance  from  us — 
to  the  "Ypiranga."  The  clearance  was  given.  She  went  to 
some  American  port — Mobile,  I  think,  though  I  am  not  per- 
fectly certain;  but  it  does  not  matter — stayed  there  a  few 
days,  sailed  again,  and  landed  her  entire  cargo  of  arms  at 
Puerto  Mexico,  which  was  in  control  of  the  Huerta  forces. 
The  arms  were  taken  up  on  the  Tehuantepec  railroad  to  the 
City  of  Mexico  and  delivered.  So  we  did  not  stop  the  land- 
ing of  that  cargo  by  our  expedition  to  Vera  Cruz.  We  neither 
got  reparation  to  the  flag,  nor  did  we  stop  the  delivery  of  arms 
to  Huerta.  In  its  avowed  purposes  the  Vera  Cruz  adventure 
was  not  very  successful.  But  President  Wilson,  just  about 
that  time,  took  off  the  embargo  on  arms.  That,  of  course, 
was  a  real  help  to  the  insurgents,  with  whom  we  were  more 
or  less  involved  as  allies.  The  insurgents  had  no  port;  they 
could  not  import  arms;  but  tlffey  could  bring  them  over  the 
border  when  the  embargo  was  raised,  because  at  that  time 
we  were  selling  arms  to  belligerents  without  objection  from 
anybody.  The  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Garrison,  however,  with 
a  wisdom  and  a  courage  which  cannot  be  too  highly  com- 
mended, insisted,  for  military  reasons,  that  no  arms  should 
be  carried  across  the  border.  A  military  order  to  that  effect 
was  made.  That  left  Villa  and  Carranza  in  an  awkward  posi- 
tion, without  a  port,  and  it  became  of  very  great  importance 
to  the  administration  that  they  should  have  a  port. 

Withdrawal  of  Ships 

Then  ensued  the  second  Tampico  incident.  Our  ships  were 
withdrawn  and  placed  nine  miles  away,  on  the  ground  that  if 
they  were  there  it  might  cause  trouble.  My  own  impression 
is  that  they  would  have  saved  us  from  trouble.  We  have 
freely  caused  trouble  and  bloodshed  at  Vera  Cruz,  but  we 
seemed  strangely  unwilling  even  to  run  the  risk  of  trouble  at 
Tampico.  So  the  ships  were  withdrawn.  At  Tampico  there 
were  American  citizens  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  to  be 
protected,  and  also  American  property,  especially  in  the  oil 
fields.  The  people  employed  in  the  oil  fields  after  the  with- 
drawal of  our  ships,  alarmed  by  the  advance  of  the  insurgents, 


150         HfcJPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK   -ly It; 

hurried  to  Tampico,  to  find  themselves  without  any  protection 
and  in  danger  of  a  massacre  from  the  Huerta  troops  and  the 
population  still  in  the  city.  That  massacre  and  assault  were 
prevented  was  due  to  the  action  of  the  commanders  of  the 
German  and  British  ships  which  were  lying  there.  Those 
refugees,  to  the  number  of  2,100  as  I  recall,  1,300  of  whom 
were  Americans  and  800  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  other 
powers,  were  taken  on  board  the  British  and  German  cruisers. 
Our  ships  were  lying  nine  miles  away.  That  method  of  saving 
American  lives  did  not,  I  think,  gratify  the  feelings  of  the 
American  people.  The  admiral  in  command,  when  he  re- 
ceived the  order  to  withdraw  was  so  astounded  by  it  that  he 
declined  to  act  unless  the  order  was  repeated;  and  the  order 
of  withdrawal  was  thereupon  repeated.  Our  action  at 
Tampico  in  withdrawing  our  ships  was  due  to  the  fact  thai 
unless  the  insurgents  secured  Tampico  they  could  not  get 
arms,  and  lifting  the  embargo  would  have  been  of  no  ad- 
vantage to  them.  It  was,  therefore,  of  great  importance  to 
the  movement  against  Huerta  that  the  insurgents  should  be 
able  to  procure  arms  and  munitions  of  war.  They  took 
Tampico,  and  they  did  it  to  secure  the  arms. 

Having  got  thus  far,  although  we  had  failed  in  our  alleged 
objects  at  Vera  Cruz,  the  interposition  at  that  point  and  our 
help  to  the  insurgents  in  securing  Tampico  were  sufficient 
to  bring  about  the  fall  of  .the  Huerta  government.  The  object 
of  the  President  had  been  accomplished,  but  the  policy  of  the 
United  States  had  not  been  advanced  one  step. 

It  seemed  impossible  to  induce  anyone  connected  with 
the  administration  to  consider  what  was  to  happen  after 
Huerta  had  been  driven  from  power.  When  he  was  driven 
from  power  it  became  painfully  obvious  that  no  consideration 
whatever  had  been  given  to  that  point.  The  whole  course 
of  the  administration  was  owing  to  the  fact  that  they  abso- 
lutely declined  from  the  beginning  to  recognize  the  character 
of  the  Mexican  population.  It  was  not  our  business,  however 
desirable  it  might  be,  to  undertake  to  give  Mexico  new  land 
laws  or  to  choose  a  President  for  her.  We  had  no  protec- 
torate over  Mexico,  and  to  regulate  her  internal  affairs  would 
have  been  intervening  in  the  affairs  of  another  country;  but 
it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  that  in  our  policy  toward 
that  country  we  should  not  forget  of  what  the  population 
consisted — 50  per  cent  and  more  pureblood  Indians,  some 
of  them  in  a  wild  state;  30  per  cent  of  half-breeds,  and  per- 
haps 20  per  cent  of  pure  Spanish  blood,  the  descendants  of 
the  old  Spanish  conquerors.  To  suppose,  with  a  population 
like  that,  with  the  history  of  Mexico,  which  apparently  nobody 
in  the  administration  took  the  trouble  to  read,  that  you  could 
build  up  a  government  there  at  a  moment's  notice,  such  as 
we  have,  let  us  say,  in  the  State  of  Nebraska,  that  wMth  those 
foundations  you  could  erect  an  American  government  on 
American  principles,  was  a  dream.  When  Huerta  fell  from 
power  the  result  of  this  refusal  to  face  facts  was  seen. 

Villa  and  Carranza 

What  has  been  the  condition  of  Mexico  since?  As  every- 
body who  has  taken  the  trouble  to  study  Mexican  history  and 
to  inform  himself  knew,  the  first  thing  was  that  our  two  allies, 
Villa  and  Carranza,  fell  to  fighting  each  other.  It  required 
no  great  intelligence  to  predict  that  such  would  have  been 
the  case.  We  did  not  hear  so  much  of  Carranza  when  we 
were  his  ally,  but  we  can  all  remember  how  popular  Villa 
was  in  certain  quarters.  When  I  ventured  to  have  read  into 
the  Congressional  Record  a  sketch  of  that  eminent  person's 
life  it  was  resented,  and  a  defense,  said  to  have  been  prepared 
in  the  State  Department,  was  made  of  Villa's  character.  It 
was  currently  rumored  that  it  was  felt  in  the  highest  quar- 
ters that  he  must  be  a  good  man  because  he  neither  drank  nor 
smoked.    It  is  not  apparent  that  these  premises  were  correct. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         151 

for  I  am  told  by  other  persons  competent  to  know,  such  as 
the  Senator  from  New  Mexico,  Mr.  Fall,  that  he  is  guilty  of 
both  drinking  and  smoking;  but  even  assuming  that  he  does 
not  indulge  in  those  particular  vices,  was  it  not  a  hasty  in- 
ference that  he  was  therefore  a  good  man  in  the  international 
sense  and  devoid  of  murderous  tendencies?  A  mad  dog 
neither  drinks  nor  smokes,  but  it  would  be  rash  to  conclude 
that  he  was  therefore  a  safe  and  pleasant  companion.  At  all 
events  it  may  be  admitted  that  Villa  seems  to  have  been 
th"e  one  man  in  Mexico  who  has  distinct  military  capacity. 

As  I  have  said,  after  we  got  Huerta  out  Villa  and  Carranza 
fell  to  fighting  with  each  other,  and  look  at  Mexico  today.  It 
is  a  chaos  of  fighting  factions,  the  prey  of  banditti,  with  preda- 
tory bands  riding  through  the  country.  The  social  organ- 
ization has  collapsed  and  anarchy  is  a  polite  word  to  apply 
to  the  condition  of  things. 

I  fear  that  it  is  now  too  late  to  adopt  any  policy  which 
would  be  effective  there  except  a  complete  military  occupa- 
tion of  the  country  at  great  cost,  which  all  of  us  wish  to 
avoid,  but  it  is  certain  that  when  the  Mexican  question  was 
first  presented  to  us  there  were  but  two  possible  policies.  I 
am  speaking  now  of  policies  and  not  of  personal  animosities. 
One  policy  was  to  begin  by  exerting  all  the  power  and  in- 
fluence we  had  under  international  law  and  under  treaties 
and  in  accordance  with  the  comity  of  nations  to  prevent  out- 
rages, to  prevent  wrongs,  and  to  try  to  bring  about  pacifica- 
tion. This  was  never  effectively  attempted,  but  that  is  the 
way  we  should  have  begun,  and  then,  in  line  with  the  policy 
of  avoiding  war  at  all  hazards,  we  should  have  refrained  from 
any  intervention  beyond  the  efforts  warranted  by  international 
law. 

The  other  course  was  to  enter  Mexico  in  sufficient  force  to 
take  possession  of  and  pacify  the  country  and  try  to  bring 
back  a  government  there  which  would  have  the  capacity 
of  fulfilling  its  international  obligations  and  at  least  establish 
order.  To  that  course  the  United  States  was  opposed,  and 
quite  naturally  and  rightly;  but  the  course  we  did  pursue 
was  neither  one  or  the  other.  It  combined  with  singular 
dexterity  the  evils  of  both  and  the  advantages  of  neither. 
We  did  not  stay  out  and  we  did  not  go  in  effectively.  I  should 
be  sorry  to  shed  the  blood  of  a  single  American  soldier  or 
sailor  for  the  sake  of  restoring  order  in  Mexico,  but  nothing, 
it  seems  to  me,  can  possibly  justify  shedding  the  blood  of  a 
single  American  soldier  or  sailor  for  the  sake  of  putting  one 
blood-stained  Mexican  in  the  place  occupied  by  another.  We 
have  our  reward  for  what  we  have  done  in  the  condition  of 
Mexico  today. 

There  was  American  property  in  Mexico  to  an  enormous 
amount.  I  am  told  there  was  a  billion  dollars  of  American 
money  and  capital  invested  in  Mexico — certainly  many  hun- 
dreds of  millions.  It  is  practically  all  gone.  More  capital, 
which  is  nothing  but  the  savings  of  the  American  people, 
has  been  lost  in  Mexico  in  the  last  few  years,  many  times 
over,  than  has  been  lost  by  the  unfortunate  interferences 
with  our  foreign  trade  which  have  occurred  in  the  last  few- 
months.  I  was  informed  by  gentlemen  with  property  inter- 
ests in  Mexico,  who  came  here  representing  many  Americans 
oniployed  and  large  American  capital  invested,  that  they  were 
told  substantially  at  the  State  Department,  "We  are  not  con- 
cerned about  American  property  in  Mexico;  Americans  who 
invest  in  property  in  foreign  countries  must  not  look  to  this 
government  to  protect  them."  That  was  a  new  doctrine  in 
international  law  to  me,  and  I  think  it  is  a  novel  one  to  every- 
body. I  am  glad  to  see  that  the  indifference  to  American 
property  in  Mexico  has  not  extended  to  American  property 
on  the  high  seas.  I  cling  to  the  old  notion  that  American 
property  on  the  high  seas  and  in  foreign  countries,  when  the 
owners  cf  that  property  live   in   accordance  with  the  laws  of 


152         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

the  countries  in  which  the  property  is  placed,  is  entitled  to 
our  regard  and  to  the  active  protection  of  this  government. 
That  protection  has  not  been  given  in  Mexico,  and,  what  is 
far  worse,  hundreds  of  American  lives  have  been  lost  in 
Mexico.  If  there  has  been  any  redress  secured,  or  even  de- 
manded, I  do  not  know  it.  for  a  veil  of  secrecy  has  been  drawn 
over  our  Mexican  poceedings,  and  the  inquiries  of  the  Senate 
in  regard  to  it  have  thus  far  been  in  vain. 

Americans  have  been  killed  there  within  a  short  time.  I 
understand  that  52  people  have  been  killed  and  wounded  by 
Mexican  bulletsacross  the  line  at  Naco.  It  is  said_  that  Gen. 
Bliss  announced  that  if  there  was  any  more  shooting  across 
the  line  he  would  stop  it.  There  was  more  shooting,  and  I 
am  sorry  to  say  that  he  did  not  stop  it.  Knowing  of  him  as 
I  do,  I  think  that  he  may  have  been  prevented  from  stopping 
it.  There  before  us  is  that  dismal  record  of  American  lives 
lost,  and  now,  with  irresponsil^le  bands  roaming  over  the 
country,  with  no  government,  look  at  the  City  of  Mexico. 
One  of  the  presidents  set  up  a  guillotine  there,  and  executed 
the  supporters  of  Huerta,  reminding  one  of  the  scenes  of  the 
French  Revolution,  but  unfortunately  without  that  which 
was  behind  the  French  Revolution,  a  strong  population,  with 
traditions  and  institutions  which  were  certain  to  reassert 
their  power,  as  they  did.  Those  securities  for  the  future 
have  perished  in  Mexico,  and  bloodshed  goes  on  unchecked 
in  the  capital  of  the  country. 

It  has  gone  further  than  that.  These  bandits  have  been 
turned  lose  and  have  thrown  themselves  upon  the  most  help- 
less class — upon  the  women,  upon  the  priests,  and  upon  the 
nuns.  It  is  a  revolting  story,  unfortunately  only  too  well 
authenticated.  Father  Tierney,  of  New  York  City,  one  of  the 
best  known  and  most  distinguished  of  his  order,  when  he  went 
to  the  State  Department  to  ask  for  our  good  offices  to  pre- 
vent these  outrages  upon  his  coreligionists,  has  stated  publicly 
that  it  was  said  to  him,  in  the  presence  of  two  friends,  that 
the  followers  of  Huerta  had  committed  similar  outrages  on 
two  American  women  from  Iowa. 

What  a  reply  to  make!  Certainly  every  dictate  of  humanity 
would  lead  us  to  do  what  we  could  to  save  those  unfortunate 
men  and  women  who  have  been  the  helpless  victims  of  these 
half-wild  Indian  soldiers;  and  the  reply  is  that  Huerta's 
troops  were  guilty  of  two  cases  of  similar  outrages  on 
American  women!  What  has  been  done  about  that?  There 
was  an  affront,  indeed.  In  the  reasons  for  the  excursion  to 
Vera   Cruz  it  did  not  appear. 

End  of  Responsible  Government 

The  result  of  the  overthrow  of  President  Huerta  by  Pres- 
ident Wilson,  through  the  expedition  to  Vera  Cruz  and  by 
raising  the  embargo  so  that  the  opponents  of  Gen.  Huerta 
could  be  supplied  with  arms  from  this  country,  was  the 
destruction  of  all  that  remained  of  efficient  or  responsible 
government  in  Mexico.  The  man  picked  out  by  Mr.  Wilson 
to  be  the  saviour  of  society  was  Francisco  Villa,  a  man  of 
uhdoubted  military  capacity  but  of  the  lowest  type;  a  crim- 
inal in  his  early  years  and,  after  he  became  a  leader  of  in- 
surgents, a  murderer  and  robber,  stained  with  every  possible 
brutality  and  crime.  President  Wilson,  although  he  had 
an  agent  with  Villa,  never  had  an  opportunity  to  recognize 
him  as  the  redeemer  of  Mexico  because  he  and  Carranza  soon 
fell  to  fighting  with  each  other.  In  addition  there  were  other 
bodies  of  bandits,  led  by  more  or  less  bloodstained  chiefs, 
and  Mexico  was  soon  brought  to  a  condition  of  complete 
anarchy,  owing  to  Mr.  Wilson's  action  in  regard  to  the  Huerta 
government.  Finally  Carranza  so  far  got  the  better  of  Villa 
that  the  President  recognized  him  on  the  19th  of  October. 
1915.     There  was  not  the  slightest  indication  that  he  could 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK-~l9l6         15:^ 

keep  order  anywhere  or  fulfill  any  international  obligations. 
At  that  time  he  did  not  dare  to  go  to  Mexico  City;  he  had 
no  capital,  no  organized  government,  and  his  only  tiile  to 
power  was  that  given  to  him  by  a  gathering  of  his  own  gen- 
erals.    Nevertheless  he  was  recognized. 

During  all  this  period,  after  the  overthrow  of  Huerta  as 
well  as  before,  American  property,  if  it  had  escaped  destruc- 
tion, was  confiscated  or  ruined;  the  nmrder  of  American  citi- 
zens, lawfully  in  Mexico,  continued  and  our  citizens  and  sol- 
diers were  killed  on  our  side  of  the  border  by  Mexicans  firing 
across  the  boundary  line.  Not  one  step  has  ever  been  taken 
to  secure  reparation  for  these  murders  and  outrages  or  to 
protect  American  citizens,  lawfully  in  Mexico,  in  their  rights. 
Our  indifference  to  these  outrages  and  murders  inflicted  upon 
our  own  citizens  bred  in  the  Mexican  mind,  which  is  semi- 
barbarous,  a  complete  contempt  for  the  United  States  and 
for  the  American  government.  Nothing  else  was  to  be  ex- 
pected. Finally,  this  contempt,  so  fostered  by  the  course  of 
President  Wilson,  found  expression,  as  it  was  sure  to  do 
sooner  or  later,  in  an  invasion  of  our  territory  and  a  murder- 
ous raid,  by  bands  under  the  control  of  Villa,  upon  the  city 
of  Columbus  in  New  Mexico  on  the  morning  of  March  8 
last.  There  were  other  similar  raids  upon  border  towns  and 
ranchmen  and  farmers  living  on  the  American  side  of  the 
line  have  been  murdered  by  Mexican  bandits.  Thereupon 
United  States  troops  were  sent  across  the  border  to  pursue 
the  Villa  forces.  They  have  not  succeeded  as  yet  in  captur- 
ing Villa  or  dispersing  his  forces.  In  the  course  of  these 
operations  a  troop  of  United  States  cavalry  was  ambushed  at 
Carrizal  by  a  very  largely  superior  force  of  Mexicans  in  the 
Carranza  service,  and  a  number  of  our  troopers  were  killed 
and  others  made  prisoners.  The  prisoners  have  been  re- 
turned, and  also  the  bodies  of  the  dead  troopers,  which  ap- 
pears to  satisfy  the  administration  entirely  and  which  is 
called   a    "diplomatic   victory." 

At  War 

Since  the  taking  of  Vera  Cruz  we  have  been  at  intervals  at 
war  with  Mexico.  We  have  been  fighting  Mexican  soldiers, 
and  American  soldiers  and  citizens  have  been  killed  by  Mex- 
icans. Declared  war  could  do  no  more.  Mexico  itself  is 
bankrupt;  industry  is  at  a  standstill;  the  people  are  starving. 
Carranza  has  overthrown  every  state  government  and  put 
military  chiefs  of  his  own  selection  in  command  of  each  one 
of  them.  Some  of  them  have  openly  overthrown  religion  in 
the  states  and  they  all  have  tyrannized  over  and  robbed  the 
people.  The.  outrages  upon  harmless  women,  because  they 
were  nuns,  and  upon  harmless  men,  because  they  were  priests, 
have  shocked  the  civilized  world  outside  the  immediate  circle 
of  the  administration  at  Washington.  Mr.  Wilson  ought 
either  to  have  let  Mexico  entirely  alone,  insisting  upon  the 
protection  of  American  rights  both  to  life  and  property,  or 
he  should  have  intervened  effectively.  He  has  done  neither. 
He  overthrew  Huerta  because  he  said  he  was  an  immoral 
person,  not  on  international  grounds.  He  seized  a  Mexican 
city,  after  fighting  which  involved  a  considerable  loss  of  life 
both  American  and  Mexican.  He  undertook  to  say  what  re- 
forms in  the  ownership  of  land  should  be  adopted  in  Mexico 
and  what  constitutional  government  was  in  that  country,  and 
he  has  now  recognized  a  military  chieftain  with  no  consti- 
tutional power  whatever,  and  he  has  had  for  some  months 
a  war  of  outposts  upon  his  hands  along  the  northern  border. 
By  lifting  the  embargo,  as  he  did,  for  the  benefit  of  Villa, 
he  has  enabled  the  Mexicans  to  kill  American  citizens  and 
soldiers  with  American  munitions  and  American  guns. 

This  is  the  situation  which  the  present  administration  has 
largely  created  in  Mexico.     The  responsibility  for  the  Mex- 


1S4         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK -191ti 

ican  conditions  rests  chiefly  upon  our  government  and  the 
deaths  of  American  citizens  and  soldiers  all  lie  at  the  doors 
of  this  administration. 


A  MEXICAN  CATECHISM 

Q.  What  is  the  Mexican  question  in  so  far  as  the  United 
States   is  concerned? 

A.  We  have  only  'two  concerns  in  Mexico;  the  first  is  the 
protection  of  American  lives  and  property;  the  second  is  the 
obligation  which  we  have  assumed  under  the  Monroe  Doctrine  to 
protect  the  lives  and  property  of  the  citizens  of  other  nations 
and  to  secure  the  present  and  future  safety  and  peace  of  this 
country;  One  of  the  reasons  for  the  Union  was  that  protection 
might  be  given  to  Americans  abroad  which  the  colonies  as 
independent  States  could  not  give.  In  the  Monroe  Doctrine  we 
stated  that  no  foreign  nation  should  interfere  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  nations  of  Central  and  Latin-America.  These 
two  principles  are  the  only  principles  except  the  general  duty 
of  any  civilized  nation  to  humanity,  which  we  have  at  stake 
in  Mexico;  when  we  go  beyond  them  to  dictate  the  kind  or 
character  of  the  government  that  Mexico  or  any  other  Sta'ce 
should  have,  we  are  simply  meddling  in  that  which  does  not 
concern  us. 

Our  exact  duty  in  Mexico  was  expressed  by  Secretary  of 
State  Evarts  to  Minister  Foster  in  Mexico,  to  be  transmitted 
to  President  Diaz  in  May,  1878  when  Mexico  was  in  turmoil. 
Here  is  what  the  great  Republican  Secretary  said :  "The  first 
duty  of  a  nation  is  to  protect  life  and  property  (of  its  citizens). 
This  is  a  paramount  obligation,  and  the  nation  that  fails  or 
neglects  to  perform  it  no  longer  deserves  to  be  called  a  nation. 

*  *  *  It  is  immaterial  to  the  United  States  how  this  pro- 
tection shall  be  accomplished,  whether  by  'treaty,  convention  or 
military  force.  Protection  in  fact  to  American  citizens  is  the 
point  on  which  this  government  is  solicitous,  and  not  the  ways 

or   methods    in    which    that    protection    shall    be    accomplished. 

*  *     *     »> 

Secretary  Lansing  repeated  this  sentiment,  sent  to  Mr.  Foster, 
his  father-in-law,  in  almost  the  same  words,  but  without 
acknowledgment  of  the  source,  in  his  note  to  Carranza's  Min- 
ister, Candido  Aguilar,  on  June  20,  1916. 

Q.     What  is  the  extent  of  the  interest  of  the  United  States? 

A.  American  citizens  have  investments  in  Mexico  to  the 
extent  of  about  one  billion  dollars,  and  there  were  about  50,000 
Americans  actually  resident  below  the  Rio  Grande.  Some  of 
their  investments  are  large  and  some  are  small;  our  citizens 
have  great  and  small  ranches  and  mining  properties,  and  they 
also  have  agricultural  farms  and  little  retail  stores.  Americans 
are  in  business  in  Mexico  as  they  are  in  New  York,  Illinois  or 
California.  Practically  all  of  the  development  of  Mexico  has 
been  due  to  the  brains  and  energy  of  American  men.  It  was  the 
Americans  who  put  Mexico  on  the  map. 

Q.     Who  and  what  created  the  Mexican  question  as  it  now 
exis'ts  ? 

A.  The  present  Mexican  ques'tion  was  created  solely  by  the 
Democratic  administration's  failure  to  discharge  the  first  duty  of 
government,  i.  e.,  to  protect  its  citizens ;  and  second,  by  unde- 
fensible  intervention  in  the  internal  domestic  affairs  of  Mexico, 
first  in  our  notes  to  Huerta.  and  then  by  armed  intervention  at 
Vera  Cruz,  a  "War  in  the  service  of  humanity"  (Carranza  and 
Villa)  as  expressed  by  President  Wilson,  and  by  the  efforts  of 
President  Wilson  'to  tell  Mexicans  what  kind  of  a  government 
they  should  have,  and  who  should  not  be  their  President.  By 
first  encouraging  one  rebel  favorite  and  then  another,  and  by  con- 
tinuous intermeddling.   President  Wilson   prevented  any  kind  of 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         155 

government  in  Mexico,  and  in  its  place  came  anarchy,  with  its 
trail  of  murder,  arson  and  rape.  The  present  question  is  to 
subdue  the  bandits  that  four  years  of  lawlessness  have  created, 
to  save  the  little  which  has  noc  already  been  destroyed,  and  to 
build  a  new  Mexico  on  the  ruins. 

Q.  What  has  been  the  net  result  of  nearly  four  years  of 
President  Wilson's  dealings  with  Mexico  in  human  lives  and 
in  dollars  and  cents? 

A.  During  the  four  years  that  are  almost  gone  Mexico  as 
a  plaice  to  live  or  do  business  in  has  been  practically  wiped  out. 
The  Americans,  being  refused  the  protection  of  their  Govern- 
ment and  told  to  get  one,  have  abandoned  their  homes,  their 
shops,  their  factories,  their  farms,  and  their  mines;  those  that 
had  jobs  have  lost  'them.  They  have  come  back  to  the  United 
States  with  only  the  clothing  on  their  backs.  Not  all  have 
come  back — some  four  or  five  hundred  of  them  were  butchered 
by  bandits  and  left  'co  rot  where  the  bullets  found  them.  The 
Americans  have  lost  all  that  they  had;  those  who  got  out  were 
thankful  to  have  their  lives. 

Americans  and  foreigners  owned  and  operated  75  per  cent,  of 
the  revenue  producing,  taxpaying  properties  of  Mexico,  includ- 
ing factories,  railroads,  electric  light  and  power  plants,  mines, 
etc.,  etc. 

Of  the  total  taxpaying  revenue  producing  property  in  Mexico, 
Americans  owned  at  least  50  per  cent.,  other  foreigners  25  per 
cent.,  the  Mexicans  25  per  cent.  The  Mexicans  owned  large 
stretches  of  land  used  for  grazing,  etc.,  paying  but  little  tax  and 
necessitating  the  employment  of  comparatively  few  men. 

When  Americans  were  compelled  co  leave  Mexico,  bringing 
out  their  skilled  foremen,  their  works  were  shut  down  and  over 
500,000  Mexican  employees  thrown  out  of  employment;  while  by 
the  closing  of  the  works  of  other  foreigners  at  least  250,000 
more  Mexicans  were  deprived  of  an  opportunity  to  earn  a  living; 
thus  at  least  750,000  men  whose  wages,  by  investment  of  Ameri- 
can and  foreign  capital  had  it  been  increased  between  the  years 
1884  and  1910,  from  the  average  sum  of  fifteen  cents  per  day  to 
the  average  of  one  dollar  and  fifty  cents  per  day,  were  de- 
prived of  any  opportunity  to  earn  a  living  except  as  expressed 
by  a  Mexican  peon  "by  carrying  a  carbine  for  Carranza,"  or 
Villa,  or  Zapata,  or  some  other  bandit  leader.  Not  a  Mexican 
employed  by  an  American  in  Mexico,  in  mining  or  any  other 
work,  voluntarily  quit  such  employment  to  engage  in  this  revo- 
lution, and  the  workmen  have  only  taken  part  in  the  revolution 
when  the  work  in  which  they  were  employed  was  shut  down  and 
they  were  compelled  to  seek  bread  for  themselves  and  families 
by  joining  some  bandit. 

Every  Mexican  who  had  anything  has  l^st  it;  all  of  the  men 
of  substance  have  either  been  murdered  or  gotten  away  before 
they  were  murdered.  Their  property  has  been  confiscated  by 
bandit  leader  after  bandit  leader.  Some  two  hundred  thousand 
Mexicans  have  been  killed;  the  number  of  women — young  girls, 
nuns,  old  women — who  have  been  r;.vished,  is  beyond  estimate. 

Mexico  is  bankrupt,  its  railroads  have  been  destroyed  and 
the  common  people  are  starving.  North,  South,  East  and 
West — Mexico  is  a  wreck.     Thus  has  humanity  been  served. 

Q.  Has  Mexico  ever  had  a  democratic  government  or  an 
honest  election  and  do  the  people  know  what  democracy 
means? 

A.  The  Mexican  Constitution  has  never  been  more  than  a 
name  and  the  people  have  never  exercised  the  right  to  vote. 
Only  a  small  per  cent  of  the  population  of  15,000,000  can 
read  or  write.  The  balance  are  densely  ignorant;  the  greater 
part  of  them  neither  know  nor  care  who  is  President  so  long 
ns  they  are  allowed  to  work  in  peace. 

The    condition    of    the    people     1?    deplorable    and    they    are 


156         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

greatly  in  need  of  educatio'ii  and  an  opportunity  to  go  forward 
in  the  world.  But,  because  they  are  in  need,  'chey  have  been 
exploited  by  those  who  seek  to  control  the  government  for  their 
own  ends.  It  makes  little  difference  what  kind  of  a  platform 
a  Mexican  President  goes  in  on — he  always  finds  it  necessary 
to  create  a  military  despotism  in  order  to  hold  the  office.  Por- 
firio  Diaz  went  in  on  a  platform  of  "no  re-election"  and  had 
himself  re-elected  for  thirty  years.  "Effective  suffrage  and 
no  re-election"  was  the  Madero  slo'gan ;  suffrage  was  a  joke 
under  Madero  and  when  he  was  thrown  out  of  office  he  was 
working  on  a  plan  to  succeed  himself.  Felix  Diaz  overthrew 
him  on  a  cry  of  "Peace  and  Justi'ce !"  Carranza  bid  for  favor 
on  his  "Constitution"  and,  as  soon  as  he  reached  Mexico  City, 
suspended  the  Constitution  and  Mexico  is  now  governed  solely 
by    despotic  decree. 

The  fighting  in  Mexioo  has  been  between  the  "Ins"  and  the 
"Outs."  At  no  time  has  as  much  as  i  per  cent  of  the  population 
been  under  arms.  The  soldiers  are  only  bandits  and  they  fight 
as  readily  for  one  leader  as  another;  the  leader  who  can  give 
the  loot  has  the   soldiers. 

The  revolutions  of  the  past  four  years  have  done  nothing 
toward  helping  the  people  to  gain  an  idea  of  democracy.  Not 
a  school  house  has  been  built  in  Mexico  since  the  fall  of  Diaz 
and  an  eldction  has  never  been  held  at  which  .nore  than 
a  fraction  of  the  people  voted.  At  the  time  of  Madero's  elec- 
tion the  total  vote  was  only  15,000  and  even  that  vote  was 
not  counted  until  after  Madero  had  been  declared  President. 
The  result  of  a  Mexican  election  is  always  determined  in 
advance  and  the  actual  balloting  is  a  farce. 

Q.  What  was  the  situation  in  Mexico  when  President  Wilson 
took  office  on   March  4,   1913? 

A.  Back  in  May,  igii,  Porforio  Diaz  had  resigned  and  Fran- 
cisco de  la  Barra,  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  had,  by 
the  MexiVan  law,  succeeded  to  his  place.  Francisco  I.  Madero 
was  elected  President  on  a  reform  platform  and  took  office  on 
November  9.  191  t.  During  the  Afadero  rule,  disorders  were 
frequent  and  on  February  9.  1913,  a  revolt,  headed  by  General 
Felix  Diaz,  broke  out  in  Mexico  City.  On  February  19,  Madero 
resigned  and  Pedro  Lascurian,  as  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
became  president;  he  appointed  General  Huerta,  the  head  of 
the  Madero  Army,  as  the  ranking  minister  of  his  cabinet,  and 
then  resigned  so  that  General  Huerta  might  become  president. 

ATadero  was  made  prisoner  and,  in  the  course  of  his  arrest, 
he  shot  two  army  officers.  On  February  22,  while  being  taken 
from  the  National  Palace  to  the  Penitentiarv,  Madero  was 
killed. 

Huerta  was  thus,  under  the  forms  of  the  laws  and  constitution. 
President  of  Mexico  when  President  Wilson  took  office  on 
March  4.  The  only  rebellion  was  that  of  Carranza,  who  was 
associated  with  Villa,  and  that  of  Zapata.  Villa  was  an  escaped 
jail  bird  and  Carranza  had  rebelled  when  General  Huer'ta  re- 
fused to  grant  him  an  amnesty.  Carranza  was  without  a  supply 
of  arms  and  ammunition  and  had  no  funds. 

Q.  Was  President  Wilson  sincere  in  his  reasons  for  not  giv- 
ing recognition  to   Huerta? 

A.  President  Wilson  announced  that  he  would  not  recognize 
any  government  founded  upon  force,  but  he  promptly  recognized 
the  new  Presidemts  of  Peru  and  Hayti,  although  both  these 
governments  had  been  established  by  force. 

President  Wilson  also  stated  that  Huerta  was  a  -  military 
despot,  and  could  not  therefore  be  accorded  recognition,  which 
would  be  reserved  for  a  (constitutional  government.  But  on 
February  12,  1916,  Secretary  Lansing  reported  to  the  White 
House  the  following  state  of  affairs  in  the  Carranza  govern- 
ment : 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         157 

"It  can  not  be  said  that  the  de  facto  government  of  Mexico 
is  a  constitutional  government.  The  de  facto  government,  like 
the  majority  of  revolutionary  governments,  is  of  a  military 
character.     *     *     * 

And  '[hereupon   President  Wilson   recognized  Carranza ! 

Is  this  sincerity? 

Q.  What  was  the  controlling  influence  on  President  Wilson 
when  he  firs'c  beg^n  to  interfere  in  Mexico? 

A.  President  Wilson  had  been  visited  by  the  followers  of 
Madero  before  he  took  office  and  had  been  inflamed  against 
Huerta,  whom  he  determined  to  destroy  and  finally  did  de- 
stroy. A  personal  dead  set  against  Huerta,  to  The  exiclusion 
of  every  American  interest,  dominated  Dr.  Wilson.  This  was 
carried  so  far  that  after  Huerta  left  Mexico  and  came  to  'che 
United  States  he  was  imprisoned  on  the  border  and  held  in  jail 
without  bail  a-nd  without  a  hearing  un'cil  he  died. 

Throughout  his  whole  Administration  President  Wilson  has 
taken  his  information  from  Mexicans  in  preference  to  Ameri- 
cans. The  protests  of  American  refugees  were  me'c  with  the 
declaration  that  they  had  'no  business  being  in  Mexico. 

Q.  In  what  way  is  President  Wilson  responsible  for  anarchy 
in  Mexico? 

A.  President  Wilson  encouraged  the  rebellion  of  Carranza 
and  Villa  and  raised  the  embargo  on  arms  ir?:o  Mexico  in  order 
that  Villa,  who  was  then  in  favor,  might  be  will  supplied. 

The  attitude  of  our  Government  eventually  deprived  Huerta 
of  the  sinews  of  war  and  brought  about  his  downfall,  and  with 
him  the  downfall  of  all  organized  governmen'-c  in  Mexico.  Since 
the  resignation  of  Huerta  and  his  withdrawal  from  the  scene 
Mexico  has  been  a  chaos,  a  charnel  house,  the  scene  of  a  savage 
and  barbarous  confliict,  in  which  the  interests  of  all  classes  of 
society,  rich  and  poor,  have  been  sacrificed  to  the  selfish  am- 
bitions of  rival  bandit  chiefs,  who  are  not  only  enemies  of  law 
and  order,  bu'c  of  decency,  virtue,  religion  and  industry.  Nine 
of  these  chieftains  have  had  nominal  control  over  Mexico 
since  Huerta  fell,  and  to-day  sixteen  different  chieftains  in 
different  parts  of  the  country  are  contendioig  for  supremac3\ 

Q.  President  Wilson  has  stated  that  he  has  refused  to  "butt" 
into  Mexiico.     Is  this  an  accurate  statement  of  his  actions? 

A.  President  Wilson  has  intervened  continuously  in  Mexico, 
but  he*  has  always  intervened  in  the  aid  of  destruction,  and 
never  fo  help  construction.  He  has  "butted  in"  and  slunk  out. 
Here  is  the  record : 

(a)  By  announcing  that  he  would  not  recognize  Huerta,  and 
that  an  electiom  must  be  held  at  which  Huerta  would  not  be  a 
candidate.  This  was  a  gross  intervention  by  attempting  to  dic- 
tate a  government  to  Mexico. 

(b)  By  sending  John  Lind  as  a  personal  representative,  with- 
out the  approval  or  consent  of  the  Senate,  to  inform  Mexico 
what  sort  of  a  government  would  be  personally  pleasing  to  him. 

(c)  By  endeavoring  to  prevent  Huerta  getting  money  from 
foreign   nations. 

(d)  By  lifting  the  embargo  on  the  import  of  munitions  into 
Mexico.  This  was  an  intervention  to  arm  the  rebels  against 
the  government.  President  Taft  had  laid  the  embargo  in 
order  to  help  preserve  order. 

Ce)  The  attack  on  Vera  Cruz. 

Our  war  vessels  were  sent  to  Mexico  for  the  purpose  of  com- 
pelling a  person  whom  we  had  not  recognized  as  President  to 
salute  the  flag  The  lives  of  19  American  sailors  and  three  hun- 
dred Mexicans  were  sacrificed  in  the  attempt  to  prevent  the 
landing  of  a  cargo  of  ammunition  for  Huerta,  which  was  after- 
wards landed  at  Puerto  Mexico,  and  reached  Huerta's  hands. 
As  a  reflex  action  of  thi?  armed  intervention  into  the  affairs  of 
Mexico,  Americans  were  attacked  all  over  the  ^country,  and  at 


158         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Tampico  2,400  of  them  collecced  at  one  place  for  protection 
against  the  mob,  which  was  assembling  with  violent  intentions. 
At  this  critical  moment  our  naval  vessels,  under  orders  from 
Washington,  sailed  away,  to  avoid  a  conflict ;  to  the  activity  and 
bravery  of  che  captains  of  British  and  German  ships,  then  in  the 
harbor,  these  people  owed  their  escape  from  massacre. 

This  was  neither  intervention  nor  war,  according  to  the  new 
Wilsonian  dictionary.  Here  is  what  the  President  said  it  was 
over  the  dead  bodies  of  the  sailors: 

"We  have  gone  down  into  Mexico  to  serve  mankind.  If  we 
can  find  out  the  way.  We  do  not  want  to  fight  the  Mexicans. 
We  want  to  serve  the  Mexicans,  if  we  can,  because  we  know 
how  we  would  like  to  be  free,  and  how  much  we  would  like  to 
be  served  if  there  were  friends  standing  by  in  such  case  ready 
to  serve  us." 

And  having  given  this  explanation  of  how  we  had  served 
Mexicans  by  killing  three  hundred  of  them,  he  comforted  the 
relatives  of  the  dead  with  this : 

"I  fancy  there  are  some  things  just  as  hard  to  do  as  'to  go 
under  fire.  *  *  *  When  they  shoot  at  you  they  can  only 
take  your  natural  life;  when  they  sneer  at  you,  they  can  wound 
your  living  heart.  *  *  *  ."  We  left  Vera  Cruz  without  the 
salute. 

(e)  On  June  2,  1915,  President  Wilson  served  notice  on  all  the 
bandit  chiefs  of  Mexico  that  they  must  get  together  and  restore 
peace,  else  'the  Government  of  the  United  States  would  take  a 
hand.  Carranza  was  the  only  chief  who .  refused  to  join  in 
such  a  conference.  He  was  later  recognized  as  the  head  of 
Mexico ! 

(f)  The  punitive  expedition  after  Villa  to  avenge  the  Co- 
lumbus massacre.  We  have  invaded  Mexico,  fought  several  bat- 
tles and  are  coming  out  of  Mexico,  just  as  we  came  out  of  Vera 
Cruz,  without  accomplishing  that  which  the  President  said  that 
we  went  in  for. 

President  Wilson  may  be  correct  in  his  statement  that  he  has 
never  intervened  in  Mexico.  He  may  have  his  own  personal  and 
peculiar  definition  of  "intervention." 

Q.  Has  President  Wilson  served  humanity  in  Mexico,  and 
has  that  thought  been  controlling  his  actions? 

A.  President  Wilson  has  served  humanity  only  in  the  per- 
sons of,  first.  Villa,  and  then  Carranza,  to  whom  he  ex- 
tended his  favors.  If  the  murder  and  rape  of  Americans 
and  'the  destruction  of  their  property,  if  the  murder  and  rape 
of  Mexicans  and  the  plundering  of  their  possessions,  if  the 
wasting  of  a  country  is  servinig  humanity — -then  President 
Wilson  has  served  humanity  in  Mexico. 

Q.  How  have  Americans  been  treated  in  Mexico  and  in 
Washington  during  the  Wilson  Administra'tion? 

A.  Americans  have  been  held  in  contempt  throughout 
Mexico  and  no  indignity  has  been  too  great  to  be  put  upon 
them.  The  Mexicans  firmly  believe  that  the  United  States  is 
afraid  to  fight  in  Mexico — because  we  have  backed  down  in  all 
that  we  have  attempted.  Whatever  citizens  of  the  United 
States  have  come  safely  out  of  Mexico  in  the  last  two  years, 
have  come  out  largely  because  of  the  protection  afforded  them 
hy  the  representatives  of  England.  Germany,  and  Japan. 

The  appeals  of  Americans  at  Washington  are  given  as  little 
attention  as  in  Mexico.  "Serving  Humanity"  has  not  included 
serving  Americans;  they  were  told  to  get  out  of  Mexico,  to 
drop  their  homes  and  their  business — for  the  United  States 
would  not  be  responsible  for  them.  It  has  been  "open  season" 
all  the  year  round  for  Americans  in  ^lexico  during  the  Wilson 
Administration. 

Q.  In  what  value  have  American  lives  and  property  in  Mex- 
ico been  held   by   President  Wilson? 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT -BOOK     lUKi         1&9 

A.  No  attempt  whatsoever  has  been  made  to  save  or  to 
avenge  Amerkan  lives  or  property  in  Mexico.  We  went  into 
Vera  Cruz  to  have  a  flag  saluted;  we  crossed  the  border  to 
catch  an  enemy  of  Carranza  who  had  invaded  the  United 
States.  President  Wilson  has  never  moved  to  avenge  or  to 
demand  indemnity  for  an  American  murdered  on  Mexican  soil. 

The  value  of  American  life  and  property  in  Mexico,  as 
viewed  in  Washington,  has  been  zero. 

Q.  Has  President  Wilson  ever  permitted  the  truth  to  be 
known  about  Mexico,  and  what  he  was  doing  there? 

A.  President  Wilson  has  sen't  a  long  line  of  personal  repre- 
sentatives to  Mexico,  but  he  has  never  made  public  a  line 
from  any  of  their  reports.  The  State  Department  has  neyer 
published  a  complete  list  of  Americans  killed  in  Mexico. 
When  'the  Senate  of  the  United  States  asked  for  the  full  facts 
on  Mexico  and  for  all  the  official  correspondence— it  was  re- 
fused. 

The   policy   in    Mexico    has    been   personal   and   secret. 

Q.  Has  President  Wilson  been  frank  in  his  public  state- 
ments concerning   Mexico? 

A.  Here  are  a  few  examples:  President  Wilson  to  a  joint 
session  of  Congress,  August  2T,  1913: 

"For  the  rest,  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  exercise  the  authority 
conferred  upon  me  by  the  law  of  March  14,  1912,  to  see  to  Hi 
that  mei'ther  side  to  the  struggle  now  going  on  in  Mexico  re- 
ceives any  assistance  from  this  side  of  the  border.  I  shall 
follow  the  best  practice  of  nations  in  the  matter  of  neutrality  by 
forbidding  the  exportation  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war  of 
any  kind  from  the  United  States  to  any  part  of  the  Republic 
of  Mexico— a  policy  suggested  by  several  interesting  ^  prece- 
dents and  certainly  dictated  by  many  manifest  considerations  of 
practical  expediency.  We  !can  'not  in  the  circumstances  be  the 
partisans  of  either  party  to  the  contest  that  now  distracts 
Mexico,  or  constitute  ourselves  the  virtual  umpire  between 
them.  , 

At  a  joint  session  of  Congress,  April  20,  1914:  "I  therefore 
come  to  ask  your  approval  that  I  should  use  the  armed  forces 
of  the  United  States  in  such  ways  and  to  such  an  extent  as  may 
be  necessary  to  obtain  from  General  Huerta  and  his  adherents 
the  fullest  recognition  of  the  rights  and  dignity  of  the  United 
States,  even  amidst  the*  distressing  conditions  now  unhappily 
obtaiining  in  Mexico." 

And  again  on  December  7,  1915:  "We  have  been  put  to  the 
test  in  the  case  of  Mexico,  and  we  have  stood  the  test.  Whether 
we  have  benefited  Mexico  by  the  course  we  have  pursued  re- 
mains to  be  seen.  Her  fortunes  are  in  her  own  hands.  But 
we  have  at  least  proved  that  we  will  not  take  advantage  of  her 
in  her  distress  and  undertake  to  impose  upon  her  an  order  and 
government  of  our  own  choosing." 

In  an  official  interview  published  on  July  16.  1916,  Secretary 
Lane  said:  "We  did  not  go  to  Vera  Cruz  to  force  Huerta  to 
salute  the  flag.  PVe  did  go  there  to  show  Mexico  that  we  were 
in  earnest  in  our  demand  that  Huerta  must  gOy  and  he  went  he- 
fore  our  forces  were  withdrawn.  The  occupation  of  Vera 
Cruz  was  carried  out  without  difficulty,  with  the  loss  of  nineteen 
of  our  brave  sailors  and  marines,  and  if  aggression  and  inter- 
vention had  been  our  aim,  we  could  have  easily  seized  the  rail- 
road to  Mexico  City    *    *     *     and  occupied  the  capital." 

On  December  2,  1913,  President  Wilson  told  Congress : 
There  can  be  no  certain  prospect  of  peace  in  America  until  Gen- 
eral Huerta  has  surrenderd  his  usurped  authority  in  Mexico; 
until  it  is  understood  on  all  hands,  indeed,  that  such  pre- 
tended governments  will  not  be  icountenanced  or  dealt  with 
by  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  We  are  the  friends  of 
constitutional     government    in     America ;     we     are    more   th^n 


IGO         REPUBLIC- AN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

friends;  we  are  its  champio:  s,  because  in  no  other  way  can  our 
neighbors,  to  whom  we  would  wish  in  every  way  to  make 
proof  of  our  friendship,  work  out  their  own  development  in 
peace  and  liberty.  Mexico  has  ..o  government.  The  attempt 
to  maintain  one  at  the  City  of  Mexico  has  broken  down,  and 
a  mere  military  despo'rism  has  been  set  up  which  has  hardly 
more  than  the  semblance  of  national  authoriy. 

Secretary  Lansing  said  to  the  President,  who  endorsed  his 
words  in  a  message  to  the  Senate,  February  14,  1916 :  "It  can 
not  be  said  that  the  de  facto  government  of  Mexico  is  a  con- 
stitutional government.  The  de  facto  government,  like  the 
majority  of  revolutionary  governments,  is  of  a  military  char- 
acter but,  as  already  seated,  that  government  has  committed 
itself  to  the  holding  of  elections,  and  it  is  confidently  expected 
that  the  present  government  will,  within  a  reasonable  time, 
be  merged  in  or  succeded  by  a  government  organized  under  the 
constitution  and  laws  of  Mexico. 

Q.  Who  is  responsible  for  the  arms  and  ammunition  with 
which  'the  Mexicans  have  killed  Americans  and  each  other  dur- 
ing the  Wilson  Administration? 

A.  President  Wilson  raised  the  embargo.  Here  is  what  an 
American  resident  in  Mexico  says  about  it : 
,  "There  is  not  a  crime  committed  in  Mexico  to-day  tha't  is 
not  made  possible  by  American  bullets  in  the  canana  of  the 
criminal.  Every  raping  is  backed  with  American  bullets. 
Every  murder  is  committed  with  'them.  Every  shot  fired  across 
our  border  at  soldiers,  militiamen  or  civilians,  is  Ameican 
made.  The  country  has  been  stripped  of  food,  sold  to  buy 
American  bullets.  The  work-oxen  have  been  killed  and  skinned 
for  the  sale  of  the  hide  to  buy  more  American  bullets.  So  the 
starvation  of  the  lovable,  long  suffering,  inert  Indians — the  bes't 
class  in  Mexico — is  due  to  the  American  cartridge  trade.  For 
the  purchase  of  American  bullets  and  rifles,  the  food  has  been 
sent  out  of  the  country  and  the  growing  of  more  food  has  been 
made  impossible.  The  trade  should  have  been  stopped  long  ago. 
Mexico  would  now  be  at  peace  and  there  would  be  food  in  the 
land." 

Q.  What  has  been  the  relation  between  the  words  and  the 
deeds  of  President  Wilson  in  Mexico? 

A.  He  said  that  Huerta  must  salute  the  flag;  the  fleet  and 
the  army  went  to  Vera  Cruz. 

The  flag  was  not  saluted,  and  we  left  when  Carranza  said 
"Go." 

He  said  tha't  the  factions  must  join  in  a  general  conference 
and  agree  upon  a  leader.  Carranza  wquld  not  agree  to  the  plan. 
He  recognized  Carranza. 

He  sent  the  troops  across  the  border  to  catch  Villa.  Villa 
has  not  been  caught.  Carranza  said  the  troops  must  withdraw. 
They  are  withdrawing. 

Q.  Has  the  result  of  President  Wilson's  course  beein  the 
obtaining  of  a  government  in  Mexico  which  agrees  with 
American  ideals  of  democracy? 

A.  Mexico  'to-day  is  without  constitution,  congress  or 
courts.  The  sole  source  of  rule  is  Carranza  and  his  decrees  are 
enforced  by  bayonets. 

Q,  How  have  our  actions  in  Mexico  been  interpreted  by 
the  South  American  Republics? 

A.^  By  constantly  going  in  and  as  constantly  coming  out  of 
Mexico  we  have  lost  the  respect  of  all  the  States  of  Latin 
America.  They  cannot  fathom  the  motives  of  'the  Wilson 
Administration  and  they  suspect  the  United  States  of  more 
than  mere  incompetency.  They  cannot  conceive  that  the 
blunders  are  not  part  of  some  plan  to  annex  Mexico — -the 
blunders  are  so  vast  as  to  be  beyond  human  comprehension,  and 
that  which  cannot  be  understood  is  suspected. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         161 


Q.  Does  the  Republican  Party  desire  to  intervene  in  Mexico 
or  to  go  to  war  with  Mexiico? 

A.  "The  nation  has  no  policy  of  aggression  towards  Mexico. 
We  have  no  desire  for  any  part  of  her  territory.  We  wish  her 
to  have  peace,  stability  and  prosperity." — The  Hon.  Charles  E. 
Hughes. 


THE  LIND  MISSION 

On  August  2"],  1913,  President  Wilson  addressed  Congress 
in  joint  session  on  the  Mexican  situation,  saying  that  he  had 
taken  the  liberty  of  sending  John  Lind,  formerly  governor  of 
Minnesota,  as  his  personal  spokesman  and  representative,  to 
the  City  of  Mexico,  with  the  following  instructions: 

Press  very  earnestly  upon  the  attention  of  those  who  are  now  exercising 
authority  of  wielding  influence  in  !^exico  the  following  considerations  and 
advice : 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  does  not  feel  at  liberty  any  longer 
to  stand  inactively  by  while  it  becomes  daily  more  and  more  evident 
that  no  real  progress  is  being  made  towards  the  establishment  of  a 
government  at  the  City  of  Mexico  which  the  country  will  obey  and  respect. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  does  not  stand  in  the  same  case 
with  the  other  great  Governments  of  the  world  in  respect  of  what  is 
happening  or  what  is  likely  to  happen  in  Mexico.  We  offer  our  good 
offices,  not  only  because  of  our  genuine  desire  to  play  the  part  of  a 
friend,  but  also  because  we  are  expected  by  the  powers  of  the  world  to 
act   as   Mexico's  nearest  friend. 

We  wish  to  act  in  these  circumstances  in  the  spirit  of  the  most  earnest 
and  disinterested  friendship.  It  is  our  purpose  in  whatever  we  do  or 
propose  in  this  perplexing  and  distressing  situation  not  only  to  pay  the 
most  scrupulous  regard  to  the  sovereignty  and  independence  of  Mexico — 
that  we  take  as  a  matter  of  course  to  which  we  are  bound  by  every 
obligation  of  right  and  honor — but  also  to  give  every  possible  evidence 
that  we  act  in  the  interest  of  Mexico  alone,  and  not  in  the  interest  of 
any  person  or  body  of  persons  who  may  have  personal  or  property  claims 
in  Mexico  which  they  may  feel  that  they  have  the  right  to  press.  We 
are  seeking  to  counsel  Mexico  for  her  own  good  and  in  the  interest  of 
her  own  peace,  and  not  for  any  other  purpose  whatever.  The  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  would  deem  itself  discredited  if  it  had  any 
selfish  or  ulterior  purpose  in  transactions  where  the  peace,  happiness, 
and  prosperity  of  a  whole  people  are  involved.  It  is  acting  as  its  friend- 
ship for  Mexico,  not  as  any   selfish  interest,   dictates. 

The  present  situation  in  Mexico  is  incompatible  with  the  fulfillment  of 
international  obligations  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  with  the  civilized  de- 
velopment of  Mexico  herself,  and  with  the  maintenance  of  tolerable  po- 
litical and  economic  conditions  in  Central  America.  It  is  upon  no  common 
occasion,  therefore,  that  the  United  States  offers  her  counsel  and  assist- 
ance.    All  America  cries  out  for  a  settlement. 

A  satisfactory  settlement  seems   to  us  to  be  conditioned   on — 

(a)  An  immediate  cessation  of  fighting  throughout  Mexico,  a  definite 
armistice  solemnly  entered  into  and  scrupulously  observed. 

(b)  Security  given  for  an  early  and  free  election  in  which  all  will  agree 
to  take  part. 

(c)  The  consent  of  General  Huerta  to  bind  himself  not  to  be  a  candidate 
for  election  as  President  of  the  Republic  at  this  election ;  and 

(d)  The  agreement  of  all  parties  to  abide  by  the  results  of  the  election 
and  co-operate  in  the  most  loyal  way  in  organizing  and  supporting  the 
new  administration. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  will  be  glad  to  play  any  part 
in  this  settlement  or  in  its  carrying  out  which  it  can  play  honorably 
and  consistently  with  international  right.  It  pledges  itself  to  recognize 
and  in  every  way  possible  and  proper  to  assist  the  administration 
chosen  and  set  up  in  Mexico  in  the  way  and  on  the  conditions  suggested. 

Taking  all  the  existing  conditions  into  consideration,  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  can  conceive  of  no  reasons  sufficient  to  justify  those 
who  are  now  attempting  to  shape  the  policy  or  exercise  the  authority  of 
Mexico  in  declining  the  offices  of  friendship  thus  offered.  Can  Mexico 
give  the  civilized  world  a  satisfactory  reason  for  rejecting  our  good 
offices?  If  Mexico  can  suggest  any  better  way  in  which  to  show  our 
friendship,  serve  the  people  of  Mexico,  and  meet  our  international  obliga- 
tions, we  are  more  than  willing  to  consider  the  suggestion. 

In  this  address  the  President  emphasized  his  watchful  wait- 
ing and  inconsistency  as  follows: 

While  we  wait  the  contest  of  the  rival  forces  will  undoubt- 
edly for  a  little  while  be  sharper  than  ever,  just  because  it 
will  be  plain  that  an  end  must  be  made  of  the  existing  situ- 
ation, and  that  very  promptly;  and  with  the  increased  activity 


162         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

of  the  contending  factions  will  come,  it  is  to  be  feared,  in- 
creased danger  to  the  noncombatants  in  Mexico  as  well  at 
to  those  actually  in  the  field  of  battle.  The  position  of  out- 
siders is  always  particularly  trying  and  full  of  hazard  where 
there  is  civil  strife  and  a  whole  country  is  upset.  We  should 
earnestly  urge  all  Americans  to  leave  Mexico  at  once,  and 
should  assist  them  to  get  away  in  every  way  possible — not 
because  we  would  mean  to  slacken  in  the  least  our  efforts 
to  safeguard  their  lives  and  their  interests,  but  because  it  is 
imperative  that  they  should  take  no  unnecessary  risks  when 
it  is  physically  possible  for  them  to  leave  the  country.  We 
should  let  every  one  who  assumes  to  exercise  authority  in  any 
part  of  Mexico  know  in  the  most  unequivocal  way  that  we 
shall  vigilantly  watch  the  fortunes  of  those  Americans  who 
cannot  get  away,  and  shall  hold  those  responsible""  for  their 
sufferings  and  losses  to  a  definite  reckoning.  That  can  be 
and  will  be  made  plain  beyond  the  possibility  of  a  misunder- 
standing. 

For  the  rest,  I  deem  it  my  duty  to  exercise  the  authority 
conferred  upon  me  by  the  law  of  March  14,  1912,  to  see  to  it 
that  neither  side  to  the  struggle  now  going  on  in  Mexico 
receive  any  assistance  from  this  side  the  border.  I  shall  follow 
the  best  practice  of  nations  in  the  matter  of  neutrality  by  for- 
bidding the  exportation  of  arms  or  munitions  of  war  of  any 
kind  from  the  United  States  to  any  part  of  the  Republic  of 
Mexico — a  policy  suggested  by  several  interesting  precedents 
and  certainly  dictated  by  many  manifest  considerations  of 
practical  expediency.  We  cannot  in  the  circumstances  be  the 
partisans  of  either  party  to  the  contest  that  now  distracts 
Mexico,  or  constitute  ourselves  the  virtual  umpire  between 
them. 


REPLY  OF  SENOR  GAMBOA  TO  PROPOSALS  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  GOVERNMENT  CONVEYED  THROUGH 
JOHN  LIND. 

Mexico,  August   16,    I9i3' 

Sir — On  the  6th  instant,  pursuant  to  telegraphic  instructions  from  his 
Government,  the  charge  d'affaires  ad  interim  of  the  United  States  of 
America  verbally  informed  Mr.  Manuel  Garza  Aldape,  then  in  charge  of 
the  department  of  foreign  affairs,  of  your  expected  arrival  in  this  Republic 
with  a  mission  of  peace.  As  fortunately  neither  then  nor  to-day  has  there 
existed  a  state  of  war  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  the 
United  Mexican  States,  my  Government  was  very  much  surprised  to 
learn  that  your  mission  near  us  should  be  referred  to  as  one  of  peace. 
This  brought  forth  the  essential  condition  which  my  Government  ventured 
to  demand  in  its  unnumbered  note  of  the  6th  instant  addressed  to  the 
aforesaid  charge  d'affaires — "that  if  you  do  not  see  fit  to  properly  establish 
your  official  character"  your  sojourn  could  not  be  pleasing  to  us  according 
to  the  meaning  which  diplomatic  usage   gives  to  this  word. 

Fortunately,  from  the  first  interview  I  had  the  pleasure  to  have  with 
you,  your  character  as  confidential  agent  of  your  Government  was  fully 
established,  inasmuch  as  the  letter  you  had  the  kindness  to  show  me, 
though  impersonally  addressed,  was  signed  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  for  whom  we  entertain  the  highest  respect. 

It  is  not  essential  at  this  time,  Mr.  Confidential  Agent,  that  I  should 
recall  the  whole  of  our  first  conversation.  I  will  say,  however,  that  I 
found  you  to  be  a  well-informed  man  and  animated  by  the  sincerest 
wishes  that  the  unfortunate  tension  of  the  present  relations  between  your 
Government  and  mine  should  reach  a  prompt  and  satisfactory   solution. 

During    our    second    interview,    which,    like    the    first    one    of    the    14th 

instant,    was    held    at    my    private    ,    you    saw    fit,    after    all    intent, 

honest  and  frank  exchange  of  opinion  concerning  the  attitudes  of  our 
respective  Governments  which  did  not  lead  us  to  any  decision,  to  deliver 
to  me  the  note  containing  the  instructions,  also  sigped  by  the  President 
of  the  United  States.  Duly  authorized  by  the  President  of  the  Republic, 
pursuant  to  the  unanimous  approval  of  the  Cabinet,  which  was  convened 
for  the  purpose,  I  have  the  honor  to  make  a  detailed  reply  to  such  in- 
structions. 

The  Government  of  Mexico  has  paid  due  attention  to  the  advic«  and 
considerations  expressed  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States ;  has 
done  this  on  account  of  three  principal  reasons :  First,  because,  as  stated 
before,  Mexico  entertains  the  highest  respect  for  the  personality  of  His 
Excellency  Woodrow  Wilson ;  second,  because  certain  European  and 
American  Governments,  with  which  Mexico  cultivates  the  closest  rela- 
tions   of   international    amity,    having   in    a    most    delicate,    respectful    way, 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         163 

highly  gratifying  to  us,  made  use  of  their  good  offices  to  the  end  that 
Mexico  should  accord  you  a  hearing,  inasmuch  as  you  were  the  bearer 
of  a  private  mission  from  the  President  of  the  United  States;  and,  third, 
because  Mexico  was  anxious,  not  so  much  to  justify  its  attitude  before 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Republic  in  the  present  emergency,  the  great 
majority  of  whom  and  by  means  of  imposing  and  orderly  manifestations, 
have  signified  their  adhesion  and  approval,  as  to  demonstrate  in  every 
way  the  justice  of  its  cause. 

Mexican  Republic 

The  imputation  contained  in  the  first  paragraph  of  your  instructions 
that  no  progress  has  been  made  toward  establishing  in  the  capital  of 
Mexico  a  Government  that  may  enjoy  the  respect  and  obedience  of  the 
Mexican  people  is  unfounded.  In  contradiction  with  their  gross  impu- 
tation, which  is  not  supported  by  any  proofs,  principally  because  there 
are  none,  it  affords  me  pleasure  to  refer,  Mr,  Confidential  Agent,  to 
the  following  facts  which  abound  in  evidence  and  which  to  a  certain 
extent  must  be  known  to  you  by  direct  observation.  The  Mexican  Re- 
public, Mr.  Confidential  Agent,  is  formed  by  2^  States,  3  Territories,  and 
I  Federal  District,  in  which  the  supreme  power  of  the  Republic  has  its 
seat.  Of  these  27  States,  18  of  them,  the  3  Territories,  and  the  Federal 
District  (making  a  total  of  22  political  entities)  are  under  the  absolute 
control  of  the  present  Government,  which,  aside  from  the  above,  exercises 
its  authority  over  almost  every  port  in  the  Republic  and  consequently 
over  the  custom  houses  therein  established.  Its  southern  frontier  is  open 
and  at  peace.  Moreover,  my  Government  has  an  army  of  80,000  men 
in  the  field  with  no  other  purpose  than  to  insure  complete  peace  in  the 
Republic,  the  only  national  aspiration  and  solemn  promise  of  the  present 
provisional  President.  The  above  is  sufficient  to  exclude  any  doubt  that 
my  Government  is  worthy  of  the  respect  and  obedience  of  the  Mexican 
people,  because  the  latter's  consideration  has  been  gained  at  the  cost  of 
the   greatest  sacrifice  and  in  spite  of  the  most  evil   influences. 

My  Government  fails  to  understand  what  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  of  America  means  by  saying  that  it  does  not  find  itself  in  the 
same  case  with  reference  to  the  other  nations  of  the  earth  concerning 
what  is  happening  and  is  likely  to  happen  in  Mexico.  The  conditions 
of  Mexico  at  the  present  time  are  unfortunately  neither  doubtful  nor 
secret;  it  is  afflicted  with  an  internal  strife  which  has  been  raging  almost 
three  years,  and  which  I  can  only  classify  in  these  lines  as  a  fundamental 
mistake.  With  reference  to  what  might  happen  in  Mexico  neither  you, 
Mr.  Confidential  Agent,  nor  I  nor  any  one  else  can  prognosticate,  be- 
cause no  assertion  is  possible  on  incidents  which  have  not  occurred.  On 
the  other  hand,  my  Government  greatly  appreciates  the  good  offices 
tendered  to  it  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  of  America  in  the 
present  cirrcumstances ;  it  recognizes  that  they  are  inspired  by  the  noble 
desire  to  act  as  a  friend  as  well  as  by  the  wishes  of  all  the  other  Govern- 
ments which  expect  the  United  States  to  act  as  Mexico's  nearest  friend. 
But  if  such  good  offices  are  to  be  of  the  character  of  those  now  tendered 
to  us  we  should  have  to  decline  them  in  the  most  categorical  and  definite 
manner. 

Inasmuch  as  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is  willing  to  act  in 
the  most  disinterested  friendship,  it  will  be  difficult  for  it  to  find  a  more 
propitious  opportunity  than  the  following:  If  it  should  only  watch  that 
no  material  and  monetary  assistance  is  given  to  rebels  who  find  refuge, 
conspire,  and  provide  themselves  with  arms  and  food  on  the  other  side 
of  the  border ;  if  it  should  demand  from  its  minor  and  local  authorities 
the  strictest  observance  of  the  neutrality  laws,  I  assure  you,  Mr.  Confi- 
dential Agent,  that  the  complete  pacification  of  this  Republic  would  be 
accomplished  within   a  relatively  short  time. 

I  intentionally  abstain  from  replying  to  the  allusion  that  it  is  the 
purpose  of  the  United  States  of  America  to  show  the  greatest  respect  for 
the  sovereignty  and  independence  of  Mexico,  because,  Mr.  Confidential 
Agent,  there  are  matters  which  not  even  from  the  standpoint  of  the  idea 
itself  could  be  given  an  answer  in  writing. 

His  Excellency,  Mr.  Wilson,  is  laboring  under  a  serious  delusion  when 
he  declares  that  the  present  situation  of  Mexico  is  incompatible  with  the 
compliance  of  her  international  obligations,  with  the  development  of  its 
own  civilization,  and  with  the  required  maintenance  of  certain  political 
and  economical  conditions  tolerable  in  Central  America.  Strongly  back- 
ing that  there  is  a  mistake,  because  to  this  date  no  charge  has  been 
made  by  any  foreign  government  accusing  us  of  the  above  lack  of  com- 
pliance, \ye  are  punctually  meeting  all  of  our  credits ;  we  are  still  main- 
taining diplomatic  missions  cordially  accepted  in  almost  all  the  countries 
of  the  world,  and  we  continue  to  be  invited  to  all  kinds  of  international 
congresses  and  conferences.  With  regard  to  our  interior  development,  the 
following  proof  is  sufficient,  to  wit,  a  contract  has  just  been  signed  with 
Belgian  capitalists  which  means  to  Mexico  the  construction  of  something 
like  5,000  kilometers  of  railway.  In  conclusion,  we  fail  to  see  the  evil 
results,  which  are  prejudicial  only  to  ourselves,  felt  in  Central  America 
by  our  present  domestic  war.  In  one  thing  I  do  agree  with  you,  Mr. 
Confidential  Agent,  and  it  is  that  the  whole  of  America  is  clamoring  for  a 
prompt  solution  of  our  disturbances,  this  being  a  very  natural  sentiment 
if  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  a  country  which  was  prosperous  only  yesterday 
has  been   suddenly  caused  to  suffer  a  great  internal  misfortune. 

Consequently  Mexico  can  not  for  one  moment  take  into  consideration 
the  four  conditions  which  His  Excellency  Mr.  Wilson  has  been  pleased  to 


164        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


propose  through  your  honorable  and  worthy  channel.  I  must  give  you 
the  reasons  for  it :  An  immediate  suspension  of  the  struggle  in  Mexico, 
a  definite  armistice  "solemnly  constructed  and  scrupulously  observed"  is 
not  possible,  as  to  do  this  it  would  be  necessary  thac  there  should  be 
some  one  capable  of  proposing  it  without  causing  a  profound  ofifense  to 
civilization,  to  the  many  bandits  who,  under  this  or  that  pretext,  are 
marauding  toward  the  south  and  committing  the  most  outrageous  depre- 
dations ;  and  I  know  of  no  country  in  the  world,  the  United  States  in- 
cluded, which  may  have  ever  dared  to  enter  into  agreement  or  to 
propose  an  armistice  to  individuals  who,  perhaps  on  account  of  a  physio- 
logical accident,  can  be  found  all  over  the  world  beyond  the  {)ale  of  the 
divine  and  human  laws.  Bandits,  Mr.  Confidential  Agent,  are  not  ad- 
mitted to  armistice ;  the  first  action  against  them  is  one  of  correction,  and 
when  this,  unfortunately,  fails  their  lives  must  be  severed  for  the  sake 
of  the  biological  and  fundamental  principle  then  the  useful  sprouts 
should   grow   and    fructify. 

Regarding  "Rebel" 

With  reference  to  the  rebels  who  style  themselves  "Constitutionalists," 
one  of  the  representatives  of  whom  has  been  given  an  ear  by  Members 
of  the  United  States  Senate,  what  could  there  be  more  gratifying  to  us 
than  if  convinced  of  the  precipice  to  which  we  are  being  dragged  by  the 
resentment  of  their  defeat,  in  a  moment  of  reaction  they  would  depose 
their  rancor  and  add  their  strength  to  ours,  so  that  all  together  we  would 
undertake  the  great  and  urgent  task  of  national  reconstruction?  Un- 
fortunately they  do  not  avail  themselves  of  the  amnesty  law  enacted  by 
the  provisional  government  immediately  after  its  inauguration,  but  on 
the  contrary,  well-known  rebels  holding  elective  positions  in  the  capital 
of  the  Republic  or  profitable  employments,  left  the  country  without 
molestation,  notwithstanding  the  information  which  the  Government  had 
that  they  were  going  to  foreign  lands  to  work  against  its  interests,  many 
of  whom  have  taken  upon  themselves  the  unfortunate-  task  of  exposing 
the  mysteries  and  infirmities  from  which  we  are  suffering,  the  same  as 
any  other  Iniman    congregations. 

Were  we  to  agree  with  them  to  the  armistice  suggested,  they  would, 
ipso  facto,  recognize  their  belligerency,  and  this  is  something  which  can 
not  be  done  for  many  reasons  which  can  not  escape  the  perspicacity  of 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  of  America,  which  to  this  day,  and 
publicly,  at  least,  has  classed  them  as  rebels  just  the  same  as  we  have. 
And  it  is  an  accepted  doctrine  that  no  armistice  can  be  concerted  with 
rebels. 

The  assurance  asked  of  my  Government  that  it  should  promptly  con- 
vene to  free  elections  is  the  most  evident  proof  and  the  most  unequivocal 
concession  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  considers  it  legally 
and  solidly  constituted  and  that  it  is  exercising,  like  all  those  of  its  class, 
acts  of  such  importance  as  to  indicate  the  perfect  civil  operation  of  a 
sovereign  nation.  Inasmuch  as  our  laws  already  provide  such  assurance, 
there  is  no  fear  that  the  latter  may  not  be  observed  during  the  coming 
elections,  and  while  the  present  Government  is  of  a  provisional  character 
it  will  cede  its  place  to  the  definite  Government  which  may  be  elected  by 
the  people.  * 

The  request  that  General  Victoriano  Huerta  should  agree  not  to  appear 
as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  of  the  Republic  in  the  coming  elections 
can  not  be  taken  into  consideration,  because,  aside  from  its  strange  and 
unwarranted  character,  there  is  a  risk  that  the  same  might  be  interpreted 
as  a  matter  of  personal  dislike.  This  point  can  only  be  decided  by 
Mexican  public  opinion  when  it  may  be  expressed  at  the  polls. 

The  pledge  that  all  parties  should  agree  beforehand  to  the  results  of 
the  election  and  to  co-operate  in  the  most  loyal  manner  to  support  and 
organize  the  new  administration  is  something  to  be  tacitly  supposed  and 
desired,  and  that  the  experience  of  what  this  internal  strife  means  to  us 
in  loss  of  life  and  the  destruction  of  property  will  cause  all  contending 
political  factions  to  abide  by  the  results ;  but  it  would  be  extemporaneous 
to  make  any  assertion  in  this  respect,  even  by  the  most  experienced 
countries  in  civil  matters,  inasmuch  as  no  one  can  forecast  or  foresee  the 
errors  and  excesses  which  men  are  likely  to  commit,  especially  under  the 
influence  of  political  passion.  We  hasten  to  signify  our  appreciation  to 
the  United  States  of  America  because  they  agree  from  to-day  to  recognize 
and  aid  the  future  which  we,  the  Mexican  people,  may  elect  to  rule  our 
destinies.  On  the  other  hand,  we  greatly  deplore  the  present  tension  in 
our  relations  with  your  country,  a  tension  which  has  been  produced  with- 
out Mexico  having  afforded  the  slightest  cause  therefor.  The  legality  of 
the  government  of  General  Huerta  can  not  be  disputed.  Article  58  of  our 
political   constitution   provides: 

"If  at  the  beginning  of  a  constitutional  term  neither  the  President  nor 
the  Vice-President  elected  present  themselves,  or  if  the  election  had  not 
been  held  and  the  results  thereof  declared  by  the  1st  of  December,  never- 
theless, the  President  whose  term  has  expired  will  cease  in  his  functions, 
and  the  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  shall  immediately  take  charge  of 
the  Executive  power  in  the  capacity  of  provisional  President;  and  if  there 
should  be  no  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  or  if  he  should  be  incapaci- 
tated, the  Presidency  shall  devolve  on  one  of  the  other  Secretaries  pur- 
suant to  the  order  provided  by  the  law  establishing  their  number.  The 
same  procedure  shall  be  followed  when,  in  the  case  of  the  absolute  or 
temporary  absence  of  the  President  the  Vice-President  fails  to  appear, 
when   on    leave    of  absence    from    his   post   if  he   should   be  discharging  his 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         165 


duties,  and  when  in  the   course   of  his  term  the  absohite  absence   of  both 
functionaries  should  occur." 

Constitutional  Law 
Now,  then,  the  facts  which  occurred  are  the  following :  The  resignation 
of  Francisco  I.  Madero,  constitutional  President,  and  Jose  Maria  Pino 
Suarez,  constitutional  Vice-President  of  the  Republic.  These  resignations 
having  been  accepted,  Pedro  Lascurain,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
took  charge  by  operation  of  law  of  the  vacant  executive  power,  appointing, 
as  he  had  the  power  to  do.  General  Victoriano  Huerta  to  the  post  of 
Minister  of  the  Interior.  As  Mr.  Lascurain  soon  afterwards  resigned, 
and  as  his  resignation  was  immediately  accepted  by  Congress,  General 
Victoriano  Huerta  took  charge  of  the  executive  power,  also  by  operation 
of  law,  with  the  provisional  character  and  under  the  constitutional  promise 
already  complied  with  to  issue  a  call  for  special  elections.  As  will  be 
seen,  the  point  of  issue  is  exclusively  one  of  constitutional  law  in  which 
no  foreign  nation,  no  matter  how  powerful  and  respectable  it  may  be, 
should  mediate  in  the  least. 

Moreover,  my  Government  considers  that  at  the  present  time  the  recog- 
nition of  the  Government  of  General  Huerta  by  that  of  the  United  States 
of  America  is  not  concerned,  inasmuch  as  facts  which  exist  on  their  own 
account  are  not  and  can  not  be  susceptible  of  recognition.  The  only  thing 
which  is  being  discussed  is  a  suspension  of  relations  as  abnormal  and 
without  reason ;  abnormal,  because  the  Ambassador  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  in  his  high  diplomatic  investiture  and  appearing  as  dean  of  the 
foreign  diplomatic  corps  accredited  to  the  Government  of  the  Republic, 
congratulated  General  Huerta  upon  his  elevation  to  the  Presidency,  con- 
tinued to  correspond  with  this  department  by  means  of  diplomatic  notes, 
and  on  his  departure  left  the  First  Secretary  of  the  Embassy  of  the  United 
States  of  America  as  charge  d'affaires  ad  interim,  and  the  latter  continues 
here  in  the  free  exercise  of  his  fvtnctions ;  and  without  reason,  because,  I 
repeat,  we  have  not  given  the  slightest  pretext. 

The  confidential  agent  may  believe  that  solely  because  of  the  sincere 
esteem  in  which  the  people  and  the  Government  of  the  United  States  of 
America  are  held  by  the  people  and  Government  of  Mexico,  and  because 
of  the  consideration  which  it  has  for  all  friendly  nations  (and  especially 
in  this  case  for  those  which  have  offered  their  good  offices),  my  Govern- 
ment consented  to  take  into  consideration,  and  to  answer  as  briefly  as  the 
matter  permits,  the  representations  of  which  you  are  the  bearer.  Other- 
wise, it  would  have  rejected  them  immediately  because  of  their  humiliating 
and  unusual  character,  hardly  admissible  even  in  a  treaty  of  peace  after  a 
victory,  inasmuch  as  in  a  like  case  any  nation  which  in  the  least  respects 
itself  would  do  likewise.  It  is  because  my  Government  has  confidence  in 
that  when  the  justice  of  its  cause  is  reconsidered  with  serenity  and  from 
a  lofty  point  of  view  by  the  present  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  whose  sense  of  morality  and  uprightness  are  beyond  question, 
that  he  will  withdraw  from  his  attitude  and  will  contribute  to  the  renewal 
of  still  firmer  bases  for  the  relations  of  sincere  friendship  and  good  under- 
standing forcibly  imposed  upon  us  throughout  the  centuries  by  our  geo- 
graphical nearness,  something  which  neither  of  us  can  change,  even  though 
we  would  so  desire,  by  our  mutual  interests  and  by  our  share  of  activity 
in  the  common  sense  of  prosperity,  welfare,  and  culture,  in  regard  to  which 
we  are  pleased  to  acknowledge  that  you  are  enviably  ahead  of  us. 

With  reference  to  the  final  part  of  the  instructions  of  President  Wilson, 
which  I  beg  to  include  herewith  and  which  say,  "If  Mexico  can  suggest 
any  better  way  in  which  to  show  our  friendship,  serve  the  people  of 
Mexico,  and  meet  our  international  obligations,  we  are  more  than  willing 
to  consider  the  suggestion,"  that  final  part  causes  me  to  propose  the 
following  equally  decorous  arrangement :  One,  that  our  Ambassador  be 
received  in  Washington ;  two,  that  the  United  States  of  America  send  us  a 
new  Ambassador  without  previous  conditions. 

And  all  this  threatening  and  distressing  situation  will  have  reached  a 
happy  conclusion ;  mention  will  not  be  made  of  the  causes  which  might 
carry  us,  if  the  tension  persists,  to  no  one  knows  what  incalculable  ex- 
tremities for  two  peoples  who  have  the  unavoidable  obligation  to  continue 
being  friends,  provided,  of  course,  that  this  friendship  is  based  upon 
mutual  respect,  which  is  indispensable  between  two  sovereign  entities 
wholly  equal  before  law  and  justice. 

In  conclusion,  permit  me,  Mr.  Confidential  Agent,  to  reiterate  to  you 
the  assurances  of  my  perfect  consideration. 

F.  Gamboa, 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  Republic. 


THE  INDIANAPOLIS  BOAST 

In  a  speech  at  Indianapolis  January  8,  1915,  the  President 
said: 

There  is  one  thing  I  have  got  a  great  enthusiasm  about,  I 
rnight  almost  say  a  reckless  enthusiasm,  and  that  is  human 
liberty.  The  governor  has  just  now  spoken  about  watchful 
waiting  in  Mexico.  I  want  to  say  a  word  about  Mexico,  or 
not  so  much  about  Mexico  as  about  our  attitude  towards 
Mexico.     Ihold  it  as  a  fundamental  principle,  and  so  do  you. 


166         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

that  every  people  has  the  right  to  determine  its  own  form  of 
government;  and  until  this  recent  revolution  in  Mexico,  until 
the  end  of  the  Diaz  reign,  eighty  per  cent  of  the  people  of 
Mexico  never  had  a  "look  in"  in  determining  who  should  be 
their  governors  or  what  their  government  should  be.  Now, 
I  am  for  the  eighty  per  cent!  It  is  none  of  my  business,  and 
it  is  none  of  your  business,  how  long  they  take  in  determin- 
ing it.  It  is  none  of  my  business,  and  it  is  none  of  yours, 
how  they  go  about  the  business.  The  country  is  theirs.  The 
government  is  theirs.  The  liberty,  if  they  can  get  it,  and 
Godspeed  them  in  getting  it,  is  theirs.  And  so  far  as  my  in- 
fluence goes  while  I  am  President  nobody  shall  interfere  with 
them. 

That  is  what  I  mean  by  a  great  emotion,  the  great  emotion 
of  sympathy.  Do  you  suppose  that  the  American  people  are 
ever  going  to  count  a  small  amount  of  material  benefit  and 
advantage  to  people  doing  business  in  Mexico  against  the 
liberties  and  the  permanent  happenings  of  the  Mexican 
people?  Have  not  European  nations  taken  as  long  as  they 
wanted  and  spilt  as  much  blood  as  they  pleased  in  settling 
their  affairs,  and  shall  we  deny  that  to  Mexico  because  she 
is  weak?  No,  I  say!  I  am  proud  to  belong  to  a  strong  nation 
that  says,  "This  country  which  we  could  crush  shall  have  just 
as  much  freedom  in  her  own  affairs  as  we  have."  If  I  am 
strong,  I  am  ashamed  to  bully  the  weak.  In  proportion  to 
my  strength  is  my  pride  in  withholding  that  strength  from 
the  oppression  of  another  people.  And  I  know  when  I  speak 
these  things,  not  merely  from  the  generous  response  with 
which  they  have  just  met  from  you,  but  from  my  long-time 
knowledge  of  the  American  people,  that  that  is  the  sentiment 
of  this  great  people.  With  all  due  respect  to  editors  of  great 
newspapers,  I  have  to  say  to  them  that  I  seldom  take  my 
opinion  of  the  American  people  from  their  editorials.  When 
some  great  dailies  not  very  far  from  where  I  am  temporarily 
residing  thundered  with  rising  scorn  at  watchful  waiting,  my 
confidence  was  not  for  a  moment  shaken.  I  knew  what  were 
the  temper  and  principles  of  the  American  people.  If  I  did 
not  at  least  think  I  knew,  I  would  emigrate,  because  I  would 
not  be  satisfied  to  stay  where  I  am.  There  may  come  a  time 
when  the  American  people  will  have  to  judge  whether  I  know 
what  I  am  talking  about  or  not,  but  at  least  for  two  years 
more  I  am  free  to  think  that  I  do,  with  a  great  comfort  in 
immunity  in  the  time  being. 


LANSING'S  LAST  NOTE 

It  remained  for  Secretary  Lansing  to  write  a  severe  indict- 
ment of  the  Administration's  Mexican  policy  which  he  did 
June  20,  1916.  In  an  exhaustive  communication  to  the  de  facto 
government  of  Mexico,  from  which  the  following  extracts 
are  taken,  he  described  the  conditions  for  which  Mr.  Wilson 
is   responsible: 

Cites   Bloodshed  and   Disorders 

The  government  of  the  United  States  has  viewed  with  deep  concern  and 
increasing  disappointment  the  progress  of  the  revolution  in  Mexico.  Con- 
tinuous bloodshed  and  disorders  have  marked  its  progress.  For  three 
years  the  Mexican  Republic  has  been  torn  with  civil  strife ;  the  lives  of 
Americans  and  other  aliens  have  been  sacrificed ;  vast  properties  developed 
by  American  capital  and  enterprise  have  been  destroyed  or  rendered  non- 
productive ;  bandits  have  been  permitted  to  roam  at  will  through  the 
territory  contiguous  to  the  United  States  and  to  seize,  without  punishment 
or  without  effective  attempt  at  punishment,  the  property  of  Americans, 
while  the  lives  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  who  ventured  to  remain 
in  Mexican  territory  or  to  return  there  to  protect  their  interests  have  been 
taken,  and  in  some  cases  barbarously  taken,  and  the  murderers  have 
neither  been  apprehended  nor  brought  to  justice.  It  would  be  difficult  to 
find  in  the  annals  of  the  history  of  Mexico  conditions  more  deplorable  than 
tho-^f   which   have  existed  there  during  these   recent  years   of  civil  war. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK- 191G         167 


"Atrocity  After  Atrocity" 
It  would  be  tedious  to  recount  instance  after  instance,  outrage  after 
outrage,  atrocity  after  atrocity,  to  illustrate  the  true  nature  and  extent  of 
the  widespread  conditions  of  lawlessness  and  violence  which  have  prevailed. 
During  the  past  nine  months  in  particular,  the  frontier  of  the  United 
States  along  the  lower  Rio  Grande  has  been  thrown  into  a  state  of  constant 
apprehension  and  turmoil  because  of  frequent  and  sudden  incursions  into 
American  territory  and  depredations  and  murders  on  American  soil  by 
Mexican  bandits  who  have  taken  the  lives  and  destroyed  the  property  of 
American  citizens,  sometimes  carrying  American  citizens  across  the  inter- 
national boundarj'  with  the  booty  seized.  American  garrisons  have  been 
attacked  at  night,  American  soldiers  killed  and  their  equipment  and  horses 
stolen ;  American  ranches  have  been  raided,  property  destroyed,  and 
American  trains  wrecked  and  plundered.  The  attacks  on  Brownsville,  Red 
House  Ferry,  Progreso  Post  Office  and  Las  Peladas,  all  occurring  during 
September  last,  are  typical.  In  these  attacks  on  American  territory,  Car- 
rancista  adherents,  and  even  Carrancista  soldiers  took  part  in  the  looting, 
burning  and  killing:.  Not  only  were  these  murders  characterized  by  ruthless 
brutality,  but  uncivilized  acts  of  mutilation  were  perpetrated. 

Repeated  Attacks  by  Mexicans 
Representations  were  made  to  General  Carranza  and  he  was  emphatically 
requested  to  stop  these  reprehensible  acts  in  a  section  which  he  has  long 
claimed  to  be  under  the  complete  domination  of  his  authority.  Notwith- 
standing these  representations  and  the  promise  of  General  Nafarrete  to 
prevent  attacks  along  the  international  boundary,  in  the  following  month 
of  October  a  passenger  train  was  wrecked  by  bandits  and  several  persons 
killed  seven  miles  north  of  Brownsville,  and  an  attack  was  made  upon 
United  States  troops  at  the  same  place  several  days  later.  Since  these 
attacks  leaders  of  the  bandits  well  known  to  Mexican  civil  and  military 
authorities  as  well  as  to  American  officers  have  been  enjoying  with  im- 
punity the  liberty  of  the  towns  of  Northern  Mexico.  So  far  has  the  in- 
difference of  the  de  facto  government  to  these  atrocities  gone  that  some 
of  these  leaders,  as  I  am  advised,  have  received  not  only  the  protection  of 
that  government,  but  encouragement  and  aid  as  well. 

Looting  at  the  Cusi  Mines 
Depredations  upon  American  persons  and  property  within  Mexican  juris- 
diction have  been  still  more  numerous.  This  government  has  repeatedly 
requested  in  the  strongest  terms  that  the  de  facto  government  safeguard 
the  lives  and  homes  of  American  citizens  and  furnish  the  protection,  which, 
international  obligation  imposes,  to  American  interests  in  the  northern 
States  of  Tamaulipas,  Nuevo  Leon,  Coahuila,  Chiliuahua  and  Sonora,  and 
also  in  the  States  to  the  south.  For  example,  January  3  troops  were  re- 
quested to  ptlnish  the  bands  of  outlaws  which  looted  the  Cusi  mining 
property,  eighty  miles  west  of  Chihuahua,  but  no  effective  results  came 
from  this  request.  During  the  following  week  the  bandit  Villa  with  his 
band  of  about  200  men  was  operating  without  opposition  between  Rubio 
and  Santa  Ysabel,  a  fact  well  known  to  Carrancista  authorities.  Mean- 
while a  party  of  unfortunate  Americans  started  by  train  from  Chihuahua 
to  visit  the  Cusi  mines,  after  having  received  assurances  from  the  Car- 
rancista authorities  in  the  State  of  Chihuahua  that  the  country  was  safe, 
and  that  a  guard  on  the  train  was  not  necessary.  The  Americans  held 
passports  or  safe  conducts  issued  by  authorities  of  the  de  facto  government. 
January  10  the  train  was  stopped  by  Villa  bandits  and  eighteen  of  the 
American  party  were  stripped  of  their  clothing  and  shot  in  cold  blood,  jn 
what  is  now  known  as  "the  Santa  Ysabel  massacre."  General  Carranza 
stated  to  the  agent  of  the  Department  of  State  that  he  had  issued  orders 
for  the  immediate  pursuit,  capture  and  punishment  of  those  responsible 
for  this  atrocious  crime,  and  appealed  to  this  government  and  to  the 
American  people  to  consider  the  difficulties  of  according  protection  along 
the  railroad  where  the  massacre  occurred.  Assurances  were  also  given  by 
Mr.  Arredondo,  presumably  under  instructions  from  the  de  facto  govern- 
ment, that  the  murderers  would  be  brought  to  justice,  and  that  steps  would 
also  be  taken  to  remedy  the  lawless  conditiens  existing  ;in  the  State  of 
Durango.  It  ia  true  that  Villa,  Castro  and  Lopez  were  publicly  declared 
to  be  outlaws  and  subject  to  apprehension  and  execution,  but  so  far  as 
known,  only  a  single  man  personally  connected  with  this  massacre  has  been 
brought  to  justice  by  Mexican  authorities. 

The   Columbus  Attack 

Within  a  month  after  this  barbarous  slaughter  of  inoffensive  Americans 
it  was  notorious  that  Villa  was  operating  within  twenty  miles  of  Cusihu- 
iriachic,  and  publicly  stated  that  his  purpose  was  to  destroy  American 
lives  and  property.  Despite  repeated  and  insistent  demands  that  military 
protection  should  be  furnished  to  Amerricans,  Villa  openly  carried  on  his 
operations,  constantly  approaching  closer  and  closer  to  the  border.  He 
was  not  intercepted,  nor  were  his  movements  impeded  by  troops  of  the 
de  facto  government,  and  no  effectual  attempt  was  made  to  frustrate  his 
hostile  designs  against  Americans.  In  fact,  as  I  am  informed,  while  Villa 
and  his  band  were  slowly  moving  toward  the  American  frontier  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Columbus,  N.  M.,  not  a  single  Mexican  soldier  was  seen 
in  his  vicinity.  Yet  the  Mexican  authorities  were  fully  cognizant  of  his 
movements,  for  on  March  6,  as  General  Gavira  publicly  announced,  he  ad- 
vised the  American  military  authorities  of  the  outlaw's  approach  to  the 
border,  so  that  they  might  be  prepared  to  prevent  him  from  crossing  the 
boundary.      Villa's  imhindered   activities  culminated  in   the  unprovoked   and 


168         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

cold-blooded  attack  upon  American  soldiers  and  citizens  in  the  town  of 
Columbus  on  the  night  of  March  9,  the  details  of  which  do  not  need 
repetition  here  in  order  to  refresh  your  memory  with  the  heinousness  of  the 
crime.  After  murdering,  burning  and  plundering.  Villa  and  his  bandits 
fleeing  south  passed  within  sight  of  the  Carrancista  military  post  at  Casas 
Grandes,  and  no  effort  was  made  to  stop  him  by  the  officers  and  garrison 
of  the  de   facto  government  stationed  there. 

Compelled  to  Employ  Force 
In  the  face  of  these  depredations  not  only  on  American  lives  and 
property  on  Mexican  soil,  but  on  American  soldiers,  citizens  and  homes  on 
American  territory,  the  perpetrators  of  which  General  Carranza  was  unable 
or  possibly  considered  it  inadvisable  to  apprehend  and  punish,  the  United 
States  had  no  recourse  other  than  to  employ  force  to  disperse  the  bands 
of  Mexican  outlaws  who  were  with  increasing  boldness  systematically  raid- 
ing across  the  international  boundary.  The  marauders  engaged  in  the 
attack  on  Columbus  were  driven  back  across  the  border  by  American 
cavalry,  and  subsequently,  as  soon  as  sufficient  force  to  cope  with  the 
bandit  could  be  collected,  were  pursued  into  Mexico  in  an  effort  to  capture 
or  destroy  them.  Without  co-operation  or  assistance  in  the  field  on  the 
part  of  the  de  facto  government,  despite  repeated  requests  by  the  United 
States,  and  without  apparent  recognition  on  its  part  of  the  desirability  of 
putting  an  end  to  these  systematic  raids,  or  of  punishing  the  chief  per- 
petrators of  the  crimes  committed,  because  they  menaced  the  good  relations 
of  the  two  countries,  American  forces  pursued  the  lawless  bands  as  far  as 
Parral,  where  the  pursuit  was  halted  by  the  hostility  of  Mexicans,  pre- 
sumed to  be  loyal  to  the  de  facto  government,  who  arrayed  themselves 
on  the  side  of  outlawry  and  became  in  effect  the  protectors  of  Villa  and 
his  band. 

Americans  in    Mexico 

In  this  manner  and  for  these  reasons  have  the  American  forces  entered 
Mexican  territory.  Knowing  fully  the  circumstances  set  forth  the  de  facto 
government  cannot  be  blind  to  the  necessity  which  compelled  this  govern- 
ment to  act,  and  yet  it  has  seen  lit  to  recite  groundless  sentiments  of 
hostility  toward  the  expedition  and  to  impute  to  this  government  ulterior 
motives  for  the  continued  presence  of  American  troops  on  Mexican  soil. 
It  is  charged  that  these  troops  crossed  the  frontier  without  first  obtaining 
the  consent  or  permission  of  the  de  facto  government.  Obviously,  as  im- 
mediate action  alone  could  avail,  there  was  no  opportunity  to  reach  an 
agreement  (other  than  that  of  March  10-13,  now  repudiated  by  General 
Carranza)  prior  to  the  entrance  of  such  an  expedition  into  Mexico  if  the 
expedition  was  to  be  effective.  Subsequent  events  and  correspondence 
have  demonstrated  to  the  satisfaction  of  this  government  "that  General 
Carranza  would  not  have  entered  into  any  agreement  providing  for  an 
effective  plan  for  the  capture  and  destruction  of  the  Villa  bands.  While 
the  American  troops  were  moving  rapidly  southward  in  pursuit  of  the 
raiders,  it  was  the  form  and  nature  of  the  agreement  that  occupied  the 
attention  of  General  Carranza  rather  than  the  practical  object  which  it 
was  to  attain — the  number  of  limitations  that  could  be  imposed  upon  the 
American  forces  to  impede  their  progress  rather  than  the  obstacles  that 
could  be  raised  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  outlaws.  It  was  General 
Carranza  who  suspended  through  your  note  of  April  12  all  discussions 
and  negotiations  for  an  agreement  along  the  lines  of  the  protocols  between 
the  United  States  and  Mexico  concluded  during  the  period  1882- 1896,  under 
which  the  two  countries  had  so  successfully  restored  peaceful  conditions  on 
their  common  boundary. 

De    Facto    Forces    Have    Failed 

Notwithstanding  the  assurances  in  the  memorandum,  it  is  well  known 
that  the  forces  of  the  de  facto  government  have  not  carried  on  a  vigorous 
pursuit  of  the  remaining  bandits,  and  that  no  proper  distribution  of  forces 
to  prevent  the  invasion  of  American  territory  has  been  made,  as  will  be 
shown  by  the  further  facts  hereinafter  set  forth.  I  am  reluctant  to  be 
forced  to  the  conclusion  which  might  be  drawn  from  these  circumstances 
that  the  de  facto  government,  in  spite  of  the  crimes  committed  and  the 
sinister  designs  of  Villa  and  his  followers,  did  not  and  does  not  now  intend 
or  desire  that  these  outlaws  should  be  captured,  destroyed  or  dispersed  by 
American  troops  or,  at  the  request  of  this  government,  by  Mexican  troops. 

Glenn  Springs  Raiders 

While  the  conferences  at  El  Paso  were  in  progress,  and  after  the  Amer- 
ican conferees  had  been  assured  on  May  2  that  the  Mexican  forces  in  the 
^  northern  part  of  the  Republic  were  then  being  augmented  so  as  to  be  able 
'  to  prevent  any  disorders  that  would  endanger  American  territory,  a  band 
of  Mexicans,  on  the  night  of  May  5,  made  an  attack  on  Glenn  Springs, 
Tex.,  about  twenty  miles  north  of  the  border,  killing  American  soldiers 
and  civilians,  burning  and  sacking  property  and  carrying  off  two  Americans 
as  prisoners.  Subsequent  to  this  event,  the  Mexican  Government,  as  you 
state,  "gave  instructions  to  General  Obregon  to  notify  that  of  the  United 
States  that  it  would  not  permit  the  further  passage  of  American  troops  into 
Mexico  on  this  account,  and  that  orders  had  been  given  to  all  military 
commanders  along  the  frontier  not  to  consent  to  same."  This  Government 
is,  of  course,  not  in  a  position  to  dispute  the  statement  that  these  instruc- 
tions had  been  given  to  General  Obregon,  but  it  can  decisively  assert  that 
General    Obregon    never    gave    any    such    notification    to    General   Scott  or 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         169 

General  Funston,  or,  so  far  as  known,  to  any  other  American  official. 
General  Obregon  did,  however,  inquire  as  to  whether  American  troops  had 
entered  Mexico  in  pursuit  of  the  Glenn  Springs  raiders,  and  General  Fun- 
ston stated  that  no  orders  had  been  issued  to  American  troops  to  cross 
the  frontier  on  account  of  the  raid,  but  this  statement  was  made  before  any 
such  orders  had  been  issued,  and  not  aterwards,  as  the  erroneous  account  of 
the  interview  given  in  your  note  would  appear  to  indicate.  Moreover,  no 
statement  was  made  by  the  American  generals  that  "no  more  American 
troops  would   cross  into  our  territory." 

On  the  contrary,  it  was  pointed  out  to  General  Obregon  and  to  Mr.  Juan 
Amador,  who  was  present  at  the  conference,  and  pointed  out  with  emphasis, 
that  the  bandits  de  la  Rosa  and  Pedro  Vino,  who  had  been  instrumental  in 
causing  the  invasion  of  Texas  above  Brownsville,  were  even  then  reported 
to  be  arranging  in  the  neighborhood  of  Victoria  for  another  raid  across  the 
border,  and  it  was  made  clear  to  General  Obregon  that  if  the  Mexican 
Government  did  not  take  immediate  steps  to  prevent  another  invasion  of 
the  United  States  by  these  marauders,  who  were  frequently  seen  in  the 
company  of  General  Nafarrete,  the  Constitutionalist  commander,  Mexico 
would  find  in  Tamaulipas  another  punitive  expedition  similar  to  that  then  in 
Chihuahua. 

American  troops  crossed  into  Mexico  on  May  lo,  upon  notification  to 
the  local  militia  authorities,  under  the  repudiated  agreement  of  March 
10-13,  or  in  any  event  in  accordance  with  the  practice  adopted  over  forty 
years  ago,  when  there  was  no  agreement  regarding  pursuit  of  marauders 
across  the  international  boundary.  These  troops  penetrated  168  miles  into 
Mexican  territory  in  pursuit  of  the  Glenn  Springs  marauders  without  en- 
countering a  detachment  of  Mexican  troops  or  a  single  Mexican  soldier. 
Further  discussion  of  this  raid,  however,  is  not  necessary,  because  the 
American  forces  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  bandits  recrossed  into  Texas  on 
the  morning  of  May  22,  the  date  of  your  note  under  consideration — a 
further  proof  of  the  singleness  of  purpose  of  this  government  in  endeavor- 
ing to  quell  disorder  and  stamp  out  lawlessness  along  the  border. 

Why  Scott  Turned  Down  Plan 

During  the  continuance  of  the  El  Paso  conferences.  General  Scott,  you 
assert,  did  not  take  into  consideration  the  plan  proposed  by  the  Mexican 
Government  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier  by  the  reciprocal  distribu- 
tion of  troops  along  the  boundary.  This  proposition  was  made  by  General 
Obregon  a  number  of  times,  but  each  time  conditioned  upon  the  immediate 
withdrawal  of  American  troops,  and  the  Mexican  conferees  were  invariably 
informed  that  immediate  withdrawal  could  not  take  place,  and  that  there- 
fore it  was  impossible  to  discuss  the  project  on  that  basis. 

I  have  noted  the  fact  that  your  communication  is  not  limited  to  a  dis- 
cussion of  the  deplorable  conditions  existing  along  the  border  and  their 
important  bearing  on  the  peaceful  relations  of  our  Governments,  but  that 
an  effort  is  made  to  connect  it  with  other  circumstances  in  order  to  sup- 
port, if  possible,  a  mistaken  interpretation  of  the  attitude  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  toward  Mexico.  You  state  in  eflFect  that  the 
American  Government  has  placed  every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  attaining 
the  pacification  of  Mexico,  and  that  this  is  shown  by  the  volume  of  diplo- 
matic representations  in  behalf  of  American  interests  which  constantly  im- 
pede efforts  to  reorganize  the  political,  economical  and  social  conditions 
of  the  country ;  by  the  decided  aid  lent  at  one  time  to  Villa  by  American 
officers  and  by  the  Department  of  State ;  by  the  aid  extended  by  the 
American  Catholic  clergy  to  that  of  Mexico ;  by  the  constant  activity  of 
the  American  press  in  favor  of  intervention  and  the  interests  of  American 
business  men ;  by  the  shelter  and  supply  of  rebels  and  conspirators  on 
American  territory ;  by  the  detention  of  shipments  of  arms  and  munitions 
purchased  by  the  Mexican  Government,  and  by  the  detention  of  machinery 
intended   for  their  manufacture. 

Given    Every  Opportunity 

In  reply  to  this  sweeping  charge,  I  can  truthfully  affirm  that  the  American 
Government  has  given  every  possible  encouragement  to  the  de  facto  govern- 
ment in  the  pacification  and  rehabilitation  of  Mexico.  From  the  moment 
of  its  recognition  it  has  had  the  undivided  support  of  this  Government. 
An  embargo  was  placed  upon  arms  and  ammunition  going  in  to  Chihuahua, 
Sonora  and  Lower  California,  in  order  to  prevent  their  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  armed  opponents  of  the  de  facto  government.  Permission 
has  been  granted  from  time  to  time,  as  requested,  for  Mexican  troops  and 
equipment  to  traverse  American  territory  from  one  point  to  another  in 
Mexico  in  order  that  the  operations  of  Mexican  troops  against  Villa  and 
his  forces  might  be  facilitated.  In  view  of  these  friendly  acts,  I  am 
surprised  that  the  de  facto  government  has  construed  diplomatic  repre- 
sentations in  regard  to  the  unjust  treatment  accorded  American  interests, 
private  assistance  to  opponents  to  the  de  facto  government  by  sympathizers 
in  a  foreign  country,  and  the  activity  of  a  foreign  press  as  interference  by 
the  United  States  Government  in  the  domestic  politics  of  Mexico.  If  a 
denial  is  needed  that  this  Government  has  had  ulterior  and  improper 
motives  in  its  diplomatic  representations,  or  has  countenanced  the  activities 
of  American  sympathizers  and  the  American  press  opposed  to  the  de  facto 
government,  I  am  glad  most  emphatically  to  deny  it, 


170         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Your  Government  intimates,  if  it  does  not  openly  charge,  that  the  atti- 
tude of  the  United  States  is  one  of  insincerity,  distrust  and  suspicion 
toward  the  de  facto  government  of  Mexico,  and  that  the  intention  of  the 
United  States  in  sending  its  troops  into  Mexico  is  to  extend  its  sov- 
ereignty over  Mexican  territory,  and  not  merely  for  the  purpose  of  pur- 
suing marauders  and  preventing  future  raids  across  the  border.  The 
Government  of  the  United  States,  if  it  had  had  designs  upon  the  territory 
of  Mexico,  would  have  had  no  difficulty  in  finding  during  this  period  of 
revolution  and  disorder  many  plausible  arguments  for  intervention  in 
Mexican  affairs.  Hoping,  however,  that  the  people  of  Mexico  would 
through  their  own  efforts  restore  peace  and  establish  an  orderly  govern- 
ment, the  United  States  has  awaited  with  patience  the  consummation  of 
the  revolution. 

Recognition   of   Carranza 

When  the  superiority  of  the  revolutionary  faction  led  by  General  Car- 
ranza became  undoubted,  the  United  States,  after  conferring  with  six 
others  of  the  American  republics,  recognized  unconditionally  the  present 
de  facto  government.  It  hoped  and  expected  that  that  government  would 
speedily  restore  order  and  provide  the  Mexican  people  and  others,  who  had 
given  their  energy  and  substance  to  the  development  of  the  great  re- 
sources of  the  republic,  opportunity  to  rebuild  in  peace  and  security  their 
shattered  fortunes. 

This  Government  has  waited  month  after  month  for  the  consummation 
of  its  hope  and  expectation.  In  spite  of  increasing  discouragements,  in 
spite  of  repeated  provocations  to  exercise  force  in  the  restoration  of  order 
in  the  northern  regions  of  Mexico,  where  American  interests  have  suffered 
most  seriously  from  lawlessness,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has 
refrained  from  aggressive  action,  and  sought  by  appeals  and  moderate 
though  explicit  demands  to  impress  upon  the  de  facto  government  the 
seriousness  of  the  situation  and  to  arouse  it  to  its  duty  to  perform  its 
international  obligations  toward  citizens  of  the  United  Staates  who  had 
entered  the  territory  of  Mexico  or  had  vested  interests  within  its 
boundaries. 

In  the  face  of  constantly  renewed  evidences  of  the  patience  and  re- 
straint of  this  Government  in  circumstances  which  only  a  government  im- 
bued with  unselfishness  and  a  sincere  desire  to  respect  to  the  full  the 
sovereign  rights  and  national  dignity  of  the  Mexican  people  would  have  en- 
dured, doubts  and  suspicions  as  to  the  motives  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  are  Expressed  in  your  communication  of  May  22,  for  which  I 
can  imagine  no  purpose  but  to  impugn  the  good  faith  of  this  Government, 
for  I  find  it  hard  to  believe  that  such  imputations  are  not  universally 
known  to  be  without  the  least  shadow  of  justification  in   fact. 

Activity   of   Bandit   Leaders 

The  Mexican  Government  further  protests  that  it  has  "made  every  effort 
on  its  part  to  protect  the  frontier"  and  that  it  is  doing  "all  possible  to 
avoid  a  recurrence  of  such  acts."  Attention  is  again  invited  to  the  well 
known  and  unrestricted  activity  of  de  la  Rosa,  Ancieto  Piscano  Pedro 
Vinos  and  others  in  connection  with  border  raids  and  to  the  fact  that,  as 
I  am  advised,  up  to  June  4th  de  la  Rosa  was  still  collecting  troops  at 
Monterey  for  the  openly  avowed  purpose  of  making  attacks  on  Texan 
border  towns  and  that  Pedro  Vino  was  recruiting  at  other  places  for  the 
same  avowed  purpose.  I  have  already  pointed  out  the  uninterrupted 
progress  of  Villa  to  and  from  Columbus,  and  the  fact  that  the  American 
forces  in  pursuit  of  the  Glenn  Springs  marauders  penetrated  168  miles  into 
Mexican  territory  without  encounterinig  a  single  Carranzista  soldier. 
This  does  not  indicate  that  the  Mexican  Government  is  doing  "all  possible 
to  avoid  further  raids ;  and  if  it  is  doing  "all  possible,"  this  is  not  sufficient 
to  prevent  border  raids,  and  there  is  every  reason,  therefore,  why  this 
Government  must  take  such  preventive  measures  as  it  deems  sufficient. 

It  is  suggested  that  injuries  suffered  on  account  of  bandit  raids  are  a 
matter  of  "pecuniary  reparation,"  but  "never  the  cause  for  American 
forces  to  invade  Mexican  soil."  The  precedents  which  have  been  estab- 
lished and  maintained  by  the  Government  of  the  Mexican  Republic  for  the 
last  half  century  do  not  bear  out  this  statement.  It  has  grown  to  be  almost 
a  custom  not  to  settle  depredations  of  bandits  by  payments  of  money 
alone,  but  to  quell  such  disorders  and  to  prevent  such  crimes  by  swift  and 
sure  punishment. 

Unable  to   Suppress  Raids 

The  de  facto  government  finally  argues  that  "if  the  frontier  were  duly 
protected  from  incursions  from  Mexico  there  would  be  no  reason  for  the 
existing  difficulty";  thus  the  de  facto  government  attempts  to  absolve  itself 
from  the  first  duty  of  any  government,  namely,  the  protection  of  life  and 
property.  This  is  the  paramount  obligation  for  which  governments  are 
instituted,  and  governments  neglecting  or  failing  to  perform  it  are  not 
worthy  of  the  name.  This  is  the  duty  for  which  General  Carranza,  it  must 
be  assumed,  initiated  his  revolution  in  Mexico  and  organized  the  present 
Government  and  for  which  the  United  States  Government  recognized  his 
Government  as  the  de  facto  Government  of  Mexico.  Protection  of  Amer- 
ican lives  and  property,  then,  in  the  United  States  is  first  the  obligation  of 
this  Government,  and  in  Mexico  is,  first,  the  obligation  of  Mexico,  and, 
second,  the  obligation  of  the  United  States.  In  securing  this  protection 
along  the  common  boundary  the  United  States  has  a  right  to  expect  the 
co-operation  of  its  neighboring  Republic;   and  yet,  instead  of  taking  steps 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         171 

to  check  or  punish  the  raiders,  the  de  facto  government  demurs  and  ob- 
jects to  measures  taken  by  the  United  States.  The  Government  of  the 
United  States  does  not  wish  to  bslieve  that  the  de  facto  government 
approves  these  marauding  atacks,  yet,  as  they  continue  to  be  made,  they 
show  that  the  Mexican  Government  is  unable  to  repress  them.  This 
inability,  as  the  Government  has  had  occasion  in  the  past  to  say,  may 
excuse  the  failure  to  check  the  outrages  complained  of,  but  it  only  makes 
stronger  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  prevent  them,  for  if  the  Govern- 
ment of  Mexico  cannot  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  Americans,  ex- 
posed to  attack  from  Mexicans,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is 
in  duty  bound,  so  far  as  it  can.  to  do  so. 


THE  MEXICAN  TRAGEDY 
As  Told  by  Theodore  Roosevelt  in  the  Metropolitan  Magazine 

I  have  before  me  as  I  write  a  copy  of  a  paper  submitted 
to  me  by  Mr.  Gushing  Stetson,  the  Secretary  of  the  American 
Defense  Society.  It  is  the  carbon  copy  of  the  official  report 
of  W.  O.  Jenkins,  the  acting  United  States  consular  agent  at 
Pueblo,  Mexico.  It  describes  the  outrages  committed  on  the 
5th  of  January,  1915,  by  the  victorious  Carranzistas.  The  final 
fight,  in  which  they  were  victorious  over  their  antagonists, 
occurred  in  front  of  the  consulate.  Mr.  Jenkins  went  out  and 
examined  the  twenty-seven  dead  men  left  after  the  fight  was 
over.  He  found  that  many  of  these  men  had  been  killed  after 
they  had  been  struck  down  and  were  unable  to  move,  their 
heads  having  been  blown  open  or  they  having  been  stuck 
with  knives.  The  victorious  Carranzistas  forced  their  way 
into  the  consulate;  took  the  American  officer  and  his  friends 
from  the  house,  and  threatened  to  shoot  them.  Finally  they 
were  allowed  to  return.  Next  morning,  however,  a  crowd 
of  thirty  soldiers  again  entered  the  consulate,  took  the  agent 
forth  and  threatened  to  shoot  him,  and  finally  imprisoned  him. 
He  was  released  only  by  the  efforts  of  the  British  Consul, 
W.  S.  Hardaker.  The  Consul  goes  on  to  explain  that  Carran- 
zistas, Zapatistas  and  Villistas  are  all  alike.  In  the  report, 
after  reciting  the  outrages  committed  upon  himself  and  upon 
others,  Mr.  Jenkins  asks  why  our  government  continues  to 
allow  munitions  of  war  to  be  sent  to  the  Mexicans  and  to  be 
used  by  them  not  only  in  murdering  each  other  without  cause 
or  reason,  but  in  destroying  the  lives  of  foreigners  as  well 
and  even  in  shooting  the  representatives  of  our  own  country? 
"It  is  a  cold-blooded  traffic  in  men's  lives  and  nothing  more; 
and  I  cannot  possibly  understand  how  it  can  be  countenanced 
by  our  government."  This  question  has  not  been  answered. 
It  cannot  be  answered. 

I  have  before  me  a  letter  from  Mr.  J.  A.  Robertson,  of 
Tennessee,  describing  what  was  done  in  the  Monterey  Con- 
sulate; how  the  Consul  General  was  taken  out  of  the  consu- 
late; the  consulate  ransacked;  the  whole  house  torn  up;  and 
the  American  men,  women  and  children  who  had  come  thither 
for  safety  driven  into  one  room;  while  the  American  flag  was 
torn  down,  indescribably  outraged  in  the  public  square  by 
Mexican  soldiers,  and  finally  tied  to  a  horse's  tail  and  dragged 
dpwn  the  street.  He  names  various  other  localities  where 
similar  outrages  on  American  officials  and  citizens  were  per- 
petrated; while  the  condition  of  the  Spaniards  was  even 
worse.  He  speaks  also  of  the  prevalence  of  loathsome  infec- 
tious diseases  in  these  bandit  armies  and  then  dwells  upon  the 
fact  that  a  few  days  previously  to  the  date  of  the  letter,  which 
was  written  November  8,  1915,  an  army  of  these  Carranzistas, 
whose  repeated  insults  to  American  official  representatives 
and  outrages  upon  American  citizens  have  never  been  in  any 
way  redressed,  were  permitted  by  our  Administration  to  pass 
through  our  territory  from  Texas  to  Arizona.  I  have  been 
shown  photographs  innumerable  of  murdered  Mexicans — and 
I  have  been  shown  many  photographs  of  American  property 
that  had  been  wrecked,  including  a  photograph  of  a  Red  Cross 


172         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

train  on  which  the  Carranzistas  fired  for  several  minutes  with 
rifles  and  machine  gun.  I  have  myself  seen  one  American 
flag  and  one  Red  Cross  flag  which  were  torn  down  and 
trampled  on  by  Mexican  soldiers,  in  one  case  Carranzistas, 
and  then  returned  to  the  owners  with  directions  to  take  them 
and  show  them  to  President  Wilson  as  a  proof  of  how  little 
the  Mexicans  cared  what  the  American  people  did.  A  year 
ago  in  the  Metropolitan  I  published  detailed  accounts  of 
outrage  upon  outrage  upon  our  citizens  by  men  representing 
the  different  factions;  and  I  had  already  published  detailed 
accounts  of  the  hideous  atrocities  committed  on  nuns  in 
Mexico.  I  have  seen  many  photographs  of  Catholic  churches 
in  Mexico  that  have  been  subjected  to  almost  unnamable  in- 
famy and  degradation. 

The  Administration  has  now  recognized  Carranza,  after  in- 
sisting that  it  never  would  recognize  him,  and  after  having 
refused  with  far  less  justification  to  recognize  Huerta.  The 
followers  of  Huerta  committed  foul  wrongs  on  Americans. 
The  followers  of  Carranza  have  done  worse.  Carranza  de- 
rided and  insulted  the  President.  His  adherents  have  com- 
mitted every  species  of  outrage  on  American  citizens  and  on 
the  American  flag.  But  the  Administration  sheltered  itself 
behind  the  action  of  the  Latin-American  states  it  had  unwisely 
invited  in  to  do  the  duty  which  the  Administration  itself 
feared  to  undertake.  It  bowed  with  abject  submission  to 
the  man  who  had  defied  it;  and  then  with  servile  eagerness 
served  him  against  his  rivals.  For  a  year  or  two  General 
Villa  was  the  favorite  of  the  Administration  and  his  forces 
were  permitted  to  supply  themselves  across  our  border  with 
arms  and  munitions.  About  seventy  of  our  soldiers  have 
been  killed  or  wounded  on  the  Mexican  border  by  the  Vil- 
listas  and  the  other  bandits  whom  they  were  fighting.  The 
Administration  took  no  action  to  secure  redress  for  the  killing 
of  these  soldiers.  Its  only  action  was  to  send  the  Chief  of 
Staff  of  the  United  States  Army  to  negotiate  a  treaty  or 
agreement  with  Villa,  the  bandit  chief  of  the  band  of  mur- 
derers, whereby  this  chief  promised  not  to  kill  any  more 
American  soldiers  on  American  territory.  The  promise  was 
not  kept.  Most  of  these  acts  have  been  committed  since  this 
promise  was  made;  and  now  President  Wilson  has  turned 
against  Villa  in  the  interest  of  Carranza.  He  would  not  war 
on  Villa  to  save  American  soldiers  from  death;  but  he  eagerly 
wars  on  him  in  the  interest  of  another  Mexican  bandit  whose 
followers  have  also  murdered  Americans.  One  course  of 
action  was  just  as  infamous  as  the  other;  and  when  I  use  the 
word  "infamy,"  I  use  it  deliberately  as  the  only  word  that 
can  describe  with  scientific  accuracy  the  polic}'^  of  poltroonery 
that  the  representatives  of  this  Government  have  now  for 
five  years  put  into  effect  as  regards  Mexico,  and,  above  all, 
the  policy  that  has  obtained  for  nearly  three  years. 


Murder  and  torture;  rape  and  robbery;  the  death  of  women 
by  outrage  and  children  by  starvation;  the  shooting  of  men 
by  the  thousand  in  cold  blood — Mr.  Wilson  takes  note  of 
these  facts  only  to  defend  the  right  of  vicious  and  disorderly 
Mexicans  to  "spill"  as  much  as  they  please  of  the  blood  of 
tKeir  peaceful  fellow-citizens  and  of  law-abiding  foreigners. 
But  when  the  chance  came  for  him  to  use  the  Army  and  Navy 
of  the  United  States  in  favor  of  the  worst  offender  among  all 
the  rival  bandit  chiefs,  he  eagerly  clutched  at  it.  The  Ad- 
ministration has  repeatedly  announced  that  it  will  not  inter- 
fere in  Mexico  and  that  it  will  avoid  war  with  Mexico.  As 
a  matter  of  fact  it  has  interfered  continually  and  always  with 
bad  effect,  and  it  has  actually  carried  on  a  war  with  Mexico — 
although   the  war   was   of   a  peculiarly   futile   and   inglorious 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         173 

type.  President  Wilson,  in  the  name  of  the  American  people, 
has  taken  Vera  Cruz  for  no  good  reason,  and  then  has'aban- 
doned  it  for  no  reason  whatever.  It  has  been  said  that  we 
went  down  there  in  order  to  get  the  American  flag  saluted; 
but  we  went  away  without  getting  the  American  flag  saluted. 
It  has  been  said  that  we  went  down  there  to  stop  the  impor- 
tation of  arms  and  munitions  of  war  into  Mexico;  but  we  per- 
mitted arms  and  ammunition  to  be  imported.  Actually  Pres- 
ident Wilson  withdrew  the  American  ships  from  Tampico 
harbor  and  left  Americans  to  be  protected  by  German  and 
British  ships;  and  unless  this  was  done  in  order  that  the 
insurgents,  when  they  took  Tampico,  might  be  able  to  obtain 
arms,  there  is  absolutely  no  possible  interpretation  of  Presi- 
dent Wilson's  action. 

I  wish  that  every  American  citizen  would  read  the  speech 
of  Senator  Albert  B.  Fall,  of  New  Mexico,  delivered  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  on  March  9,  1914.  Not  only  have 
Senator  Fall's  statements  been  left  unanswered,  but  no  ade-^ 
quate  attempt  has  even  been  made  to  answer  them.  _  One 
or  two  Democratic  Senators  have  striven  to  answer  similar 
statements  by  the  assertion  that  things  as  bad  were  permitted 
under  the  Administration  of  President  Taft.  But  Senator 
Fall's  speech  was  open  to  no  such  rejoinder,  for  he  impar- 
tially cited  outrages  committed  prior  to  the  advent  and  sub- 
sequent to  the  advent  of  the  present  Administration  to 
power.  The  Senate  partially  performed  its  duty.  On  April 
20,  1914,  it  sent  to  the  President  a  formally  worded  request 
for  information  as  to  the  number  of  Americans  killed  in 
Mexico,  the  number  driven  out  of  that  country  and  as  to 
what  steps  had  been  taken  to  obtain  justice.  No  answer  what- 
ever was  made  to  this  request,  and  it  was  repeated  in  the  fol- 
lowing July.  Then  the  President  answered,  declining  to  give 
the  information  on  the  ground  that  it  was  not  compatible 
with  the  public  interest.  If  the*  President  had  then  had  a 
well-thought-out  policy  which  he  intended  forthwith  to  apply 
for  remedying  the  conditions  of  affairs,  such  an  answer  might 
have  been  proper.  But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  events  have  shown 
that  he  had  no  policy  whatever,  save  in  so  far  as  vacillating 
inability  to  do  anything  positive  may  be  called  a  policy. 
Eighteen  months  have  passed  since  this  answer  was  returned 
to  the  Senate;  murder  and  spoilation  have  continued  un- 
checked; and  still  not  one  action  has  been  taken  by  the 
President's  Administration  to  right  the  fearful  wrongs  that 
have  been  committed,  and  still  the  public  has  never  been 
shown  the  material  in  possession  of  the  State  Department. 

Recently  President  Wilson  has  spoken  on  the  subject  of 
Mexico  in  a  speech  at  Indianapolis.  At  the  beginning  of  his 
speech  he  says,  "I  got  very  tired  staying  in  \yashington  and 
saying  sweet  things.  I  wanted  to  come  out  aiid  get  in  touch 
with  you  once  more  and  say  what  I  really  thought."  Dis- 
regarding the  implication  as  to  his  own  past  sincerity  con- 
tained in  this  statement,  we  have  a  right  to  take  the  speech 
as  expressing  his  deliberate  conviction  and  purpose.  He 
says  that  he  possesses  "a  reckless  enthusiasm  for  human 
liberty,"  and  then  speaks  of  his  own  policy  of  "watchful  wait- 
ing in  Mexico."  Apparently,  in  his  mind  "watchful  waiting" 
is  a  species  of  "reckless  enthusiasm."  He  asserts  that  the 
people  of  Mexico  have  a  right  to  do  anything  they  please 
about  their  business,  saying,  "It  is  none  of  my  business;  it 
is  none  of  your  business  how  long  they  take  in  determining  it. 


In  his  message  to  Congress  on  December  8,  1914,  President 
Wilson  stated  that  there  was  'Sio  need  to  fear  that  we 
were  threatened  from  any  quarter."  And  he  used  these  iden- 
tical words  in  a  speech  in   New  York  on   November  4,   1915. 


174         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Yet  on  January  29,  1916,  in  one  speech,  he  said  that  there 
should  be  men  "all  over  the  United  States  equipped  and 
ready  to  go  out  at  the  call  of  the  national  government  upon 
the  shortest  possible  notice,"  because  "I  do  not  know  what 
a  single  day  may  bring  forth."  And  at  the  same  time,  in  a 
speech  at  Pittsburgh,  he  declared  that  "the  world  is  on  fire," 
and  that  we  might  catch  the  flame.  On  February  first  he 
admitted  that  "America  might  be  drawn  into  the  maelstrom 
whether  she  would  or  not,"  and  asked  regarding  his  duties, 
whether  he  was  to  be  kept  so  that  all  he  could  do  was  "to 
write  messages  and  utter  words  of  protest."  And  on  the 
same  day  he  said  that  we  were  in  "very  critical  danger  of 
being  involved  in  this  great  European  struggle."  Two  days 
later,  in  St.  Louis,  he  said  that  our  "danger  was  from  with- 
out, and  was  constant,  and  immediate." 

Yet,  after  uttering  these  words  last  January  and  Febru- 
ary, after  having  stated  that  it  was  necessary  as  a  minimum 
to  provide  for  a  trained  army  of  400,000  citizen  soldiers,  in 
immediate  association  with  the  organized  units  of  the  regular 
army,  "with  no  touch  of  the  amateur  about  them,"  he  bows 
down  to  Congressman  Hay,  abandons  his  own  Secretary  of 
War  (forcing  him  out  of  the  Cabinet),  eats  his  own  words, 
and  acquiesces  in  leaving  the  condition  practically  unchanged. 

For  two  years  he  permitted  the  fleet  to  go  without  so 
much  as  fleet  maneuvers.  Then,  in  his  tour  of  January  and 
February,  1916,  he  announced  that  we  must  have  "the  first 
navy"  in  the  world.  Now,  according  to  the  press,  he  has  suf- 
fered another  sea-change,  and  has  changed  this  statement  to 
that  we  need  "the  most  incomparably  adequate  navy"  in  the 
world — a  sentence  which  means  precisely  and  exactly  nothing. 

In  his  message  of  December  8,  1914,  when  he  took  up  the 
question  of  Preparedness,  and  said  there  was  no  need  for  any 
preparedness,  he  used  these  words:  "I  turn  away  from  the 
subject;  it  is  not  new;  there  is  no  new  need  to  discuss  it;  we 
shall  not  alter  our  attitude  toward  it  because  some  among  us 
are  nervous  and  excited  *  *  *  l^^  there  be  no  misconcep- 
tion; the  country  has  been  misinformed;  we  have  not  been 
negligent  of  national   defense." 

The  direct  result  of  his  failure  to  get  "nervous  and  excited" 
was  set  forth  in  his  speech  in  Kansas  City  a  year  later,  when 
he  said,  on  February  2,  1916,  "I  have  not  men  enough  to  pre- 
vent the  bandits  from  coming  across  the  border  of  Mexico 
into  the  United  States.  It  has  been  a  very  mortifying  circum- 
stance indeed." 

Indeed  it  has  been  "mortifying."  It  has  been  much  more 
than  mortifying — it  has  been  the  cause  of  unspeakable  na- 
tional humiliation.  When  he  wrote  the  message  in  Decem- 
ber, 1914,  hundreds  of  Americans  had  been  killed  and  wounded 
in  Mexico,  and'  scores  of  our  soldiers  had  been  shot  on  our 
own  soil.  The  situation  at  that  time  was  exactly  as  bad  as 
it  is  now.  Nothing  in  Mexico  has  changed  since.  Mr.  Wil- 
son was  in  just  as  "mortifying"  a  position  then,  when  he  said 
that  there  was  no  need  of  preparedness,  as  he  is  now,  when 
he  first  frantically  advocates  it  and  then  tamely  abandons  it. 

As  regards  Mexico  and  the  President's  derelictions  of  duty 
there — they  have  been  so  numerous  and  involved  that  the 
only  difficulty  is  to  choose  which  incidents  to  mention. 

On  August  27,  1913,  he  announced  to  Congress  that  he 
would  forbid  the  exportation  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war 
of  any  kind  from  the  United  States  to  any  part  of  Mexico. 

On  February  2,  1914,  he  announced  that  the  embargo  was 
to  be  lifted  because  "conditions  have  essentially  changed." 
The  result  was  that  huge  quantities  of  arms  and  ammunition 
crossed  the  border  to  all  the  contending  factions — who  have 
all  used  them  to  kill  our  own  people  and  their  own  innocent 
fellow  countrymen. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         175 

On  April  23  he  ordered  the  embargo  on  arms  restored. 

On  May  15,  he  again  lifted  the  embargo  so  far  as  it  applied 
to   shipments   to  Tampico. 

On  May  27  the  cargo  of  arms  which  was  not  allowed  to 
be  landed  at  Vera  Cruz  and  which  was  the  immediate  ex- 
cuse for  seizing  Vera  Cruz,  was  allowed  to  be  landed,  together 
with  another  cargo,  at  Puerto  Mexico. 

On  June  2  and  June  4,  1914,  cargoes  of  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion were  landed  at  Tampico  for  Carranza. 

On  September  9,  1914,  the  War  Department  lifted  the  em- 
bargo. 

On  October  6,  1914,  ten  thousand  American  made  rifles, 
under  the  lifted  embargo,  crossed  the  border  to  Villa — they 
have  since  been  used  with  effect  against  our  own  people. 

On  January  27,  1915,  fifteen  carloads  of  arms  and  am- 
munition reached  San  Diego  from  the  United  States  for  the 
various  factions. 

On  October  20,  1915,  an  embargo  was  declared  on  arms  for 
all  the  factions  except  Carranza's. 

On  December  2,  1913,  in  a  message  to  Congress,  the  Pres- 
ident said  he  would  not  alter  our  policy  of  Watchful  Waiting. 
.On  April  20,  1914,  he  said  that  the  question  of  the  flag  salute 
"need  have  none  of  the  grave  implications  of  interference." 
The  next  day  he  ordered  the  landing  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  a 
three  days'  battle  ensued,  in  which  15  Americans  were  killed 
and  58  wounded — 126  Mexicans  were  killed  and  195  wounded. 
If  President  Wilson  did  not  call  this  interference,  it  would  be 
interesting  to  know  what  he  did  call  it.  Yet,  on  April  23,  just 
as  this  battle  closed,  he  announced  that  he  had  "not  aban- 
doned his  Watchful  Waiting  policy." 

He  sent  an  army  of  ten  thousand  men  to  Vera  Cruz  to  ob- 
tain a  salute  for  the  flag  and  to  prevent  the  shipment  of  arms 
to  Mexico;  he  did  not  prevent  the  shipment  of  arms  to 
Mexico;  he  did  not  get  the  salute  to  the  flag;  he  ordered  a 
battle  to  be  fought  in  which  some  four  hundred  men  were 
killed  and  wounded;  and  on  November  23,  1914,  he  evacuated 
Vera  Cruz,  but  he  took  away  $1,000,000  of  customs  dues  col- 
lected during  the  occupation.  He  had  lost  honor;  he  had 
spilled  blood;  he  had  been  defeated  in  his  purpose;  but  he 
had  collected  some  dollars. 

The  Baltimore  platform,  upon  which  Mr.  Wilson  was 
elected,  pledged  him  to  the  policy  "that  every  American 
citizen  residing  or  having  property  in  any  foreign  country 
is  entitled  to,  and  must  be  given,  the  full  protection  of  the 
United  States  Government,  both  for  himself  and  his  property." 

On  August  22,  1913,  the  President,  through  the  Secretary 
of  State,  warned  the  Mexicans  that  "if  any  violence  is  visited 
upon  any  American  citizen  by  any  one  claiming  civil  or  mili- 
tary authority,  this  country  will  hold  personally  responsible 
the  perpetrators  thereof." 

Yet  again  and  again  afterward  he  urged  all  Americans  to 
leave  Mexico,  and  never  took  one  smallest  step  to  protect 
them  from  violence  or  to  call  to  account  those  guilty  of  vio- 
lence to  them. 

On  January  26,  1914,  through  his  Secretary  of  State,  he 
said  that  the  interests  of  all  American  citizens  would  be 
protected  everywhere  in  Mexico,  as  elsewhere.  But  not  the 
slightest  protection  was  actually  given.  Governor  Colquitt, 
of  Texas,   (Democrat),  in  his  speech  of  March  9,  1914,  said: 

"American  women  have  been  ravished,  mining  camps  and 
property  of  American  citizens  pillaged  and  burned,  and  I 
do  not  hesitate  to  say  the  present  policy  of  the  United  States 
is  largely  responsible  for  these  murders  and  outrages.  The 
present  policy  of  the  American  Government  is  a  crime  against 
civilization." 

The  total  number  of  Americans  killed  in  Mexico  of  whom 
we  know  the  names  amounts  to  327   (and  other  names  are 


176         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

being  daily  added),  although  apparently  nearly  half  of  the 
names  of  the  dead  are  not  known  to  the  State  Department — 
or  else  the  State  Department  has  not  troubled  to  find  out 
about  them.  Certainly  scores  or  hundreds  have  been  killed 
of  whom  the  names  are  not  published  anywhere.  The  State 
Department  itself,  on  February  17,  1916,  admits  that  Suring 
the  last  three  years  twenty  civilian  Americans  and  sixteen 
American  soldiers  have  been  killed  on  American  soil,  near 
the   border  of  Mexico. 

President  Wilson  has  never  interfered  in  order  to  secure 
oirder  and  justice  in  Mexico  or  to  protect  the  lives  and  prop- 
erty of  Americans  against  all  wrongdoers.  He  boasts  that 
he  has  "kept  us  out  of  war  with  Mexico."  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  he  has  twice  brought  us  into  war  in  Mexico,  and  each 
time  it  has  been  a  war  waged  in  the  interests  of  certain  chiefs 
of  banditti  against  some  other  chief,  to  whom  at  the  moment 
Mr.  Wilson  objected.  He  fought  Huerta  at  Vera  Cruz  in 
the  interests  of  Villa  and  Carranza.  He  permitted  the  fur- 
nishing to  Villa  of  the  arms  which  Villa  has  used  against  us. 
A  year  ago,  through  General  Scott,  he  concluded  what  was  in 
effect  a  treaty  of  peace  and  friendship  with  this  same  General 
Villa.  He  did  not  defend  our  own  people  against  Villa.  Now, 
in  the  interests  of  General  Carranza,  he  has  sent  a  force  into 
Mexico  to  cooperate  with  the  Carranzista  bandits  (many  of 
whom  have  taken  part  in  the  assaults  on  Americans)  against 
their  momentary  rivals  under  Villa,  who  may  be  their  allies 
of  tomorrow  against  us. 

Twenty  months  after  the  Great  War  began,  although  we 
have  had  such  ample  warning,  and  ample  opportunity  to  pre- 
pare, this  nation,  the  wealthiest  in  the  world,  with  100,000,000 
people,  has  met  the  utmost  difficulty  in  scraping  together  a 
few  thousand  soldiers  to  go  to  Mexico,  while  it  is  announced 
from  Washington  that  sending  these  few  thousand  men  has 
exposed  to  danger  the  rest  of  the  border.  President  Wilson 
himself  says,  as  quoted  above,  that  he  has  "not  troops  enough 
to  protect  the  border  from  bandits."  Our  few  aeroplanes, 
when  tried,  broke  down  and  failed,  just  as  had  previously 
been  the  case  with  our  submarines.  This  is  not  the  fault  of 
the  officers  of  the  arrny  and  navy  of  the  United  States — no 
finer  men  exist.  It  is  the  fault  of  President  Wilson  and  his 
supporters  in  Congress,  and  it  is  a  punishment  upon  us,  the 
American  people,  for  what  these  representatives  of  the 
American  people  have  done,  and  have  left  undone,  during  the 
past  three  years,  

We  have  furnished  the  Villistas  and  Carranzistas  with  what 
ammunition  and  rifles  they  needed  to  fight  one  another  and 
ourselves.  We  made  Villa  our  prime  favorite,  and  the  more 
he  murdered  and  plundered  our  citizens  the  more  affectionate 
we  became  toward  him;  and  we  constantly  supplied  him  with 
additional  rifles  and  additional  cartridges.  Carranza  and  the 
Carranzistas,  as  above  indicated,  not  merely  did  their  part  in 
actual  outrages  on  our  people,  but  grossly  insulted  the  govern- 
ment itself.  Nevertheless,  when  the  government  became  suf- 
ficiently frightened  of  Carranza  it  recognized  him,  with  tame 
indifference  to  the  dishonor  it  thus  acquired;  and  the  "blood- 
spilling  in  Mexico,"  with  which  the  President  had  announced 
that  it  was  not  our  business  to  interfere,  went  merrily  on; 
and  part  of  the  blood  spilled  continued  to  come  from  the 
veins  of  our  own  citizens.  We  had  championed  Villa  with- 
out reason;  we  abandoned  him  without  reason;  and  we  en- 
deavored to  keep  our  border  safe  by  refusing  to  let  our  sol- 
diers shoot  back  when  they  were  shot  at  or  to  let  them  put 
a  stop  to  the  constant  killing  of  men,  women  and  children 
(including  among  the  men  soldiers  in  uniform)  on  our  own 
soil.  We  furnished  ammunition  to  the  Villistas  and  they  used 
it  to  kill  our  people;  and  then  we  furnished  it  to  the  Carran- 
zistas, and  they  used  it  to  kill  our  people.     All  this  abject 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         177 

abandonment  of  duty  on  our  part  did  not  bring  peace,  as  the 
pacifists  said  it  would.  It  finally  produced  for  a  second  time 
a  little  war  in  which  our  troops  fought  in  Mexico.  Firmness 
and  decision  on  our  part  and  the  immediate  and  summary 
holding  to  account  of  the  Mexicans  the  very  first  time  they 
did  anything  to  our  people,  together  with  energetic  prepared- 
ness, would  probably  not  have  resulted  in  war;  and  would 
certainly  not  have  resulted  in  such  shame  and  humiliation  and 
loss  of  life  as  in  the  actual  event  have  been  produced  by 
the  policy  of  feeble  and  cowardly  pacifism. 


CARRANZA   AND   WILSON 

Mexico  could  continue  fighting  in  a  state  of  quasi-anarchy 
for  all  time  without  meeting  her  exterior  obligations,  and 
those  killed  in  battle  or  starved  in  peace  would  not  equal 
the  birth  production,  nor  affect  the  income  of  the  party  in 
power  or  the  two  or  more  parties  in  power.  With  abso- 
lutely no  obligation  to  foreign  nations  or  to  the  Mexican 
people  in  general  a  revolutionary  government  in  Mexico  can 
grow  fat  on  rapine  and  the  good  gold  obtained  through  cus- 
toms dues  at  the  border  and  seaboard  ports  of  entry.  Revo- 
lution making  became  a  business,  a  commercial  activity,  during 
the  Villa  and  Carranza  movements  nourished  by  passive  sup- 
port from  the  Wilson  Administration. 

In  a  statement  addressed  to  Mexican  Chiefs  on  June  3, 
1915,  President  Wilson  summarized  the  situation  in  the  fol- 
lowing words:  "Mexic9  is  apparently  no  nearer  solution  of 
her  tragical  troubles  thkn  she  was  when  the  revolution  first 
kindled.  There  is  no  proper  protection  either  for  her  own 
or  for  the  citizens  of  other  nations  resident  and  at  work  within 
her  territory.     Mexico  is  starving  and  without  a  government." 

Nevertheless,  a  few  weeks  later,  the  Washington  Govern- 
ment, to  the  surprise  of  everybody  and  especially  to  the  Mex- 
icans, decided  to  recognize  somebody.  Villa  and  Carranza 
were  in  a  death  struggle,  and  Mr.  Wilson  chose  Carranza 
by  some  mental  flipping  of  a  coin. 

On  August  2,  1915,  President  Wilson  invited  the  A.  B.  C. 
powers  of  Latin-America  to  join  with  the  American  Govern- 
ment in  the  effort  to  "Restore  peace  in  Mexico."  Both  Car- 
ranzaand  Villa  were  asked  to  send  delegates  to  the  Pan- 
American  Conference. 

In  his  official  reply  to  the  invitation,  forwarded  to  Secre- 
tary Lansing  on  August  19,  General  Villa  accepted  the  Amer- 
ican Government's  proposal  with  much  enthusiasm,  and 
appointed  his  delegates. 

The  answer  of  Mr.  Carranza  to  this  joint  note  reads  in 
part:  "The  First  Chief  cannot  consent  that  the  interior  af- 
fairs of  the  Republic  be  handled  by  mediation  or  by  any 
initiative  of  any  foreign  Government." 

Yet,  immediately  after  the  Conference  was  held,  Mr.  Wilson 
recognized  V.  Carranza.  Carranza,  the  man,  became  Car- 
ranza, the  "de  facto  government  of  Mexico." 

A  few  weeks  before  this  recognition  was  given,  the  Car- 
ranza Government  objected  to  the  reports  of  suffering  sent 
out  of  Mexico  by  Red  Cross  agents,  whereupon  the  Car- 
ranza Government  ordered  the  Red  Cross  out  of  Mexico. 
Then  Mr.  Wilson,  taking  Carranza's  side,  entirely  disregard- 
ing (or  forgetting)  his  many  statements  about  "the  principles 
of  his  fight  for  humanity,"  told  the  American  Red  Cross  to 
quit  Mexico,  as  evidenced  by  official  announcement  of  the 
Red  Cross  officials. 

In  its  official  report  regarding  conditions  in  Mexico,  the 
American  Red  Cross  says: 

At  this  time  (October,  a  few  days  before  Carranza's  recognition)  many 
deaths  were  occurring  daily  from  starvation,  and  the  country  as  a  whole 
was  in  a  pitiable  plight,  economically  and  industrially.     ♦     *     ♦ 


178         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

It  is  hard,  for  instance,  to  leave  a  locality  where  many  thousands  of 
families,  mothers  and  babes  predominating,  have  been  absolutely  dependent 
for  sustenance  upon  small  portions  of  nourishing  vegetable  soup  which  we 
have  daily  distributed.  Half-famished  mothers  with  skeleton  babies  at  their 
breasts  have  besought  the  Red  Cross  agents  in  the  name  of  all  that  is  holy 
to  do  something  for  their  little  ones — to  save  them  if  they  could  not  save 
the  mothers — and  there  have  been  many  formerly  well-to-do  persons,  not 
of  the  peon  class,  who  have  been  among  the  pitiful  petitioners  for  Red 
Cross  aid. 

Approximately  $50,000  has  been  expended  during  this  last  American  Red 
Cross  relief  campaign  in  Mexico.  This  means  that  numerous  carloads  of 
food  supplies  have  been  shipped  into  Mexico  via  Vera  Cruz  and  the  Texas 
border  and  under  the  personal  supervision  of  trained  Red  Cross  represen- 
tatives and  responsible  local  committees  of  Americans  and  Mexicans  have 
been  distributed  among  hundreds  of  thousands  of  wholly  destitute  and 
emaciated  Mexican  non-combatants.  It  means  that  in  Mexico  City  alone 
a  chain  of  free  soup  stations  was  operated  for  over  a  month  and  that  26,000 
families  were  supplied  daily  at  the  height  of  the  distribution. 

It  means  that  whole  families  were  rescued  from  the  necessity  of  trying 
to  stomach  the  putrifying  flesh  of  dead  domestic  animals  found  in  the 
streets  of  Mexico  City ;  that  peon  families  could  desist  for  a  time  from 
picking  for  morsels  of  waste  food  in  rubbish  heaps ;  that  they  could  leave 
off  the  role  of  human  carrion  crows  amid  the  offal  of  the  slaughter  houses. 
It  means  that  thousands  of  families  in  Monterey,  Monclova,  and  Saltillo 
were  given  a  little  respite  from  a  diet  of  prickly  or  cactus  pears,  mesquite 
beans,  and  other  wild  products  of  northern   Mexico  prairies. 

There  are  details  in  reports  which  have  come  to  American  Red  Cross 
headquarters  from  Mexico  which  would  tax  the  credulity  of  many  Ameri- 
cans, and  their  publication  would  not  contribute  to  the  improvement  of 
conditions.  There  have  been  happenings  in  the  experiences  of  our  agents 
which  have  been  amazing  and  disheartening,  but  these  may  be  forgotten  in 
the  interest  of  a  hoped-for  cessation  of  hostilities  and  the  consequent 
measurable  lessening  of  miserv. 

V 

As  it  developed,  the  State  Department  advice  in  advocacy 
of  the  withdrawal  of  the  Red  Cross  representatives  presaged 
the  formal  recognition  of  the  Carranza  organization. 

President  Wilson's  act  in  withdrawing  the  Red  Cross  from 
Mexico  is  in  absolute  contradiction  to  his  expressions,  con- 
tained in  a  speech  made  a  short  while  before.     He  said: 

"I  have  heard  gentlemen  say  that  they  want  to  help  Mex- 
ico, and  the  way  they  propose  to  do  it  is  to  overwhelm  her 
with  force.  This  is  the  wrong  way  to  help  Mexico.  Be- 
cause after  the  fighting  you  have  a  nation  full  of  justified 
suspicions  and  animated  by  well-founded  hostility  and  hatred. 
And  then  will  you  help  them?  Then  will  you  establish  cor- 
dial business  relationships  with  them?  Then  will  you  go  on 
as  their  neighbors  and  establish  their  confidence?  On  the 
contrary,  you  will  have  shut  every  door  as  if  it  were  of  steel 
against  you.    .    .    .    Help  Mexico  by  feeding  her     .     .     ." 

Yet  Mr.  Wilson  withdrew  the  Red  Cross — the  only  source 
of  relief  to  the  thousands  of  starving  women  and  children. 

On  September  30,  1915,  a  few  days  before  Carranza  was 
recognized  by  Mr.  Wilson,  General  Funston,  in  an  official 
report  forwarded  to  the  War  Department,  declared  that  Car- 
ranzista  officials  had  murdered  two  American  soldiers  doing 
border  duty  near  Brownsville,  Texas.  The  head  of  Private 
Johnston  was  severed  from  his  body,  stuck  on  a  pole,  and 
exhibited  in  the  public  square  at  Los  Pelados,  a  small  Mex- 
ican settlement  garrisoned  by  Carranza  soldiers. 

On  October  7,  1915,  two  days  before  Carranza  was  recog- 
nized by  Mr.  Wilson,  General  Villa  issued  the  following 
statement,  which  was  published  in  the  American  press.  A 
copy  was  given  to  Mr.  George  C.  Carothers,  President  Wil- 
son's special  agent  with  Villa. 

"Carranza  has  no  Government,"  Villa  said.  "He  has  not 
even  the  form  of  government.  I  have  shown  President  Wil- 
son my  willingness  to  settle  the  Mexican  trouble  by  arbitra- 
tion. Carranza  has  refused,  yet  Carranza  is  to  be  recognized. 
To  recognize  Carranza  is  to  invite  anarchy." 

The  World,  known  as  Mr.  Wilson's  New  York  organ, 
printed  the  following  Washington  despatch  on  August  8: 

"The  potential  concession  grabbers  in  Washington,  with 
the   avowed  purpose   of   "putting   Carranza  over"   at   any  price, 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         17d 

continued  to-day  their  declaration  that  the  first  chief  would 
be  recognized  within  ten  days  or  so." 

V.  Carranza  became  President  of  Mexico  by  virtue  of  a 
decree  signed  by  V.  Carranza,  vesting  authority  in  V.  Car- 
ranza. During  the  Madero  Administration  a  Congress  was 
elected  under  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution.  Where  is 
that  Congress?  During  the  Huerta  administration  a  Con- 
gress was  elected  under  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution. 
Where  is  that  Congress?  Yet  Mr.  Wilson  had  said  that  he 
would  recognize  only  a  constitutional  government  elected  by 
the  people  of  Mexico.  No  elections  have  yet  been  held  by 
Carranza. 

Result  of  Mr.  Wilson's  Recognition  of  Carranza 

"President  Wilson  has  recognized  Carranza.  Mr.  Wilson's  refusal  to 
settle  the  Mexican  trouble  by  arbitration  will  prolong  the  revolution  FIVE 
YEARS  MORE.  Mr.  Wilson  made  me  believe  he  was  my  friend.  Not- 
withstanding his  friendship  for  Carranza  I  WILL  PROTECT  AMERICAN 
CITIZENS  IN  MY  TERRITORY  SO  LONG  AS  MR.  WILSON  DOES 
NOT  MATERIALLY  HELP  CARRANZA  IN  HIS  FIGHT  AGAINST 
THE  FACTION  WHICH  I  REPRESENT."— From  a  statement  made 
by  General  Villa  on  October  31,  1915,  and  published  in  the  American  press. 
A  copy  was  given  to  Mr.  Carothers,  President  Wilson's  special  agent. 

A  few  days  later  Carranza  telegraphed  Mr.  Lansing,  re- 
questing permission  to  cross  5,000  troops  through  the  United 
States,  via  Eagle  Pass,  Texas,  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  to 
Agua  Prieta.  Villa  had  made  a  dash  across  the  State  of 
Sonora  and  attacked  the  Carranza  garrison  defending  this 
port  of  entry.  President  Wilson,  through  Secretary  Lansing,  im- 
mediately telegraphed  back  that  such  permission  would  be 
granted.  Six  days  later  5,000  Carranza  soldiers  were  on  their 
way  through  United  States  territory  to  whip  Villa.  The  day 
after  their  arrival  at  Agua  Prieta  Villa  was  beaten  and  driven 
into  the  desert. 

General  Funston,  who  went  to  Douglas,  Arizona,  reported 
officially  to  the  War  Department  that  Carranzista  bullets  had 
been  deliberately  fired  into  American  territory,  wounding  sev- 
eral Americans. 

Some  very  significant  information  in  regard  to  those  bullets 
is  contained  in  an  article  in  the  Metropolitan  Magazine  for 
September,  1916,  by  Mr.  Roosevelt.     Here  it  is: 

An  ex-trooper  of  my  regiment,  a  thoroughly  trustworthy 
man  of  long  experience  in  Mexico,  writes  me  as  follows: 

June   1st,  1916. 
The  Honorable  Theodore  Roosevelt,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Dear  Colonel:  I  am  in  receipt  of  the  following  letter  from 
Tampico,  Mexico,  dated  May  18,   1916. 

"The  fact  is  there  is  nothing,  and  has  been  nothing,  but 
soft-nosed  bullets  in  the  bandoliers  of  the  soldiers  of  any 
or  all  of  the  six  factions  from  the  time  this  thing  got  hot. 
A  certain  American  arms  company  has  shipped  into  Vera 
Cruz  alone  since  the  Columbus  racket: 

March  18,  '16,  by  S.  S.  Esperanza,  rounds,  1,350,000. 

April  I,  '16,  by  S.  S.  Monterey,  rounds,  1,350,000. 

May  13,  '16,  by  S.  S.  Esperanza,  rounds,  300,000. 

There  may  have  been  other  shipments.  I  am  sure  of  these, 
and  they  were  checked  by  (name  not  quoted),  who  resigned 
his  agency  of  the  American  company  in  question  and  stopped 
the  cartridges  then  on  the  cars,  when  the  Americans  took 
Vera  Cruz." 

There  are  three  points  in  connection  with  this  letter  that 
should  be  emphasized:  First,  our  government  which  pro- 
fesses to  be  serving  humanity  allows  soft-nosed  bullets  to  be 
shipped  to  the  Mexicans  who  use  tHjiese  bullets  for  military 
purposes.  The  use  of  such  ammunition  in  warfare  was  con- 
demned long  before  the  establishment  even  of  The  Hague 
tribunal.     Second:  The  American  referred  to  was  the  agent 


180         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

of  the  American  company  in  Mexico  for  years.  He  belonged 
to  the  class  whom  the  President  and  his  adherents  have  per- 
sistently insulted  and  maligned:  the  Americans  resident  in 
Mexico,  who  have  been  referred  to  by  this  administration  as 
liars,  grafters  and  renegades.  Yet  this  man  in  April,  1914, 
resigned  his  agency  for  selling  ammunition  from  purely  pa- 
triotic motives,  knowing  that,  sooner  or  later,  some  of  it 
would  be  used  against  Americans.  So  much  for  the  Presi- 
dent's slurs  on  Americans  living  in  Mexico.  Third:  the  three 
shipments  above  specified  were  all  made  after  the  raid  on 
Columbus,  and  the  last  one  was  made  after  the  break  at 
Parral,  between  the  Carranzistas  and  the  Thirteenth  Cav- 
alry. In  almost  any  other  country,  the  head  of  a  government 
which  allowed  the  export  of  munitions  under  parallel  cir- 
cumstances would  be  impeached  and  the  individual  making 
such  sales  would  be  lynched. 

I  thought  you  might  like  to  lay  some  of  the  facts  before 
the  public.  If  you  do  please  keep  the  name  of  the  American 
whom  I  have  quoted  out  of  it,  as  he  is  still  in  Mexico,  and 
cannot,  of  course,  hope  for  any  protection  from  this  admin- 
istration. 

Very  sincerely  yours, 

(Signed)  G.  Knoblauch. 

Amenia,   N.  Y. 

This  letter  requires  no  comment. 

General  Villa  before  he  retreated  from  the  border,  issued 
the  following  statement,  which  was  printed  in  nearly  every 
newspaper  in   this   country: 

"Carranza  is  Wilson's  pet  now  and  I  am  an  outcast.  Wil- 
son will  be  sorry.  So  long  as  there  is  a  breath  left  in  my 
body  I  will  fight  Carranza.  Then  I  will  make  Senor  Wilson 
pay  for  having  lighted  two  fires  with  the  same  match.  I 
told  General  Funston  yesterday  to  warn  his  chief  that  I 
would  not  tolerate  the  passage  of  more  Carranzista  troops 
through  the  United  States.  If  such  a  thing  occurs  again,  I, 
Francisco  Villa,  will  not  feel  responsible  for  the  lives  of 
Americans  living  in  my  territory.  In  such  an  event  they  had 
better  get  out  or  suffer  the  consequences." 

Villa  gathered  his  crushed  army  and  went  south.  He 
passed  through  the  mining  town  of  Cananea  and  did  not 
molest  any  of  the  forty-two  Americans  living  there.  Then 
he  went  westward,  toward  Torreon — toward  the  Carranzista 
lines. 

Carranza  again  wired  Mr.  Wilson  for  permission  to  bring 
his  troops  back  to  Torreon,  via  United  States  territory,  to 
defend  his  positions  against  Villa.  Receiving  no  immediate 
reply  from  Mr.  Wilson,  Carranza  sent  another  frantic  re- 
quest. 

Secretary  Lansing,  replying  to  Carranza's  message,  not- 
withstanding Villa's  warning  against  American  lives,  granted 
a  second  permit  for  the  passage  of  Carranza's  troops  through 
American  territory! 

The  border  was  electrified  when  the  newspapers  announced 
the  fact  that  "President  Wilson  Won't  Swallow  Villa's 
Bluff." 

It  did  not  take  long.  Villa  made  his  appearance  near  Tor- 
reon. The  Carranzista  soldiers,  who  had  come  back  by  way 
of  the  United  States,  whipped  him  again.  He  gathered  his 
loyal  forces,  broke  them  up  into  bands  and  fled  into  the  hills 
of  western  Chihauhau.  Three  weeks  later  Villa  made  good 
his  threat.  Nineteen  American  mining  men,  whose  pass- 
ports had  been  obtained  from  the  Mexican  Consul  at  El 
Paso  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Wilson's  Collector  of  Customs, 
were  brutally  murdered  by  Villa.  After  they  were  shot  down, 
the  fiendish  Villistas,  full  of  hate  now  for  the  Americans, 
drove  sabres  into  their  cheeks  and  stomachs  and  mangled 
their  bodies  in  the  most  horrible  manner.    Villa  was  making 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         181 

good  his  threat  against  Wilson. 

Two  months  later  he  raided  Columbus,  New  Mexico, 
killed  a  number  of  American  civilians  and  burned  the  town 
to  the  ground. 

Six  weeks  after  the  Columbus  raid  the  Villistas  invaded  the 
United  States  by  way  of  Marathon,  Texas,  killed  three  Amer- 
ican soldiers  and  kidnapped  two  American  cattlemen. 

Who  is  to  blan\e  for  these  outrages? 

Speaking  of  the  Santa  Ysabel  horror,  the  Wilson  admin- 
istration issued  the  following  statement:  "Every  step  will 
be  taken  to  see  that  the  perpetrators  of  this  dastardly  crime 
are  apprehended  and  punished." 

The  only  "steps"  taken  was  a  formal  exchange  of  notes 
with  V.  Carranza. 

On  June  20,  1916,  Mr.  Wilson  sent  the  following  note  to 
Carranza:  "...  The  United  States  hoped  and  expected 
that  the  Carranza  government  would  speedily  restore  order 
and  provide  the  Mexican  people  and  others  who  had  given 
their  energy  and  substance  to  the  development  of  the  great 
resources  of  the  Republic,  opportunity  to  rebuild  in  peace 
and  security  their  shattered  fortunes  .  .  .  This  Govern- 
ment has  waited  month  after  month  for  the  consummation 
of  its  hope  and  expectation  .  .  .  Continuous  disorder  and 
bloodshed  have  marked  its  (Carranza's  Government)  prog- 
ress. 


THE  HUMILIATION   OF  THE  ARMY. 

During  the  Wilson  administration  the  United  States  Army 
almost  continually  has  been  on  what  was  termed  "service" 
on  the  Mexican  frontier  or  in  Mexico.  This  "service"  has 
humiliated  the  army;  its  only  possible  benefit  has  been  po- 
litical and  neither  an  aid  to  the  American  people  at  large  or 
.  to  the  Mexican  people.  Now  the  National  Guard  has  been 
^  called  upon  for  more  of  this  border  "service."  What  the 
militia  will  do,  in  the  light  of  what  the  army  has  done,  or 
rather  has  not  been  permitted  to  do,  is  no  better  shown 
than  by  a  few  facts  which  every  armj^  man  knows  and  which 
the  files  of  any  newspaper  will   evidence. 

First  came  Mexican  fighting  incidental  to  attacks  on  the 
various  Mexican  border  towns  which  are  divided  from  sister 
American  communities  by  the  waters  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
in  Texas,  and  by  the  imaginary  international  line,  in  New 
Mexico  and  Arizona.  Bullets,  and  in  some  cases  shells, 
fired  from  the  Mexican  side,  made  life  dangerous  and  killed 
American  civilians  from  Brownsville,  Texas,  to  Nogales,  Ari- 
zona. 

In  almost  all  cases  the  Wilson  administration  warned  the 
contending  Mexican  factions  not  to  fire  over  the  line.  At 
first  the  warnings  were  taken  seriously.  But  as  accidental 
fire  killed  persons  on  the  American  side  and  the  warnings 
from  Washington  merely  were  repeated,  the  Mexicans  be- 
came more  cocksure  and  then  attacks  were  made  from  the 
south  of  the  Mexican  towns,  so  that  the  fire  in  the  American 
communities  was  almost  as  great  as  in  Mexico. 

This,  condition  continued  in  fighting  at  Matamoras,  oppo- 
site Brownsville,  Texas,  and  especially  at  Naco,  where  the 
American  and  Mexican  towns  are  divided  only  by  a  street. 
There  was  a  long  siege  of  Naco.  American  troops  were 
hurried  to  the  Arizona  town  with  artillery  and  the  Mexicans 
were  warned  not  to  shoot  over  the  border.  The  shooting 
continued  over  the  border.  The  inhabitants  of  Naco  de- 
serted their  homes  and  slept  in  dugouts  or  on  the  ground. 
The  American  troops  on  American  soil  were  barricaded  or 
in  trenches.  Several  civilians  and  American  soldiers  were 
killed   and   wounded.     Washington    issued    more   warnings. 

There  was   no  embargo   on  ammunition   or  arms   entering 


182         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Mexico  at  that  time.  At  Naco  two  wounded  United  States 
soldiers  lay  on  the  hot  platform  of  the  railway  station  wait- 
ing until  a  car  could  be  unloaded  of  boxes  of  ammunition. 
The  ammunition  was  placed  on  a  motor  truck  and  sent  over 
the  line  to  the  Mexican  forces  whose  bullets — American 
bullets — had  wounded  the  two  American  soldiers.  When  the 
express  car  was  emptied  the  two  American  soldiers  were 
lifted  into  it  and  the  car  despatched  for  the  post  hospital. 

The  United  States  Army  was  ordered  into  Mexico  in  pur- 
suit of  the  Villa  bandits  who  had  raided  Columbus,  New 
Mexico,  and  killed  Americans  and  pillaged  American  homes. 
The  punitive  expedition  had  orders,  it  was  said,  to  "get  Villa 
dead  or  alive."  To  "get  Villa  dead  or  alive"  an  army  with 
artillery  and  wagon  trains  was  sent  into  the  Chihuahua 
desert  with  orders  not  to  occupy  Mexican  towns  or  use 
Mexican  railways.  Villa  naturally  could  travel  many  times 
more  rapidly  than  Pershing.  General  Pershing,  a  skilled  and 
daring  soldier,  probably  could  not  have  caught  Villa  except 
by  accident  until  the  bandit  reached  Patagonia.  Pershing 
knew  this,  and  almost  every  soldier  in  the  army  knew  it. 
If  the  Carranza  troops  didn't  stop  Villa,  the  bandits  with 
no  impedimenca  could  run  faster  than  the  American  Army 
could  pursue.  It  was  like  sending  out  an  army  to  catch 
Jesse  James  in  Oklahoma  with  orders  not  to  go  in  any 
town  or  use  any  railway.  Jesse  James  could  go  in  any 
town  and  use  any  railway  he  pleased.  Only  public  senti- 
ment could  catch  Jesse  James.  There  was  no  public  senti- 
ment in  northern  Mexico  to  catch   Pancho  Villa. 

Then  the  Carranza  central  government,  which  had  been 
recognized  by  the  Washington  Government  as  a  de  facto 
element,  protested  against  the  presence  in  Mexico  of  Ameri- 
can troops.  Villa  was  lost.  Pershing  had  struck,  after  a 
masterful  drive  over  the  desert,  the  railway  lines  and  the 
towns  which  he  might  not  enter.  He  was  holding  the  sack, 
which^  was  a  sack  full  of  sand.  In  spite  of  this  the  punitive 
expedition  was  held  in  Mexico,  not  pursuing  Villa,  nor  pro- 
tecting any  border  except  that  small  portion  on  the  New 
Mexico  line. 

The  brushes  with  the  few  Villa  bandits  left  behind  were 
insignificant.  There  wefe  only  two  fights,  and  these  with 
soldiers  of  the  Carranza-recogiiized  Government.  Pershing  had 
orders  not  to  attack  the  troops  of  the  de  facto  Government,  nor 
Washington  Government.  Pershing  had  orders  not  to  at- 
tack the  troops  of  the  de  facto  Government,  nor  to  fight 
them  unless  deliberately  attacked.  Carranza  warned  Wash- 
ington to  remove  its  troops,  but  Pershing's  orders  were 
not  rescinded.  Naturally  the  Mexican  troops  did  not  attack 
any  American  troops  unless  they  were  fairly  sure  of  a  vic- 
tory. 

To  the  humiliation  of  the  United  States  Army  and  that 
portion  of  the  American  public  which  reads  between  the 
lines  of  the  Washington  announcement,  two  fights  occurred. 
At  Parral  a  column  of  American  troops  were  invited  by  the 
Mexican  commandant  to  enter  the  town  to  rest  after  a  hard 
march.  The  Americans  were  attacked  and  driven  out  of 
the  town  and  for  several  miles  along  the  railway  line  by 
Mexican  troops  whose  commander  had  offered  hospitality 
and  by  a  civilian  mob.  Later  at  Carrizal  two  troops  of 
cavalry  were  almost  wiped  out  by  Mexican  troops  of  the 
de  facto  Government  in  a  daring  fight  against  impossible 
odds  and  a  charge  which  broke  the  Mexican  lines. 

Then  the  President  called  out  the  Guard,  The  civilian 
soldiers  were  asked  to  drop  their  work  and  go  to  do  some- 
thing which  the  United  States  Army  could  do,  and  was 
eager  to  do  if  given  an  opportunity  to  act  as  an  army  and 
not  as  an  agency  of  ambling  diplomacy  and  pitiful  politics.  That 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK--1916         188 

thing  was  to  clean  up  the  border,  attack  and  pursue  every  assail- 
ant of  Americans  on  American  soil,  and  any  party  which  came  in 
the  way  of  such  just  persecution. 

But  the  army,  the  bulk  of  it,  was  holding  the  sack  on 
the  Chihuahua  desert.  Hence  the  militia  had  to  be  called 
out  to  do  that  same  nothing  on  border  "service"  which  the 
army  had  been  doing  for  several  years.  The  militia  responded 
as  a  man.  Mexicans  had  made  continued  raids  into  Ameri- 
can territory,  and  the  Mexican  Government,  or  what  was 
recognized  by  Washington  as  such,  had  ordered  its  troops 
to  stop  the  pursuers  of  the  bandits  who  killed  American 
men,  women  and  children  in  Texas  and  New  Mexico.  The 
time  for  action  had  come,  the  militiamen   thought. 

The  militia  from  New  York  to  San  Francisco  assembled. 
Then  the  Wilson  Administration  made  it  known  that  the 
Pershing  expedition  would  be  withdrawn — as  Carranza  had 
demanded. 

Venustiano  Carranza,  Mexican  revolutionist,  warned 
Washington  that  American  troops  would  be  attacked  if  they 
moved  in  any  direction  but  North.  He  kept  his  word.  They 
were  attacked  at  Carrizal. 

Woodrow  Wilson,  President  of  the  United  States,  served 
notice  many  times  on  Venustiano  Carranza  that  border  raids 
must  be  stopped  or  that  his  Government  would  be  held 
to   "strict  accountability."     Border   raids   were   not   stopped. 

The  National  Guard,  by  remaining  idle  on  the  border — 
and  their  dependents  at  home — are  fulfilling  the  threat  of 
"strict  accountability." 


OUR  FIVE  POLICIES  IN  MEXICO  IN  THREE  YEARS 
i-_«Watchful  Waiting" 

"We  cannot  be  the  partisans  of  either  party  to  the  contest 
that  now  distracts  Mexico,  or  constitute  ourselves  the  virtual 
umpire  between  them  .  .  .  The  steady  pressure  of  moral 
force  will  before  many  days  break  the  barriers  of  pride  and 
prejudice  down,  and  we  shall  triumph  as  Mexico's  friends 
sooner  than  we  could  triumph  as  her  enemies." — President 
Wilson's  special  message  to  Congress,  August  2T,  1913. 

2 — Armed  Intervention 

"I  come  to  ask  your  approval  that  I  should  use  the  armed 
forces  of  the  United  States  to  obtain  from  General  Huerta 
the  fullest  recognition  of  the  rights  and  dignity  of  the  United 
States." — President  Wilson's  message  to  Congress,  April  20, 
1914. 

Congress  promptly  voted  the  authorization  asked,  Vera 
Cruz  was  taken  by  the  United  States  Army  at  the  cost  of 
nineteen  American  lives.  The  Army  was,  after  seven  months, 
withdrawn  without  obtaining  the  salute  demanded, 

3 — Hands  Oil  Again 

"It  is  none  of  my  business  and  it  is  none  of  your  business 
how  they  (the  Mexicans)  go  about  the  business  of  govern- 
ment. While  I  am  President  nobody  shall  interfere  with 
them." — President  Wilson's  speech  at  Indianapolis,  January 
8,  1915. 

4 — A  Solemn  Warning 

"I  publicly  and  very  solemnly  call  upon  the  leaders  of 
factions  in  Mexico  to  act  together  and  act  promptly  for  the 
relief  and  redemption  of  their  prostrate  country. 

"If  they  cannot  accommodate  their  differences  within  a 
very  short  time,  this  Government  will  be  constrained  to  de- 


184         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

cide  what  means  should  be  employed  by  the  United  States 
to  help  Mexico  save  herself." — President  Wilson's  proclama- 
tion, June  2,  1915. 

5 — Intervention  Again 

"Convinced  that  powerful  influences  are  at  work  to  force 
intervention  in  Mexico,  Administration  officials  were  to-day 
considering  just  what  steps  shall  be  taken  to  bring  the  agita- 
tion to  an  end.  .  .  President  Wilson  is  said  to  be  deter- 
mined to  stop  the  circulation  of  inflammatory  rumors,  and 
to  take  legal  steps  if  necessary." — From  an  Associated  Press 
dispatch  of  March  25,   1916. 

Three  months  later  President  Wilson  ordered  the  militia 
of  the  six  States  to  the  border,  and  told  First  Chief  Carranza, 
in  his  note  of  June  20,  that  "Any  hostile  act  on  Carranza's 
part  would  be  followed  by  the  gravest  consequences."  The 
only  consequences  that  have  resulted  have  been  the  killing 
of  American  soldiers  and  American  citizens  by  Mexicans. 
Nothing  serious  has  happened  to  the  Mexicans. 


The  Democratic  Party  appeals  for  support  and  asks  that 
President  Wilson  be  re-elected  because  he  has  kept  us  out 
of  war  with  Europe.  In  1853  Franklin  Pierce,  a  Democrat, 
was  President.  The  Crimean  War  began  then.  For  more 
than  three  years  Great  Britain,  France,  Turkey  and  Sardinia 
fought  Russia.  President  Pierce  maintained  peace.  In  187 1 
the  Franco-Prussian  War  broke  out.  General  Grant,  a  Re- 
publican, was  President.  He  kept  the  peace.  A  few  years 
ago  the  Russo-Japanese  War  presented  similar  questions  of 
neutrality  and  the  rights  of  neutrals.  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
a  Republican,  was  President.     He,  too,  kept  us  at  peace. 

Why  should  Pierce,  Grant  or  Roosevelt  have  involved  us 
in  any  of  those  past  wars  of  the  Old  World?  Why  should 
President  Wilson  involve  us  in  the  present  European  War? 
Other  Presidents  did  only  their  duty  then.  It  is  equally 
President  Wilson's  duty  now.  There  is  no  more  reason  why 
the  President  should  enter  into  war  now  than  the  Presidents 
named  in  other  years. — Hon.  Lawrence  Y.   Sherman. 


The  Democratic  Governor  of  Texas,  O.  B.  Colquitt,  in  a 
letter  written  December  20,  1914,  declared  that  "the  Wilson 
Administration  has  been  the  greatest  failure  in  the  history 
of  the  Presidency"  and  that  "its  Foreign  Policy  has  been  im- 
becile." Regarding  Mexico  he  said:  "The  Wilson-Bryan 
management  of  the  Mexican  affair  has  been  an  egregious 
error.  They  landed  an  American  army  at  Vera  Cruz  to  force 
Huerta  to  salute  the  flag,  and  ordered  it  back  without  getting 
the  salute.  What  did  it  accomplish?  It  set  all  Mexicans 
aflame  against  Americans,  not  only  in  Mexico,  but  in  Texas, 
and  brought  on  a  reign  of  terror  all  along  the  border.  Wilson 
and  Bryan  have  stood  by  encouraging  one  band  of  bandits 
after  another  while  people  were  being  butchered  all  over 
Mexico."  Governor  Colquitt  also  said:  "The  Administra- 
tion's anti-trust  laws  are  bare  faced  fakes  so  far  as  protect- 
ing the  people  from  trust  oppression  is  concerned.  I  am 
fully  convinced  the  national  election  of  1916  will  end  the 
Democratic  regime." 


There  are  a  thousand  exigencies  in  the  affairs  of  this  great 
nation  which  cannot  be  forseen  or  attempted  to  be  controlled 
by  any  platform.  The  sagacity,  steadiness  of  character,  firm- 
ness and  sound  judgment  of  the  chief  executive  must  be  the 
security  of  the  nation  in  many  a  trying  emergency. — Charles 
E.  Hughes,  at  Youngstown,  Ohio,  1908. 


The  Tariff 


From  the  time  of  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  in  1620 
to  the  formation  of  our  government  under  a  constitution  in 
1789  there  were,  in  this  country,  no  general  duties  upon  im- 
ports; in  short,  we  were  living  under  Free-Trade,  and 
foreign  nations  were  able  to  place  in  our  market  without  re- 
straint every  article  which  we  were  liable  to  buy.  After  we 
had  secured  independence  and  were  united  as  a  confederacy 
during  the  years  from  1783  to  1789,  when  we  existed  as  a 
union  of  colonies,  this  Free-Trade  was  accompanied  by  most 
disastrous  results.  The  wares  of  foreign  countries,  and  par- 
ticularly of  Great  Britain,  were  dumped  upon  our  shores, 
for  which  our  money  went  abroad  until  we  were  drained  of  all 
our  specie  and  had  not  even  a  dollar  left  as  a  circulating 
medium.  Because  of  the  goods  which  came  from  abroad 
our  own  laborers  were  idle,  and  nothing  but  debt  and  ruin 
stared  us  in  the  face. 

This  state  of  affairs  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  which 
led  to  the  adoption  of  a  constitution  and  a  uniform  govern- 
ment throughout  the  States  in  1789.  It  is  not  surprising  then 
that  the  first  law  placed  upon  our  Statute  Books  affecting 
the  people  was  a  Tariff  law  intended  not  only  as  a  means  of 
revenue,  but  for  the  encouragement  and  protection  of  manu- 
facturers. The  effect  was  at  once  seen  in  tlte  industrial 
progress  which  we  made  in  both  agriculture  and  manufactures, 
in  spite  of  the  attempts  of  the  mother  country  to  crush  out 
every  industry  in   the   States. 

Protection  and  Progress 

From  time  to  time  the  Tariff  was  revised  and  strengthened 
by  increases,  and  on  July  i,  i8ii,  a  law  was  enacted  impos- 
ing double  duties,  or,  as  it  was  known,  the  War  Tariff. 
Nearly  all  importations  then  ceased,  and  rapid  progress  was 
made  in  all  lines  of  industry,  and  in  spite  of  the  hard  times 
and  the  great  strain  upon  our  resources  made  necessary  by 
the  war  with  England,  we  made  constant  and  most  substan- 
tial progress. 

Reductions  Disastrous 

In  1816  a  new  Tariff  law  was  enacted,  and  our  Congress 
thinking  that  even  with  a  repeal  of  many  of  the  war  taxes, 
the  Tariff  would  still  remain  sufficiently  Protective,  made 
many  reductions.  But  they  were  mistaken;  duties  were  left 
not  sufficiently  high  to  keep  out  excessive  importations,  and 
with  determination  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  to  throttle 
and  ruin  our  growing  industries,  the  years  following  this 
Tariff  proved  most  disastrous.  Bankruptcy  and  general 
financial  ruin  followed,  values  shrunk,  and  the  e-yils  of  low 
duties  or  Free-Trade  were  most  apparent.  The  agitation  for 
higher  duties  became  so  earnest  that  in  1824  a  new  Tariff  law 
was  passed  which  restored  many  duties  to  a  protective  point 
and  gave  our  industries  a  new  start  and  our  agriculture  great 
impetus.     The  effect  was  almost  magical  in  all  parts* of  the 

185 


186         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

new  and  growing  country,  and  so  effective  were  the  results 
that  many  of  our  statesmen,  like  Daniel  Webster,  who  had 
previously  been  Free-Traders,  became  at  once  most  staunch 
advocates  of  a  Protective  tariff.  The  result  was  that  in  1828 
a  new  law  was  enacted,  which  was  called  the  "Tariff  of  Abom- 
ination" by  its  enemies,  but  which  proved  to  be  a  most  bene- 
ficial law  because  of  its  thoroughly  Protective  features. 

John  C.  Calhoun,  who  had  been  a  Protectionist  in  the  early 
years  now  believing  that  Free-Trade  was  better  for  the  South, 
because,  as  he  thought,  it  must  always  remain  an  agricultural 
country,  and  would  benefit  more  by  selling  its  one  staple 
product,  cotton,  as  dear  as  possible,  and  buying  manufactured 
goods  as  cheap  as  possible,  became  an  advocate  of  low 
Tariffs,  and  was  followed  by  the  entire  slave  power  of  the 
South,  who  saw  the  advantages  which  the  North  was  gaining 
under  the  so-called  American  System  of  Protection.  The 
Southern  leaders  now  saw  that  they  could  use  the  Tariff  as 
a  means  to  ffirther  their  own  ends,  and  they  demanded  that 
the  Protective  system  be  utterly  and  absolutely  abandoned. 

Compromise  Tariff 

In  1832  some  concessions  were  made  to  the  Southern  de- 
mands, but  they  were  not  satisfactory,  and  the  South  de- 
manded most  important  changes  or  threatened  to  secede  from 
the  Union.  In  fact,  an  Ordinance  of'  Nullification  was 
adopted  in  South  Carolina,  which  declared  that  the  Tariff 
acts  of  1828  and  1832  were  "null,  void,  and  no  law,  nor  bind- 
ing upon  the  States,  its  officers  or  citizens."  It  also  prohibited 
the  payment  of  duties  under  either  act  within  the  State  after 
February  i,  1833.  Then  followed  the  so-called  Compromise 
Tariff,  which  provided  for  a  gradual  reduction  of  duties  by 
a  sliding  scale  of  one-tenth  biennially  of  all  duties  in  excess 
of  20  per  cent.  The  result  under  the  second  reduction  was 
most  apparent,  and  soon  the  country  suffered  one  of  the  most 
terrible  and  disastrous  financial  periods  of  its  existence.  Both 
the  government  and  the  people  became  absolutely  bankrupt. 
There  was  idleness  on  every  hand,  and  the  most  intense  suf- 
fering by  all  classes  of  people;  and  yet  in  spfte  of  this  ter- 
rible condition  of  affairs  the  Democratic  National  platform 
of  1840  condemned  Protection  and  indorsed  Free-Trade  in  its 
platform. 

Protection  Restored 

Fortunately,  however,  for  our  country  and  its  people,  the 
Whigs  were  successful  in  1840,  and  elected  a  President  and 
both  Houses  of  Congress.  The  result  was  the  Tariff  of  1842, 
which  had  to  be  passed  over  the  veto  of  President  Tyler.  The 
result  was  marvelous.  Throughout  the  whole  land  the  benef- 
icent results  of  Protection  were  again  seen,  and  soon  pros- 
perity reigned  as  never  before. 

Tariffs  of  1846  and  1857 

And  yet  when  the  Democratic  party  again  came  into  power 
four  years  later,  in  1845,  having  elected  its  President  and 
Vice    President,    through    campaign    deception,    the    majority 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         187 

of  citizens  believing  that  they  had  voted  for  candidates  who 
were  not  hostile  to  the  industrial  interests  of  the  country, 
a  new  Tariff  law  was  framed  known  as  the  Walker  law,  or 
the  Tariff  of  1846.  Not  only  were  duties  lowered  below  a 
Protective  point,  but  these  duties  were  in  every  instance  made 
ad  valorem  in  character,  an  unjust  way  of  imposing  duties. 
There  were  many  circumstances  both  at  home  and  abroad 
which  gave  us  spasmodic  prosperity  under  this  law,  but  when 
these  unusual  causes  ceased  the  law  proved  to  be  most  ruin- 
ous and  disastrous  to  all  our  industries. 

In  spite  of  our  increasing  poverty,  however,  in  1857,  the 
duties  were  still  further  reduced,  and  then  bankruptcy  and 
ruin  came  swift  and  sure.  A  new  political  party,  however, 
had  been  born,  and  in  i860,  the  Republicans  having  a  plurality 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  a  thoroughly  Protective 
Tariff  law  was  passed  known  as  the  Morrill  Tariff,  and  when 
the  Southern  Senators  resigned  their  seats  it  also  passed 
the  Senate,  and  President  Buchanan  signed  it  on  March  2. 
1861. 

First  Republican  Tariff 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  first  great  act  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  was  the  passage  of  a  Protective  Tariff  law.  As 
was  the  case  in  1824  and  1842,  the  beneficial  effect  was  im- 
mediate and  substantial.  After  the  breaking  out  of  the  war 
the  Tariff  was  amended  repeatedly  by  so-called  war  measures, 
many  of  which  were  repealed  at  the  close  of  the  war,  but  our 
Tariff,  as  a  whole,  remained  protective  till  the  enactment  of 
the  Gorman-Wilson  law  in  1894.  In  1867  the  Tariff  was 
amended  vSth  higher  duties  upon  wool,  which  resulted  in 
immediate  benefits  to  the  sheep-raising  industry  of  the 
country.  In  1870  the  duty  upon  steel  rails  was  made  Pro- 
tective, and  that  industr}'-  immediately  started  up  and  soon 
reached  most  formidable  proportions.  In  1883,  however,  the 
so-called  Commission  Tariff  law  was  enacted,  which  reduced 
duties  upon  many  articles,  particularly  wool,  with  the  result 
that  this  industry  was  severely  affected. 

McKinley  and  Dingley  Tariffs 

In  1890  the  McKinley  law  was  enacted,  which  corrected 
many  of  the  inequalities  of  the  then  existing  law,  and  brought 
greater  prosperity  to  our  people  than  had  ever  before  been 
known;  and  yet  through  deception  somewhat  similar  to  that 
practiced  in  1844,  the  Free-Traders  again  came  into  power  at 
the  election  of  1892  and  in  1894  passed  the  so-called  Gorman- 
Wilson  Tariff,  which  became  a  law  without  the  President's 
signature.  This  brought  such  immediate  financial  and  indus- 
trial disaster,  however,  that  it  was  at  once  severely  con- 
demned, and  in  1896  William  McKinley  was  elected  President, 
together  with  a  Republican  majority  in  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress. The  so-called  Dingley  law  was  at  once  framed  and 
immediately  enacted,  going  into  effect  in  August,  1897,  prov- 
ing to  be  a  most  beneficient  Tariff  law,  bringing  such  pros- 
perity as  never  was  known  before  in  the  historj^  of  the  world 
in  this  or  any  other  country. 


188 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


Payne  Tariff 

In  1909  the  Republican  party  enacted  the  so-called  Payne 
Tariff  law  which  went  into  effect  August  5  of  that  year.  This 
law  made  very  many  and  important  changes  resulting  in  a 
considerable  reduction  in  rates  over  the  Dingley  law. 

Here  is  a  summary  of  changes  made  in  the  Payne  Tariff — 
the  latest  Republican  revision. 

Statement  A,  Showing  Changes  of  Duty  by  Items  and  Schedules 


Article. 


Chemicals,  oils,  etc 

Earths,  earthen  and  glassware 

Metals,  and  manufactures  of 

Wood,  and  manufactures  of 

Sugar,  molasses,  and  manufact's  of 

Tobacco,  and  manufactures  of 

Agricultural  products  and  provisions 

Spirits,  wines,  etc 

Cotton  manufactures 

Flax,  hemp,  jute,  manufactures  of.  . 

Wool,  and  manufactures  of 

Silk  and  silk  goods 

Pulp,  papers,  and  books 

Sundries 

Total 


232 

170 

321 

35 

38 

8 

187 

33 

261 

254 

78 

78 

59 

270 


2.024 


Changes  in  Dingley 
law  by  Payne  law. 


81 

46 

185 

18 

2 

0 
14 

4 

28 

187 

3 
21 
11 
54 


103 

58 

215 

21 

2 

0 

33 

27 

75 

191 

3 

52 

20 

74 


129 

112 

106 

14 

36 

8 

154 

6 

186 

63 

75 

26 

39 

196 


1,150 


Statement  B,  Showing  Changes  of  Duty  According  to  Consumption  Values 


Article. 

Consumption  value. 

Sched- 
ule. 

Duties  de- 
creased. 

Duties  in- 
creased. 

A 

$433,099,846 
128,423,732 

1.221,956,620 
566,870,950 
300.965.953 

$lt,105,820 

B 

Earths,  earthenware,  and  glassware .... 
Metals,  and  manufactures  of            

c 

37,675,804 

D 

31.280,372 

E 

Sugar,  molasses,  and  manufactures  of.  . 
Tobacco,     and     manufactures     of     (no 

F 

G 
H 

Agricultural  products  and  provisions .  .  . 

483.430.637 

4,380.043 
462.001,856 

I 

Cotton  manufactures 

41,622,024 

J 

K 

L 

Flax.  hemp.  jute,  and  manufactures  of  . 

Wool  and  manufactures  of  wool.      (No 
production  statistics  available  forarti- 
cles  affected  by  slight  changes  of  rates.) 

Silks  and  silk  goods 

22.127.145 

7.947.568 

67.628.055 

1,719,428,069 

804,4  45 
106,742,646 

M 

Pulp,  papers,  and  books      .    ...        .... 

81,486.466 

N 

101,656,598 

Total     ....                           ... 

$4,951,878,575 

$878,756,074 

By  referring  to  the  table  showing  the  consumption  value 
of  articles,  affected,  it  is  found  that  duties  were  decreased 
upon  articles  having  a  consumption  value  in  round  numbers 
of  $5,000,000,000,  and  increased   upon   articles  having  a  con- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         189 

sumption  value  of  $878,000,000.  But  of  those  articles  upon 
which  the  duties  were  increased,  $638,000,000  in  consumption 
value  were  luxuries,  leaving  some  $240,000,000  only  of  in- 
creases on  necessaries,  or  twenty  time^  as  much  decrease  as 
increase. 
This  is  shown  clearly  as  follows: 

Total  consumption  value  of  articles  on  which  rates  of  duty  were 

decreased $4,951  813,17.S 

Total  consumption  value  of  articles  on  which  rates  of 

duty  were  increased $878,756,074 

Total  consumption  value  of  luxuries,  articles  of  vol- 
untary use,  on  which  rates  of  duty  were  increased       637,903,549 

Total  consumption  value  of  articles,  not  luxuries,  on 

which  rates  of  duty  were  increased $240,852,525 

*  Our  Principal  Tariff  Laws 

Date  of  such  act  Character  of  the  bill  and  other  remarks 

1789,  July  4    Specific  and  ad  valorem  rates,  latter  from 

5  to   15  per  cent. 

1790,  August    10. .  .   Specific  and  ad  valorem  rates,  latter  from 

3  to   15H  per  cent. 

1791,  March   3    ....  This    act   only   affected    "spirits"    paying 

specific  duties. 

1792,  May  2   Specific    and    ad    valorem    rates,     latter 

from  7^2  to  15  per  cent. 

1794,  June  7    Specific  and  ad  valorem  rates,  latter  from 

10  to  20  per  cent. 

1795,  January    29...  This  act  affected  but  few  articles  paying 

specific   and   ad   valorem   rates. 
1797,  March  3    ....  This  act  affected  but  few  articles  paying 

specific  and  ad  valorem  rates. 
1797,  July  8    This    act    only    affected    salt    paying    a 

specific   duty. 
1800,  May   13    This  act  affected  but  few  articles  paying 

specific  and  ad  valorem  rates. 
1804,  March  26    .  .  .  This     act,     commonly     called     "Mediter- 
•i     ranean    fund,"    imposing   an    additional 

duty  of  2^4  per  cent  in  addition  to  the 

duties  now  imposed  by  law. 
1804,  March  27    .  .  .   This  act  affected  but  few  articles  paying 

specific   rates. 

1812,  July   I    This   act    imposed   DOUBLE    DUTIES, 

known   as  WAR  DUTIES. 

1813,  July  29    This  act  only  affected  salt  paying  a  spe- 

cific duty. 
1816,  February    5..   This  act  continued  the  double  duties  to 

30th  of  June,  1817. 
1816,  April  27    ....   Specific  minimum  and  ad  valorem  rates, 

latter  from  yj4  to  30  per  cent. 

1818,  April   20    ....   This  act  affected  but  few  articles  paying 

specific   rates. 

1819,  March  3    ....   This    act    only    affected    "wines"    paying 

specific   rates. 

1824,  May  22  ....  Specific,  minimum,  compound,  and  ad  va- 
lorem, latter  from  12  to  50  per  cent, 
the  first  really  protective  tariff.  Re- 
sults  were   most   beneficial. 

1828,  May   19   Known    as    the   Tariff   of   Abominations. 

Specific,  minimum,  compound  and  ad  va- 
lorem, latter  from  20  to  50  per  cent. 

1828,  May  24   This    not    only    affected    "wines"    paying 

specific  rates. 

1830,  May  20   This   act  only   affected   "coffee,   tea,   and 

cocoa,"  paying  specific  rates,  and  re- 
ducing the  rates. 

1830,  May  29  ....  This  act  only  affected  "molasses"  paying 
specific   rates. 

1830,  May  29  This  act  only  affected  "salt"  paying  spe- 
cific rates. 


190 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


1832,  July    13    .  . 

1832,  July    14    .  . 

1833,  March   2    . 

1841,  Sept   II    . 

1842,  August  30 
'1846,  July  30    . . 


1857,  March  3   .  . 
1861,  March  2   .  . 

1861,  August  5  .  . 

1861,  Dec.    24    .  . 

1862,  July   14    .  .  . 


1863,  March  3;  1864, 
April  20,  June,  30; 
1865,  June  s;  1866, 
March  15,  Julv 
28 

1867,  March  2    .  .  .  . 

1870,  July  14,  De- 
cember   20    


1872,  May   I 
1872,  June  6 


1875,  February  8 

1874,  June  22   .  .  . 

1875,  March  3    .  . 


1879,  July   I    

1880,  July    14    

1882,  May      6     and 
December   3.. 

1883,  March   3    •  ■  •  • 


This  act  only  affected  "wines  of  France" 
paying   specific    rates. 

Specific,  minimum,  compound,  and  ad  va- 
lorem,  the  latter  from  5  to  50  per  cent. 

Compromise  act — looking  to  a  reduction 
of  duties  to  20  per  cent. 

Specific  and  ad  valorem,  latter  from  12^ 
to  20  per  cent. 

Specific,  minimum,  compound,  and  ad  va- 
lorem, the  latter  from  i  to  50  per  cent. 

The  rates  of  duty  imposed  by  this  act 
were  exclusively  ad  valorem,  and  ar- 
ranged by-  schedules. 

A  further  reduction  of  rates  which  were 
exclusively  ad  valorem,  arranged  by 
schedules. 

Went  into  effect  April  12,  1861.  In- 
tended to  raise  the  necessary  revenue 
for  the  government  expenditures  and 
afford  protection  to  our  labor  and  in- 
dustries. 

First  of  the  war  tariffs,  large  increase 
in  duties. 

Duties  increased  on  sugar,  tea,  and 
coffee. 

Went  into  effect  August  2,  1862.  Further 
increase   of  rates. 


Bills  changing  and  generally  increasing 
duties. 

Rates  increased  on  wool  and  woolens, 
giving  great  benefit  to  those  industries. 

General  changes.  Free  list  largely  re- 
duced. Duty  of  $28  per  ton  on  steel 
rails. 

Tea  and  coffee  made  free. 

Went  into  effect  August  i,  1872.  Reduc- 
tion of  10  per  cent.    Increased  free  list. 

Revised  statute,  with  slight  and  unim- 
portant changes. 

Known  as  the  "Little  Tariff  Bill."  Gen- 
eral changes. 

Rates  increased  on  sugar.  Repeal  of  the 
10  per  cent  reduction  of  Act  of  Tune 
6,    1872. 

Quinine   made   free. 

A   few   unimportant    changes. 


Repeals   discriminating  duty. 
Went  into  effect  July  i,  1883.     Known  as 
the    Tariff    Commission    Bill.     General 
revision,  reduction   and  increased  free 
list.     Severe  blow  to  wool  industry. 

1890,  October  i  .  .  Went  into  effect  October  6,  1890.  Known 
as  the  McKinley  Bill.  Changes  from 
ad  valorem  to  specific  rates.  Enlarged 
free  list.  Sugar  made  free,  a  bounty 
substituted.     Reciprocity  law. 

1894,  August  27  .  .  .  Known  as  the  Gorman-Wilson  Bill.  Be- 
came a  law  without  the  President's 
signature.  General  reduction  of  duties. 
Wool  put  on  free  list.  Results,  both 
anticipatory  and  actual,  were  disas- 
trous to  all  industry  and  labor. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


191 


1897,  July  24  ....  Known  as  the  Dingley  Law,  The  most 
perfect  and  successful  tariff  law  enacted 
up  to  this  period.  Brought  unprecC' 
dented  prosperity. 

1909,  August  5  . . . .  Known  as  the  Payne  Law.  Enacted  at 
a  special  session  of  the  Sixty-first  Con- 
gress in  response  to  a  general  demand 
for  revision  to  meet  changed  condi- 
tions. Substantial  reductions  were 
made  in  some  schedules,  resulting  in 
largely  increased  importations  and 
revenue. 

1913,  October  3,  Known  as  the  Underwood  Law.  Enacted 
at  a  special  session  of  the  Sixty-third  Congress.  Supposed 
to  carry  out  the  Democratic  principle  of  a  Tariff  for  revenue 
but  has  proved  a  failure  from  every  standpoint.  It  brought 
disaster  to  our  industries  and  idleness  to  labor  long  before 
the  European  war  broke  out  and  has  since  that  time  brought 
a  large  increase  in  imports  but  a  great  decrease  in  revenue. 


Important    Tariff    Revisions 

To  show  in  brief  the  important  changes  and  revisions^  of 
the  Tariff  during  our  history  and  their  result,  the  following 
summary  is  given,  beginning  with  the  Tariff  of  1812,  the  first 
important  revision  following  the  first  law  of  1789. 

I 


1812 
1816 

1824 

1828 
1832 
1833 

1842 
1846 

1857 


1861 

1861 
1862 
1863 
1864 
1865 

1867 

1870 

1872 
1875 

1888 

1890 

1894 

1897 

1909 
1913 


Reason  for  revision. 


War 

To  provide  new  rates  after 

repeal  of  war  duties. 
Ruinous  condition  of  indus 

tries. 
To  increase  prosperity ... 

Conciliation , 

Compromise    to    save    the 

Union. 
To  save  our  industries.. 
To    satisfy    the    Southern 

free  traders. 
To    decrease    the   revenue 

and  still  further  satisfy 

the  South. 
First  Republican  tariff  for 

revenue  and  protection 

LTo  meet  requirements  of 
f     war 


To  help  wool  and  woolen 
industries 

To  establish  new  industries 
especially  iron  and  steel. 

To  conciliate  "reformers". 

To  correct  act  of  1872  .... 

To  conciliate  revisionists.  . 
To  meet  existing  conditions 
To  try  free  trade 


To  provide  revenue  and  to 
protect  our  failing  indus- 
tries. 

To  increase  revenue  and  re- 
store industiral  activity 

To  destroy  all  tha  protec- 
tion possible. 


Time  con- 
sumed.* 


No  debate. . 
39  days .... 


4K  months. 


4  months . 
6  months. 
2  months. 


5  months.  .  .  . 
iyi  months.  . 

6  months.  .  . . 
11  months.  .  . 

Passed 

promptly. 


7  months. 


4  months. 
3  months. 
1  month. . 


2  months.  . . 
5K  months. 
8  months.  . . 

5  months.  . . 

4K  months. 

6  months.  . , 


Nature 
of  change. 


Rates  doubled .  .  . 
Moderate  Protection 

Substantial  increase 

Further  increase. . .  . 

Decrease 

Do 


Increase 

Free   trade   and   ad 
valorem  duties. 


Further  decrease . 
Increase 


General  increase. . . 


Upward  changes 

$28  per  ton  on  steel 
rails 

10%  reduction 

Repeal  of  10%  re- 
duction. 

Reduction  and  in- 
creased free  list. 

Increased  and  spe- 
cific rates. 

Large  reduction,  free 
wool,  etc. 

Substantial  increase 


Readjustment  down- 
ward. 
Large  reduction* .  . . 


Result. 


Beneficial 
Disastrous. 

Beneficial. 

Do. 
Injurious. 
Disastrous. 

Beneficial. 

Ruinous. 

Bankruptcy. 
Beneficial. 


Do. 


Do. 

Do. 
Injurious. 
Beneficial. 

Injurious. 

Beneficial. 

Ruinous. 

Beneficial. 

Beneficial. 
Disaatroua. 


♦This  is  the  time  of  actual  debate  and  passage,  exclusive  of  time  spent 
agitation,  hearings,  and  preparation. 


192         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

THE   PRESENT   DEMOCRATIC  TARIFF   LAW— HOW 
IT  WAS  MADE  AND  WHAT  IT  DID 

The  Underwood  tariff  law  was  framed  upon  a  theory,  dis- 
credited by  public  distress  and  private  suffering,  whenever, 
during  the  last  sixty  years,  any  attempt  was  made  to  carry  it 
out.  Our  people  cannot  be  placed  in  direct  competition  with 
the  peoples  of  Europe,  whose  standards  of  living  are  much 
below  ours,  and  still  maintain  the  American  standard.  Direct 
competition  with  Europe,  without  protection  to  our  indus- 
tries and  labor,  means  that  Americans  must  reduce  their 
standards  of  living  to  nearly  those  of  Europe;  and  every  such 
reduction  is  an  injury  and  a  privation. 

The  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  which  made  the  bill  upoc 
the  lines  laid  down  by  President  Wilson,  consulted  neither 
producer  nor  employer  of  labor.  Few,  if  any,  of  the  men  who 
framed  the  law  had  any  personal  knowledge  whatever  of  the 
problems  that  must  be  faced  and  solved  by  the  American  pro- 
ducer. They  were  unacquainted  with  the  conditions  and  the 
competition  that  the  farmer  and  manufacturer  must  meet  and 
overcome.  They  could  prove  a  complete  alibi  if  charged  with 
any  knowledge  of  the  industrial  world  anywhere.  To  them 
an  excursion  into  the  r,ealm  of  factor^  and  workshop;  into 
the  vital  problems  of  production  cost,  and  comparative  wages 
of  this  country  and  the  lands  across  the  seas;  into  the  con- 
sideration of  the  handicaps  of  the  American  producer,  would 
be  but  another  journey  of  "Alice  in  Wonderland." 

Nor  did  the  Underwood  Committee  seek  knowledge  from 
those  who  possess  the  information  which  they  themselves 
lacked.  At  the  scant  hearings  that  were  given  upon  the  sub- 
ject, there  was  little  intelligent  effort  to  get  facts.  It  was  a 
hazing  process  to  any  producer  who  was  daring  enough  to 
appear  and  say  that  he  was  in  favor  of  protection  to  Amer- 
ican industry.  In  every  possible  way  the  committee  mem- 
bers tried  to  belittle  such  testimony  when  given,  and  to 
make  the  witnesses  uncomfortable.  These  witnesses  were 
restricted  to  a  bare  fifteen  minutes — with  the  future  of  their 
business  at  stake — and  then  even  this  time  was  used  up  in 
the  introduction  and  discussion  of  questions  entirely  foreign 
to  the  problems  in  hand. 

The  tariff  verdict  of  this  committee  was  accepted  meekly 
and  supinely  by  the  Democratic  party.  The  bill  framed  in 
this  manner  passed  both  branches  of  Congress  to  the  crack 
of  the  party  whip. 

The  result  was  natural  and  inevitable:  a  tariff  law  that  is 
faulty  in  construction,  illogical  in  its  development,  filled 
with  contradictions  and  ambiguities,  wrong  in  principle,  and 
vicious   in   practice. 

Tariff  Board 

Owing  to  the  enormous  diversification  of  our  modern  in- 
dustrial life,  the  Republican  party  has  recdgnized  the  increas- 
ing need  of  more  thorough  and  scientific  methods  in  the  prep- 
aration of  tariff  legislation.  The  inadequate  and  hasty  con- 
sideration of  tariff  bills  offered  by  the  Democrats  in  the  62d 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         1%% 

Congress  and  of  the  Underwood  Bill  of  the  next  Congress 
could  not  have  resulted  otherwise  than  detrimental  to  Amer- 
ican   agriculture    and    manufacture. 

As  pointing  a  better  way,  our  platform  of  1912  indorsed  the 
creation  9f  a  Tariff  Board  by  President  Taft  and  condemned 
our  opponents  for  a  failure  to  either  provide  funds  for  its 
continuance  or  to  make  some  other  provision  to  secure  "the 
information  requisite"  for  intelligent  legislation."  Such  a 
Board,  free  from  the  pressure  of  political  and  other  influences, 
could  gather  information  in  detail  of  every  industry  here  and 
abroad,  could  tabulate  this  information  and  lay  it  before  Con- 
gress  to   form   the  basis   for   legislative   action. 

From  Specific  to  Ad  Valorem  Duties 

The  Democratic  Ways  and  Means  Committee  set  its  inex- 
perience and  ignorance  against  the  judgment  and  experience 
of  the  expert  tariff  makers  of  the  world.  It  substituted,  wher- 
ever possible,  ad  valorem  duties  for  specific  duties,  when  it  is 
a  well  recognized  fact  that  the  more  scientific  the  tariff,  the 
more  specific  duties  it  contains.  Under  ad  valorem  duties 
the  door  is  always  open  to  frauds  and  undervaluation.  There 
is,  too,  a  still  greater  handicap  to  the  American  producer  in 
the  fact  that  such  duties  give  him  the  least  protection  at  a  time 
when  he  needs  it  most.  A  duty  that  depends  upo^  the  value 
of  the  goods  alone  means  that  in  good  times,  when  prices 
are  high,  the  duty  will  be  high,  and  in  hard  times,  when 
prices  will  be  low,  the  duty  will  be  low,  and  the  American 
market  thrown  open  to  a  flood  of  foreign-made  goods. 

At  one  time  the  Democratic  party  had  a  doctrine  and  a 
slogan  of  free  raw  materials,  but  out  of  the  Wilson-Under- 
wood School  of  Thought  came  a  new  doctrine;  that  the 
finished  article  should  be  free  of  duty  and  the  raw  materials 
which  go  into  it — and  which  must  be  obtained  abroad — 
should  be  taxed.  This  is  simply  applying  to  the  tariff  the 
operation  of  burning  the  candle  at  both  ends. 

Calmly  standing  astride  two  horses  traveling  in  opposite 
directions,  the  Democrats  declared  that  their  law  would  both 
keep  up  the  prices  which  the  farmer  receives,  and  reduce  the 
price  which  the  consumer  pays;  that  the  market  basket  must 
not  be  taxed,  yet  the  interests  of  the  farmer  must  be  guarded. 
They  might  as  well  have  declared  that  hereafter  all  omelets 
should  be  made  without  breaking  the  eggs,  and  that  anyone 
failing  to  accomplish  this  shall  be  declared  inefficient  by  that 
great  authority  on  the  subject  of  inefficiency,  Mr.  Redfield, 
Secretary  of  Commerce,  and  punished  therefor. 

A  Sectional  and  Class  Tariff 

The  Democratic  tariff  law  is  sectional  and  class  legislation. 
Its  'two  guiding  stars  were  advantage  for  the  South,  in  grati- 
tude for  favors  received,  and  an  appeal  to  the  consumer  of 
the  North,  hoping  for  favors  to  come.  If  it  is  not  a  sectional 
bill,  and  so  intended,  why  are  the  only  textiles  put  upon  the 
free  list  those  that  are  used  by  the  cotton  planter  and  the 
cotton-seed  oil  maker  of  the  Land  of  Dixie?    Why  is  bagging 


194         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

for  cotton  made  free,  and  the  same  bagging  for  the  products 
of  the  North  made  dutiable?  Why  is  a  piece  of  metal  cut  to 
lengths,  painted  and  fitted  with  buckles,  made  in  the  North  for 
baling  Southern  cotton,  put  on  tlie  free  list,  and  the  same 
piece  of  steel,  without  being  manufactured  at  all,  left  with  a 
duty?  Why  is  there  a  grading  of  the  cotton  yarns  and  cloths 
made  in  the  South,  while  the  woolen  yarns  and  cloths  of  the 
North  are  thrown  helter-skelter  into  one  group?  Why  is  the 
rice  of  the  South  dutiable,  and  the  fish  of  the  North  free?  Why 
is  the  wool  of  the  North  free,  and  the  hair  of  the  Angora 
goat  of  Texas  protected  by  a  duty?  Why  is  the  tobacco 
grower  of  the  South  guarded,  and  the  Northern  raiser  of  farm 
products  left  at  the  mercy  of  his  Canadian  rival?  There  is 
but  one  answer.  Upon  the  sea  of  Congressional  legislation, 
the  Democratic  compass  points  always  to  the  South.  It  is 
class  legislation,  for  it  discriminates  deliberately  and  directly 
against  one  class  in  the  United  States,  and  that  class  is  the 
producer — the  man  who  labors  long  and  well  to  make  the 
American  product  the  equal  of  any  in  the  world. 

The  Test  of  the  New  Law 

Fortunately  for  the  cause  of  protection  to  American  indus- 
try, and  unfortunately  for  the  Democratic  party,  there  was  a 
real  and  accurate  test  of  the  new  tariff  and  a  comparison  with 
its  Republican  predecessor  before  the  beginning  of  hostilities 
abroad,  which  has  temporarily  put  an  end  to  normal  importa- 
tions. 

The  price  that  the  American  producer  paid  for  the  priv- 
ilege of  living  under  the  new  tariff  is  one  million  dollars  a 
day  more  of  foreign  competition  for  him  to  face  in  the  market 
of  the  United  States.  According  to  government  statistics 
there  was  an  increase  in  value  of  foreign  goods  brought  into 
the  United  States  of  twenty-six  million  dollars  a  month,  or 
one  million  dollars  a  day  for  every  working  day  of  the  month. 

This  foreign  merchandise  is  brought  to  this  country  to  be 
sold.  By  just  the  amount  of  the  increase  in  importation  will 
there  be  a  loss  of  market  to  the  American  producer.  By 
just  so  much  will  the  sale  of  American  goods  in  the  American 
market  fall  short  of  the  sales  for  the  same  period  under 
the  Republican  tariff  law.  An  additional  competition  of  one 
million  dollars  a  day  faces  the  American  producer  so  long  as 
the  Democratic  tariff  law  remains  on  the  statute  book  and 
European  conditions  are  normal.  And  the  loss  and  the  injury 
that  result  from  this  will  be  felt  in  the  workroom  of  the  mill 
as  well  as  in  the  counting  room;  and  will  reach  the  Northern 
farmer  in  his  fields. 

^         No  Reduction  in  Cost  of  Living 

Has  there  been  any  reduction  in  the  cost  of  living  to  offset 
this  new  competition?  Have  the  army  of  consumers  received 
a  benefit  in  lower  prices?  Has  the  man  who  buys  his  goods 
over  the  counter  of  the  retail  store  obtained  them  for  less? 
There  has  been  no  such  change.    The  new  tariff  has  produced 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         195 

results  only  on  one  side  of  the  ledger.  The  increased  im- 
portations under  tlie  new  law  mean  merely  so  much  yardage 
cut  from  the  American  textile  mills,  so  much  tonnage  taken 
from  the  products  of  the  steel  mills,  so  much  less  a  market 
for  the  products  of  the  farm,  so  much  less  demand  for  goods 
made  by  the  American  producer,  so  much  less  demand  for 
American  labor,  with  a  resultant  loss  of  the  purchasing  powder 
of  the  whole  citizenship  of  the  United  States. 

The  trade  figures  of  the  government  just  previous  to  the 
breaking  out  of  the  European  war  show  also  a  grievous  fact 
as  to  our  export  business.  As  the  result  of  the  new  tariff 
our  normal  foreign  exports  did  not  increase,  but  we  were 
losing  part  of  the  trade  we  already  had.  For  the  seven 
months  of  the  Democratic  tariff  law,  from  January  i  to 
August  I,  1914,  the  exports  from  the  United  States  to  foreign 
countries  showed  a  falling  ofi  of  127  millions  of  dollars,  an 
average  of  18  millions  a  month,  and  nearly  three-quarters  of 
a  million  of  dollars  every  working  day  of  the  month,  as  com- 
pared with  the  same  months  of  1913  under  the  Republican 
tariff  law.  The  very  bad  feature  of  these  figures  is  that  our 
export  showing  was  progressively  bad  under  the  present  law. 
Beginning  with  April,  the  decrease  was  so  great  that  the 
balance  of  trade  ran  against  the  United  States  and  continued 
to  do  so  until  the  end  of  the  fiscal  year. 

From  a  Favorable  to  an  Adverse  Balance 

In  our  foreign  trade  under  the  Payne  law  the  favorable 
balance  was  over  six  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars.  For 
the  last  decade  and  longer  our  favorable  balance  of  trade 
had  averaged  about  five  hundred  million  dollars  annually. 
Beginning  with  April,  1914,  this  excess  of  exports  was  en- 
tirely wiped  out.  In  other  words,  a  favorable  balance  of 
trade  averaging  over  five  hundred  million  dollars  annually, 
and  which  has  enabled  us  to  pay  our  'foreign  obligations, 
which  fully  equal  that  amount,  was  changed  to  an  adverse 
balance.  We  saw  the  effects  of  this  change  in  our  foreign 
trade  by  our  exports  of  gold,  which  amounted  to  one  hundred 
million  dollars  during  that  year,  and  this,  be  it  understood, 
before  the  outbreak  of  the  European  war. 

But  the  ignorance  and  incompetence  shown  by  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  its  destructive  tariff  legislation  is  not  its  only 
offence  against  the  prosperity  of  the  people  and  the  welfare 
of  the  country.  Before  it  came  into  power  it  was  excedingly 
vociferous  in  denouncing  public  expenditures.  Since  it  came 
into  power,  its  prodigality  is  monumental.  It  has  wasted, 
and  is  wasting,  the  substance  of  the  people  in  riotous  living. 
It  has  appropriated  great  sums  for  useless  purposes,  while 
denying  to  legitimate  objects  adequate  support. 

Additional  Taxation 

And  then,  finding  the  Treasury  lacking  in  funds  to  pay  for 
their  extravagance,  and  being  unwilling  to  deny  themselves 
the  unwonted  luxury  of  spending  other  people's  money,  and 
incapable  of  a   scientific  adjustment  of  expenditures  to   in- 


19«         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

come,  they  use  the  strong  arm  of  the  war  power  to  levy'  a 
war  tax  when  we  are  at  peace  with  all  the  world.  Hundred* 
of  millions  of  dollars  more  were  wrung  from  the  peopl«  in 
this  way  whom  they  have  impoverished. 

And  additional  taxes  will  be  added  to  those  already  de- 
manded, if  the  Democratic  party  is  not  deprived  of  power. 

CURRENCY  EXPERIMENT 

When  none  of  the  promised  benefits  appeared  from  the 
tariff  legislation,  it  was  stated  at  the  White  House  that  a 
new  magna  charta  must  be  given  to  our  banking  and  currency 
system — credit  was  to  be  set  free  from  the  "shackles  which 
made  it  the  slave  of  the  money  trust," — and  as  soon  as  this 
great  piece  of  legislation  was  passed  the  waters  of  prosperity 
v/ere  to  gush  forth  as  though  their  source  had  been  smitten 
with  the  rod  of  the  prophet.  When  this  vital  and  intricate 
subject  was  taken  up  for  consideration,  the  bankers'  associa- 
tions and  the  greatest  experts  on  banking  and  currency  in 
the  country  exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost  to  secure  the 
inauguration  of  the  best  possible  system.  They  thought  that 
the  magnitude  of  the  fiscal  interests  of  this  country  deserved 
the  best  possible  system,  as  demonstrated  by  the  banking 
experience  of  the  nations  of  the  world. 

Again  the  inspired  denunciations  issued  from  the  White 
House — the  money  trust,  it  was  said,  was  in  a  conspiracy  to 
discredit  and  thwart  the  banking  inexperience  and  intuitive 
expert  knowledge  of  the  President  and  his  advisers.  Rather 
than  engage  in  a  contest  with  their  own  government,  and 
fearing  to  add  to  its  hostility  against  them,  the  bankers  and 
commercial  institutions  of  the  country  were  compelled  to 
accede  to  a  banking  and  currency  system  that  does  not 
satisfy. 

Already  this  currency  law,  announced  by  Mr.  Wilson,  and 
his  colleagues  as  wonderful  and  perfect,  has  been  found  to 
be  sadly  lacking  in  essential  features.  Already  Congress 
is  called  upon  to  make  amendments  to  it,  in  order  to  put  it  in 
good  working  condition. 

Mr.  Wilson's  second  cure  for  the  business  depression  of  the 
country  did  no  good.  It  could  not.  What  system  of  cur- 
rency can  be  devised  that  will  eliminate  the  factor  of  a  de- 
creased market  for  the  American  producer?  How  can  the 
establishment  of  any  number  of  Federal  Reserve  Banks 
prevent  additional  importations  from  coming  to  the  United 
States?  What  the  country  needs  is  more  business,  not  more 
currency,  not  more  banks.  William  McKinley  well  told  the 
story  when,  in  1896,  he  said:  "Open  the  mills  instead  of  the 
mints." 

Business  Legislation  Also  a  Blunder 

Then  President  Wilson  announced  that  a  trio  of  laws  to 
regulate  business  would  cure  the  trouble.  Apparently  he 
forgot  the  important  fact  that  legislation  alone  is  not  a 
panacea  for  lack  of  success  and  that  no  act  of  Congress,  no 
policy  of  the  administration,  can  create  character.  Thrift 
cannot  be  secured  by  law.  Property  rights  cannot  be  dis- 
regarded and  personal  rights  remain  secure.  The  persecution 
of  the  one  at  the  present  time  means  the  ultimate  violation 
of  the  other.  Production  and  transportation  cannot  be  ar- 
rayed against  each  other  if  either  is  to  prosper.  The  dividend 
of  the  employer  cannot  be  taken  away  and  the  pay  envelope 
of  the  wage  earner  remain.  Profits  and  payrolls  are  insepar- 
able companions. 

In  enacting  business  legislation  the  Democratic  party  was 
dealing  with  matters  beyond  their  mental  limitations  and 
tVieir  experience.     In  their  anxiety  to  produce  more  wealthj 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         197 

and  diflferent  distribution,  and  in  their  ignorance,  they  took 
the  risk  of  killing  the  goose  which  lays  the  golden  eggs  of 
prosperity.  They  were  crystalizing  into  law  their  limitations 
and  their  prejudices.  Instead  of  furnishing  safeguards  to  in- 
dustry against  unfair  business  methods,  they  would  place 
•hackles  upon  legitimate  business  and  enterprise. 

It  is  not  the  capitalist  that  is  most  concerned  in  this  legis- 
lation. There  is  the  stockholder,  the  man  or  woman  who 
owns  a  comparatively  small  number  of  shares  of  stock  of 
American  corporations.  In  the  United  States  there  are  over 
four  million  individual  holders  of  corporation  securities.  The 
average  holding  of  these  securities  is  about  ninety  shares. 
This  is  the  army  of  men  and  women  whose  property  is  at 
stake  in  the  new  laws,  those  who  have  invested  their  savings, 
whose  small  holdings  represent  the  only  fruit  of  hard  toil  and 
rigid  economy.  The  new  business  legislation  is  filled  alike 
with  radical  defects.  Its  enforcement  will  mean  the  punish- 
ment of  the  innocent  with  the  guilty;  that  is,  it  has  the  char- 
acteristic Democratic  quality  of  lack  of  constructive  wisdom. 

Don't  Blame  It  on  the  War 

It  is  the  present  hope  of  Democracy  that  the  European  war 
will  so  take  up  and  fill  the  American  mind  as  to  distract  it 
entirely  from  thoughts  as  to  what  the  party  in  power  has  done 
in  its  forty  months  of  rule. 

Such  a  hope  is  not  flattering  to  the  American  people.  It 
is  not  a  people  which  is  in  the  habit  of  permitting  the  accident 
of  today  to  offset  the  premeditated  offence  of  yesterday.  The 
voter  of  the  United  States  has  a  habit  of  remembering,  not  of 
forgetting,  especially  when  he  has  real  reason  to  keep  certain 
facts  indelibly  in  mind.  A  depleted  purse  is  a  great  aid  to 
memory.  Unfortunately  for  the  Democratic  party,  their 
record  was  made  up  before  the  war  began.  Their  economic 
policies  had  proven  wrong,  their  leadership  had  blundered 
and  failed,  and  ignorance  and  prejudice  had  already  stained 
their  legislation. 

Partisanship  and  Spoils 

The  business  of  the  country  was  injured  by  Democratic 
acts.  The  smooth-flowing  current  of  commerce  was  checked 
and  the  industrial  prosperity  of  the  nation  diminished.  Their 
tariff  law  was  a  benefit  to  none  but  the  foreign  producer. 
Their  attempt  to  regulate  trade  resulted  only  in  hampering 
it.  The  record  of  administration  was  the  rule  of  partisanship 
and  spoils.  There  was  procrastination  instead  of  action,  and 
violent  haste  where  mature  consideration  was  demanded.  No 
foreign  war  cloud  is  dark  enough  to  hide  the  business  de- 
pression that  Democratic  incompetency  brought  about. 

The  absolute  necessity  for  the  prosperity  of  the  American 
producer  is  the  control  of  his  home  market.  Without  that 
mooring  place  he  is  the  sport  of  every  trade  wind  that  blows. 
Under  the  present  Democratic  tariff  law  he  is  losing  this 
home  market.  That  law  must  be  changed  if  there  is  to  be 
given  to  American  production  the  necessary  anchor  to  wind- 
ward when  the  foreign  trade  winds  blow  wrong  and  strong. 

Another  vital  condition  is  that  individual  effort  in  the 
United  States  shall  not  be  unfairly  checked  and  confined  by 
such  hostile  legislation  as  is  being  enacted  by  the  Democratic 
party.  If  success  is  to  bring  with  it  penalty  and  punish- 
ment, which  seems  to  be  the  underlying  Democratic  principle, 
the  American  citizen  will  be  so  handicapped  at  home  as  to 
be  unable   to   take   advantage  of  opportunity  abroad. 

The^well  being  of  the  country  is  demanding  the  restoration 
to  power  of  the  party  of  construction  in  place  of  the  party 
•f  destruction.    There  has  been  more  than  enough  of  beaut'ful 


198         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

theory  and  glittering  platitude.  The  rule  of  rhetoric  has 
had  its  day.  There  is  no  longer  awe  or  curiosity  about  such 
soulful  things  as  'the  new  freedom"  and  "the  constitution  of 

peace." 

TARIFF  COMMISSION 

When  the  Democrats  obtained  control  of  Congress  they 
found  a  capable  and  fully  equipped  Tariff  Board  whose  work 
!iad  been  most  hip^hly  recommended  by  all  those 'best  qualified 
to  jn(lc.{c'  of  iis  ffic'cncy.  The  President  and  Democratic 
jiarty,  however,  were  not  in  favor  of  a  Tariff  Commission 
:\u(\  tlirou!?]i  refusal  of  appropriation,  the  Board  was  abolished. 
Even  as  late  as  a  year  ago,  President  Wilson  gave  it  as  his 
opinion  that  a  Tariff  Commission  was  unnecessary,  as  all  the 
work  which  it  would  be  called  upon  to  do  could  be  performed 
by  existing  departments  of  the  government.  However,  as 
upon  many  another  subject,  the  President  changed  his  mind 
and  in  order  to  make  the  people  think  that  the  present  tariff 
wonld  1)e  revised  and  readjusted,  a  plank  was  put  in  the  Dem- 
ocratic platform  for  a  Tariff  Commission  and  afterward 
a  measure  was  introduced  into  Congress  creating  such  a  Com- 
mission, which,  of  course,  will  simply  have  the  result  of  side- 
tracking the  tariff  question  entirely  if  the  Democratic  party 
is  successful  next  November.  The  character  of  the  Repub- 
lican Tariff  Board  and  its  work  can  be  seen  from  the  following. 

Tariff  Board  That  Was  Abolished  by  the  Democrats 

The  original  authority  for  a  Tariff  Board  ]|^as  given  in 
section  2  of  the  Payne  Bill,  and  was  as  follows: 

To  secure  information  to  assist  the  President  in  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  imposed  upon  him  by  this  section,  and  the  officers  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  the  administration  of  the  customs  hiws,  the  President  is  hereby 
authorized   to  employ   such  persons  as  may   be   required. 

When  the  Tariff  bill  was  passed  the  President  announced 
that  he  should  construe  this  clause  as  giving  him  authority 
"to  secure  statistics  covering  the  prices  and  costs  of  produc- 
tion of  goods  at  home  and  abroad  upon  which  scientific  tariffs 
must  be  built,"  and  that  there  might  be  no  question  about  it, 
he  asked  Congress  to  broaden  the  authority,  extend  the  scope, 
and    furnish   additional   funds. 

The  result  was  the  following  provision,  which  was  adopted: 

To  enable  the  President  to  secure  information  to  assist  him  in  the  dis- 
charge of  the  duties  imposed  upon  him  by  section  2  of  the  act  entitled 
"An  act  to  provide  revenues,  equalize  duties,  and  encourage  the  industries 
of  the  United  States,  and  for  other  purposes,"  approved  August  5,  1909,  and 
the  officers  of  the  Government  in  administering  the  customs  laws,  including 
such  investigations  of  the  cost  of  production  of  commodities,  covering  cost 
of  material,  fabrication,  and  every  other  element  of  such  cost  of  produc- 
tion, as  are  authorized  by  said  act,  and  including  the  employment  of  such 
persons  as  may  be  re<iuired  for  those  purposes,  and  to  enable  him  to  do 
any   and  all   things  in   connection   therewith  authorized   by   law,   $250,000. 

The  President  appointed  as  members  of  the  Board: 

Ifenry  C.  Emery,  Professor  of  Economics,  Yale  University. 
Alvin  H.  Sanders,  Editor  of  the  Breeders'  Gazette. 
James  B.  .Reynolds,  ex-Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
William  M.  Howard,  ex-Member  of  Congress  from  Georgia. 
Thomas  W.  l^age.  Professor  of  Economics,  University  of 
Virginia. 

The  Tariff  Board  was  created  in  September,  1909,  and,  under 
jn.'^tructions  of  the  President,  was  first  engaged  in  assisting 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         199 

the  Executive  in  the  discharge  of  the  duties  imposed  on  the 
President  by  the  Maximum  and  Minimum  Clause  of  the  Payne 
Tariff  Law.  Its  attention  was  then  directed  to  accumulating 
information  for  the  use  of  Congress  in  connection  with  the 
reciprocity  agreement  made  with  Canada,  and  especially  on 
comparative  costs  in  Canada  and  in  the  United  States,  the 
wages  paid  labor  and  particularly  farm  labor  in  the  two 
countries,  and  the  cost  of  producing  paper  and  wood  pulp  on 
both  sides  of  the  boundary. 

Following  this  the  Board  took  up  an  extensive  and  world- 
wide investigation  of  articles  covered  in  the  Woolen  Schedule 
(Schedule  K)  and  in  the  Cotton  Schedule  (Schedule  I).  These 
reports  were  duly  submitted  to  the  President  and  by  him 
transmitted  to  Congress.  The  Board  also  submitted  to  Con- 
gress a  glossary  on  chemicals,  oils  and  paints  (Schedule  A). 

The  work  of  the  Board  was  divided  into  three  main  groups: 
1st.  Its  plan  was  to  secure  as  to  each  article  in  the  tariff 
concise  information  regarding  the  nature  of  the  article,  the 
chief  sources  of  supply  at  home  and  abroad,  the  methods  of 
its  production,  its  chief  uses,  statistics  of  production,  imports 
and  exports,  with  an  estimate  of  the  ad  valorem  equivalent  for 
all  specific  duties.  This  was  called  a  glossary  of  the  tariff 
and  was  intended  to  carry  out  President  Taft's  statement  that 
he  wished  the  Board  to  "translate  the  tariff  into  English." 
The  Board  completed  this  glossary  work  on  the  chemicals, 
wool  and  cotton  schedules  and  submitted  the  same  to  Con- 
gress. 

2d.  The  Board  made  an  inquiry  into  actual  costs  of  pro- 
duction at  home  and  abroad.  In  the  pulp  and  paper  investi- 
gation, for  instance,  this  inquiry  covered  80  per  cent  of  the 
newsprint  paper  production  of  the  United  States  and  78.2 
per  cent  of  the  newsprint  paper  production  of  Canada.  In 
the  wool  investigation  more  than  1,200  American  growers 
were  personally  visited  by  agents  of  the  Board.  The  raw 
wool  investigation  extended  also  to  Argentina,  Australia  and 
other  important  foreign  wool  producing  countries.  Besides, 
the  agents  of  the  Board  made  an  exhaustive  investigation  into 
costs  of  manufacture  of  woolen  and  cotton  r^ods  in  the 
United  States  and  principal  competing  countries.  This  in- 
quiry covered  also  labor  and  machine  efficiency  here  and 
abroad. 

3d.  The  Board  employed  men  of  experience  from  particular 
lines  of  industry,  both  on  the  technical  and  commercial  side, 
to  secure  accurate  information  regarding  actual  prices  at 
home  and  abroad,  the  peculiar  local  conditions  affecting  par- 
ticular industries  and  the  general  conditions  of  home  and 
foreign  competition  to  which  such  industries  are  subject. 

In  the  spring  of  191 1  President  Taft  gave  permission  to  a 
committee  of  the  National  Tariff  Commission  Association  to 
investigate  and  report  on  the  organization,  methods  and  work 
of  the  Tariff  Board.  The  report  of  this  committee,  which 
was  unanimous,  was  signed  by  Henry  R.  Towne,  President 
of  the  Merchants'  Association,  of  New  York;  John  Kirby,  Jr., 
President  of  the  National  Association  of  Manufacturers; 
Charles  M.  Jarvis,  Vice  President  of  the  National  Association 
of  Manufacturers;  H.  E.  Miles,  former  President  of  the  Na- 
tional Association  of  Implement  and  Vehicle  Manufacturers; 
J.  J.  Culberson,  President  of  the  Southern  Cotton  Seed  Crusli- 
er's  Association,  and  PVancis  T.  Simmons,  a  member  of  the 
Executive  Council  of  the  Chicago  Association  of  Commerce. 
Following  is  an  extract  from  the  report  of  this  committee: 

"Unlimited  opportunity  was  afforded  us  in  our  iiivesigations  of  the  work 
and  methods  of  the  Board,  the  organization  of'  the  stafif,  the  rates  of 
salaries  paid,  and  the  kind  and  amount  of  all  other  expenses  incurred. 
Every  inquiry  by  us  was  responded  to  unreservedly  and  satisfactorily.     We 


200  REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

are  justified,   therefore,   in   stating  that  our  conclusions   are  based  upon  a 
full  and  intelligent  understanding  of  the  facts. 


"Our  committee  was  favorably  impressed  with  the  character,  ability  and 
fitness  of  the  members  of  the  Tarifl  Board  appointed  by  President  Taft. 
We  think  it  fortunate  that  the  country  has  been  able  to  secure,  for  service 
in  this  new  and  untried  field,  live  men  who,  on  the  whole,  are  so  well 
equipped  for  their  duties,  so  impartial  and  able  in  so  short  a  time  to 
organize  the  work  on  an  effective  basis.  In  this  connection  it  is  im- 
portant to  keep  in  mind  the  fact  that  the  functions  of  the  Tariff  Board  are 
administrative  and  judicial ;  that  its  members  were  not  selected  as 
technical  experts  in  any  one  field  of  industry ;  that  the  work  of  technical 
investigation  will  be  done  by  many  experts  employed  for  this  purpose  by 
the  Board ;  and  that  the  highest  function  of  the  Board  will  consist  in 
weighing  the  evidence  thus  gathered,  in  reaching  sound  conclusions  thereon, 
and  in  embodying  all  essential  facts  in  its  reports.  In  this  respect  the 
Board  acts  as  a  court  of  first  instance  to  review  the  evidence  gathered  by 
its  experts  and  to  pass  judgment  thereon.  It  thus  fulfills  the  functions  of 
a  commission  appointed  by  a  court  of  justice  to  make  findings  of  fact  for 
the  information  of  the  court.  Briefly  the  motto  of  the  Board  might  b« 
'to  furnish  facts,  not  opinions.'  Congress  is  and  will  remain  the  court 
of  final  judgment,  which  will  receive  the  findings  of  the  Tariff  Board  and 
take  such  action  thereon,  if  any,  as  in  the  judgment  of  Congress  may 
appear  to  be  necessary  or  expedient. 


"In  conclusion  our  committee  finds  that  the  Tariff  Board  is  composed 
of  able,  impartial,  and  earnest  men,  who  are  devoting  their  energies  unre- 
servedly to  the  work  before  them ;  that  the  staff  has  been  carefully  selected 
for  the  work  in  view,  is  efficiently  organized  and  directed,  and  includes  a 
number  of  exceptionally  competent  technical  experts ;  •  *  •  that  the 
work  of  the  Board,  vast  and  intricate  in  detail,  is  already  highly  organized, 
well  systematized,  and  running  smoothly ;  and  that  Congress  and  the  people 
can  now  await  the  completion  of  that  work  with  entire  confidence  that  it 
is  progressing  as  rapidly  as  consistent  with  proper  thoroughness  and  that 
it  will  amply  justify  all  the  time  and  expense  it  entails.  We  believe  that 
the  value  of  the  work  when  completed  will  be  so  great  and  so  evident  as 
to  leave  no  single  doubt  as  to  the  expediency  of  maintaining  it  as  a  perma- 
nent function  of  the  Government  for  the  benefit  of  the  people." 

As  an  evidence  of  the  attitude  of  foreign  countries  toward 
the  work  of  the  Tariff  Board,  an  official  of  the  Royal  Imperial 
Ministry  of  Commerce  of  Austria,  regarded  as  a  leading  au- 
thority on  tariff  questions  in  Europe,  said,  regarding  the  pulp 
and  paper  report: 

"The  report  is  excellent  and  in  line  with  the  latest  theory,  and  I  know 
of  no  European  publication  which  so  correctly  interprets  the  most  impor- 
tant features  of  the  question  of  commercial  policy  as  does  your  report  on 
the  paper  industry.  This  is  a  very  good  beginning,  and  I  already  see  that 
you  will  soon  leave  all  the  European  government  departments  far  behind 
in  the  publication  of  model  reports  on  questions  of  commercial  policy.  This 
report  will  attract  great  attention  in  Europe." 

The  same  authority,  discussing  the  wool  report,  said: 

"It  is  an  excellent  standard  work.  The  Tariff  Board  has  come  within  a 
very  short  time  to  the  head  of  all  the  similar  boards  established  a  long 
time  since  in  the  other  countries.  It  is  really  true  that  no  legislative  body 
has  ever  had  presented  to  it  a  better  report  on  a  tariff  question.  It  will 
be  also  entirely  impossible  not  to  take  your  results  in  mind  in  pro- 
ceeding to  a  revision  of  the  tariff.  It  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  stop  tht 
work  of  the  Board,  and  it  would  soon  prove  necessary  to  re-establish  it." 

The  functions  of  the  Tariff  Board  were  well  described  by 
Chairman  Emery  of  th^  Board  when  he  said: 

"The  role  of  such  a  board  will  be  to  act  not  as  legislator,  nor  as  advo- 
cate, nor  yet  as  judge.  It  will  be  closer  to  the  function  of  a  commissioner 
or  referee  appointed  by  the  court  to  make  a  report  on  the  findings  of  fact. 
On  these  findings  judgments  may  be  rendered  or  policies  determined  by 
the  properly  constituted  authorities.  It  ought  to  be  plain  that  whatever 
policy  the  people  choose  to  follow,  or  whatever  party  th«y  iupport,  tfa* 
impartial  finding  of  facts  is  equally  important  in  any  oas*. 

"The  President  has  given  us  our  task  to  find  the  facts.  We  hav«  re- 
solved not  to  substitute  for  facts  any  half-formed  guesses  or  opinions. 
We  shall  not  depart  from  this  resolve  under  orders  or  pressure  from  anv 
man,  or  any  interest,  nor  in  response  to  mere  unthinking  clamor." 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         201 

THE  TARIFF  AND  THE  FARMER 
By  Representative  Charles  H.  Sloan  of  Nebraska 

A  Protective  Tariff,  with  widely  separated  exceptions,  has 
been  the  large  issue  for  nearly  a  century,  and  as  carried  out  in 
this  country  has  been  applied  to  products  which  at  the  time 
were,  or-  within  a  reasonable  time  would  probable  become 
competitive  with  like  products  from  other  lands.  Under  this 
policy,  Republicans  placed  reasonable  duties  upon  farm  prod- 
ucts in  the  McKinley  bill  of  1892.  These  the  Wilson  bill  of 
1894  largely  reduced.  The  Wilson  bill,  however,  retained  a 
substantial  duty  (generally  ad  valorem)  on  nearly  all  farm 
products.  The  Dingley  bill  of  1897  placed  a  wholesome  Pro- 
tective Tariff  upon  farm  products.  This  Tariff  was  prac- 
tically reenacted  in  the  Payne  law  of  1909  and  remained  until 
superseded  by  the  Underwood  law  of  October  3,  1913. 

Republicans  favored  protection  of  farm  products  for  the 
following  reasons: 

ist.  Because  they  saw  in  the  growth  of  our  population 
and  the  rapid  reduction  to  cultivation  of  our  lands,  as  well 
as  in  our  annual  statistics,  an  approximation  of  consumption 
and   production. 

2d.  Farming  is  not  the  simple  process  it  once  was  to  be 
x:arried  on  by  anyone,  and  taken  up  or  dropped  at  any  time. 
A  season,  a  year,  or  even  a  decade,  will  not  span  or  deter- 
mine agricultural  success.  Farming  is  a  profession  now  and 
ought  to  be  the  noblest  of  them  all.  It  should  receive  first 
consideration  instead  of  being  made  the  victim  of  unwar- 
ranted  legislative    caprice   or   party   venom. 

The  farmer  must  combine  the  training  of  the  engineer  to 
understand  and  manipulate  his  complicated  machinery,  with 
the  study  of  the  scientist,  to  prepare  the  soil,  seed,  harvest 
and  garner.  Moreover,  he  must  be  a  financier  to  judge 
when,  how,  and  under  what  circumstance  to  market  his  prod- 
ucts, that  best  results  may  follow. 

3d.  The  course  of  Tariff  legislation  in  other  countries,  Brit- 
ain excepted,  has  been  to  place  protective  duties  on  farm 
products.  The  following  table  gives  some  of  the  duties  the 
American  farmer  must  pay  in  order  to  enter  his  products 
in  foreign  countries: 

••untry  cG_  J^'^S  vji 

c  zir^  o  «  s  bo  oj 

fe  ftv^  U  a,  ft  <  a. 

Austria-Hungary $0.03  $0.03  $o.aii 

France     024  .032  .177 

Germany     .  035  .  039  .  24s 

Belgium     019  Free  Free 

Russia     Free  .  oa  i  Free 

Greece    .  020  .014  . 1 62 

Italy     .010  .022  .196 

Spain    012  .044  .321 

Sweden     009  .064  .198 

Canada     030  .020  .094 

Mexico     .  022  .  033  .  229 

Argentina      Free  .109  .195 

Brazil     028  .192  .177 

Australia     .  040  .  060  .  194 

4th.  The  results  of  the  Dingley  and  Payne  agricultural 
Tariffs  were  satisfactory  on  the  protective,  competitive,  and 
revenue  bases.  Witness  the  following  tables  showing  the 
dutiable  goods  entered  at  our  ports  for  every  fifth  fiscal  ye»r 
Weginning  1897  and  ending^  1912: — 


202 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


Year 
ended 
June 
30th. 

Values. 

Duties 
Collected. 

Values. 

Duties. 
Collected. 

Values.           Duties 

Collected. 

SCHEDULE  A. 

Chemicals,  Oils  and 

Paints. 

SCHEDULE  B. 

Earths,  Earthenware 

and  Glassware. 

SCHEDULE  C. 
Metals,  and  manu- 
factures of. 

1^97  . 
19  )2  . 
1907  . 
1912 

$19,003,638  |$5,440.024 
29,991,974      8,499,709 
40,246,137     11,124,088 
47,235,641     12,239,742 

$21,166,515 
21,424,011 
31,306,009 
21.994,265 

$7,605,169 
11,365,381 
15,350,019 
11,156,221 

$23,603,665    $8,955,132 
38,870.207     14,973,244 
67,148,963    21,882,145 
50,491,870  :  17.346,221 

SCHEDULE  D. 

Wood  and 
Manufactures  of. 

SCHEDULE  E. 

Sugar,  Molasses  and 

Manufactures  of. 

SCHEDULE  F. 

Tobacco  and 
Manufactures  of. 

1897  . 

1902  . 
1907 
1912  . 

$1,485,479    1    $339,974 
14,556,267    l  2,572,527 
24.472,483    1  3,701,201 
24,414,943   |   3,042,834 

$98,283,469    41,346,400 
61,116,367    53,040,877 
92,784,081    60,338,523 

105,744,519    50.951.199 

$18,782,759    20,971,882 
16.331,536    18,756,035 
29,959,081   126,125,037 
31,116,052  125,571.508 

SCHEDULE  G. 

Agricultural  Products 
and  Provisions. 

SCHEDULE  H. 
Sr.irits.  Wines  and 
Other  Beverages. 

SCHEDULE  L 
Cotton  Manufactures. 

1897  . 
1902 
1907  . 
1912  . 

$33,716,958    $8,613,987 
43,682.461     16,012,639 
63,720,855    19,203,886 

117,711.156    34,146,071 

$11,880,430 
15.367.757 
23,083,420 
20,731,233 

$8,136,014 
10,562,022 
16,318,120 
17.409,815 

$22,650,234    $9,903,895 
21,129,139    10.422,930 
31,857,017    14,284,628 
24.358,360  111,085,150 

schedule;. 

Flax   Hemp.  Jiite  and 
Manufactures  of.    . 

SCHEDULE  K. 
Wool  and  Manu- 
factures of. 

SCHEDULE  L. 

Silks  and  Si  k 

Goods. 

1897  . 
1902 
1907 
1912  . 

$34,852,448 
68.133.003 
114.124.372 
108,698.102 

14.110.685 
30.694,804 
49,890,953 
49,062,348 

$48,902,866  |22.702,726 
35.363,788    26,396.923 
62,831,601    36,561,217 
48,361.374    27,072,116 

$26,517,092  ,12,421.970 
32.242,228  117.293,290 
38.816.8.S9  120.313.706 
26.571,510  113,695.239 

SCHEDULE  M. 

Pulp,  Papers  and 

Books. 

SCHEDULE  N. 
Sundries. 

1897  . 

$5  310  055 

$1,200,043 
1.896.456 
4.136.029 
4,886,671 

$41  184  008  110.031,293 

1902  . 

8!047!824 
20.005,025 
22,828.121 

86!667.841   120.180,984 

1907  . 

133  092  951    29,892,107 

1912  . 

108[952,769    26.931.000 

) 

The  following  comparisons  of  imports  of  twenty-seven 
leading  Northern  products  representing  different  periods  will 
be  interesting  from  both  import  and  revenue  considerations: 

First  comparison.  First  nine  months,  New  Law,  with  cor- 
responding months  in  last  year  of  old  law.  Old  Law  imports, 
$49,727,  159;  New  Law  imports,  $130,692,543.  Increase,  162 
per  cent. 

Second  comparison.  First  full  year  of  New  Law  compared 
with  last  corresponding  period  under  the  Old  Law.  Old  Law 
imports,  $63,342,993;  New  Law  imports,  $166,020,946.  Increase, 
162  per  cent. 

Third  comparison.  First  twenty-one  months  of  the  New 
Law,  compared  with  the  last  corresponding  period  of  the 
Old  Law.  It  will  be  noted  that  this  period  contains  ten 
months  non-war  period  and  eleven  months  war  period.  Old 
Law  imports,  $132,395,694;  New  Law  imports,  $273,718,123. 
Increase,  106  per  cent. 

Total  imports  for  twenty-one  months  under  New  Law  com- 
pared with  last  twenty-one  months  under  Old  Law.  Total 
imports  under  Old  Law,  $2,229,780,348;  total  imports  of  food- 
stuffs and  raw  wool,  $556,533733,  or  24  per  cent,  of  the  total. 
Total  imports  under  New  Law,  $3,121,285,761;  total  imports  of 
food  stuffs  and  raw  wool,  $1,003,809,279,  or  32  per  cent  of  the 
total.  This  shows  an  increase  in  imports  of  $891,505,413,  of 
which  food  products  and  raw  wool  was  $447,265,546,  or  50 
per  cent.  While  the  imports  of  food  stuffs  and  raw  wool 
increased  80  per  cent,  the  increase  of  all  other  products  was 
only  20  per  cent. 

Free  Imports:  Of  the  total  free  imports  during  the  last 
twenty-one  months  of  the  Old  Law,  amounting  to  $1,215,461,- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         203 

871,  18  per  cent.,  or  $228,337,714,  were  food  stuffs  and  raw 
wool.  For  the  first  twenty-one  months  under  the  New  I  aw 
the  total  free  imports  were  $1,927,895,375,  of  which  $557  519- 
898,  or  29  per  cent,  were  food  stuffs  and  raw  wool.  Tin's 
shows  an  increase  of  $712,433,504,  of  which  food  stuiTs  and 
raw  wool  furnish  $329,182,184,  or  46  per  cent.  While  the  im- 
ports of  food  stuffs  and  raw  wool  under  the  free  list  increased 
144  per  cent,  the  increase  of  all  other  products  on  the  free  list 
was  only  38  per  cent. 

Revenue:  If  the  old  rates  had  been  collected  upon  the 
imports  of  these  twenty-seven  articles  for  the  first  twenty- 
one  months  under  the  New  Law  the  revenue  would  have 
amounted  to  $88,377,974,  The  amount  actually  collected  for 
a  period  of  twenty-one  months  under  the  New  Law  was 
$9,283,577.  Now  this  is  but  a  part  of  Schedule  G  with  raw 
wool  added.  .  .  .  From  these  facts  and  figures  the  loss 
of  revenue  growing  out  of  this  discrimination  against  the 
farmer  totals  each  year  an  enormous  sum.  And  if  we  were 
to  include  all  of  Schedule  G,  with  raw  wool  added,  we  must 
add   several  millions  more. 

Selecting  1912  as  the  last  year  which  was  disturbed  by 
threatening  or  actual  Tariff  changes,  and  1915  as  the  first 
clear  year  under  the  Underwood  law,  we  find  the  dutiable 
Agricultural  imports  of  1912  to  be  $783,457,471;  for  1915, 
$908,185,128.  This  shows  an  increase  of  $124,727,657.  In 
order  to  bring  in  this  additional  competition  the  Treasury 
lost,  on  the  dutiable  list.  $33,270,720.  This  is  measured  by 
the  difference  between  Schedule  G's  income  in  1912  and  1915, 
plus  the  loss  on  raw  wool.  In  other  words,  34  per  cent 
or  more  than  one-third,  of  all  the  losses  of  revenue  suf- 
fered under  the  Underwood  law  resulted  from  the  changes 
made  in  farm  product  duties. 

Democratic  Bad  Faith 

It  would  have  been  a  bold  statement  in  the  light  of  all 
these  facts  for  the  Democratic  Party  to  have  declared  in 
favor  of  placing  farm  products,  generally,  on  the  free  list. 
Yet  fair  dealing  with  the  producers  of  the  country  required 
such  a  platform  statement,  if  legislation  such  as  was  after- 
ward enacted  in  the  Underwood  law  had  then  been  contem- 
plated. To  do  less  was  bad  faith.  Yet  nowhere  in  the 
Democratic  platform  of  1912  was  there  a  hint,  to  say  noth- 
ing about  an  open  statement,  that  the  large  feature  of  De- 
mocracy's Tariff  policy,  which  was  given  first  place  in  the 
National  platform  and  in  the  Tariff  law,  which  was  given  first 
place  in  the  Democratic  legislative  program,  was  to  be  the 
removal  of  duty  from  nearly  all  farm  products  produced  in 
the  North  and  drastic  reduction  of  others  belonging  to  that 
section. 

The  Democratic  National  Platform  said  nothing  directly 
about  farm  products  being  placed  on  the  free  list,  nor  did  it 
state,  leaving  anything  open  to  inference,  that  its  legislation 
would  be  of  that  character.  The  first  important  clause  of 
its  paramount  plank  was: 

"We  favor  the  immediate  downward  revision  of  the  exist- 
ing high  and  in  many  cases  prohibitive  tariff  duties,  insisting 
that  material  reductions  be  speedily  made  upon  the  necessi- 
ties  of   life." 

Speedy  reduction  of  duties  cannot  be  tortured  by  any 
honest  interpretation  into  meaning  a  removal  of  duties.  The 
idea  involved  in  the  word  "reduction"  indicates  a  lessening, 
but  also  implies  a  continuance  in  form  and  substance  of  the 
original  factor.  So  farmers  may  have  been  warned  that  duties 
on  farm  products  would  be  reduced  in  case  of  Democratic  suc- 
cess as  had  been  done  in  the  Wilson  bill  in  1894,  but  no  one 
was  given  to  understand,  or  was  warranted  in  understanding 


204        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK~l&l« 

that  the  duties  would  be  removed  and  farm  products,  gen- 
erally, placed  on  the  free  list.  The  change  promised  was  a 
matter  of  diet,  not  of  death. 

However,  further  on  the  platform  states: 

"Articles  entering  into  competition  with  trust-controlled 
products  and  articles  which  are  sold  abroad  more  cheaply 
than  at  home  should  be  put  upon  the  free  list.  " 

The  products  of  the  American  farm  do  not  enter  into  com- 
petition with  trust-controlled  products  and  have  not  been 
sold  abroad  more  cheaply  than  at  home.  The  wheat,  corn, 
rye,  cattle,  hogs,  sheep,  poultry,  eggs,  potatoes  and  other 
products  of  the  farm  are  not  sold  by  our  farmers  in  compe- 
tition with  any  trust. 

The  only  other  provision  of  the  Baltimore  platform  which 
related  to  duties  on  farm  products  is  where  it  says: 

"We  denounce  the  action  of  President  Taft  in  vetoing 
the  bills  to  reduce  the  tariff  in  the  cotton,  woollen,  metal 
and  chemical  schedules  and  the  Farmer's  Free  List  Bill." 

It  will  be  recalled  that  the  Farmer's  Free  List  Bill,  as  it 
passed  Congress  and  was  presented  to  President  Taft,  con- 
tained little  produced  upon  the  farm.  The  articles,  including 
meats  and  cereals,  which  had  been  in  the  free  list  bill  when 
originally  introduced,  had  been,  by  the  deliberate  action  of  a 
Democratic  House  and  a  Republican  Senate,  cut  out  of  that 
bill.  So  that  all  any  farmer  had  reason  to  fear  if  fairly 
dealt  with  by  the  successful  party  was  a  reduction  of  the 
rate  of  duties  upon  his  products,  and  he  was  in  no  wise 
warned  that  any  of  them  would  be  placed  upon  the  Free  List. 

Judge  Cowan,  of  Texas,  a  Democrat,  speaking  before  the 
Ways  and  Means  Committee,  during  the  discussion  of  the 
Underwood  bill,  practically  charged  the  Democratic  Party 
with  bad  faith  in  placing  live  stock  and  meats  on  the  free  list 
when  it  had  not  declared  for  such  policy  at  Baltimore. 

Upon  this  question  the  American  people,  except  the  Demo- 
cratic Party,  had  largely  and  fairly  expressed  themselves. 
The  Republican  platform  adopted  at  Chicago  in  1912,  said: 

The  products  of  the  farm  and  of  the  mine  should  receive  the  same 
measure  of  protection  as  other  products  of  American  labor. 

/  The  Progressive  National  Platform  adopted  at  Chicago  in 
1912,  said: 

We  believe  in  a  protective  tariff  which  shall  equalize  conditions  of  compe- 
tition between  the  United  States  and  foreign  countries,  both  for  the  farmer 
and  the  manufacturer,  and  which  shall  maintain  for  labor  an  adequate 
standard  of  living. 

There  were  cast  in  support  of  these  platforms  for  unsuc- 
cessful presidential  candidates  7,604,518  votes.  There  were 
cast  for  the  successful  minority  candidate  for  President  only 
6,293.454  votes.  There  were  lacking  1,311,064  votes  of  a 
majority.  And  moreover,  of  all  candidates  for  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  the  Sixty-third  Congress  the  expression  of 
the  voters  on  this  great  subject  of  legislation  if  carried  into 
effect  would  have  elected  211  Democrats  and  224  Members 
favoring  reasonable  protection  to  the  products  of  farm,  factory 
and  mine. 

Further,  the  two  great  agricultural  organizations  of  this 
country  have  not  been  silent  on  this  subject.  The  National 
Grange,  speaking  upon  this  subject,  said: 

We  confiriA  the  position  of  the  Grange  upon  the  tariff  question  as  passed 
by  the  forty-second  session  of  the  National  Grange,  namely,  "That  what- 
ever the  policy  of  the  Government  may  be,  the  farmers  of  the  United 
States  demand  that,  as  far  as  possible,  such  measures  of  direct  benefit 
therefrom  as  is  given  to  manufacturers  or  any  other  industries  of  th« 
country  shall  also  be  accorded  to  agriculture. 

The  Farmers'  National  Congress,  in  its  last  formal  deliver- 
ance on  this  subject,  said: 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         2#g 

A  fair  and  equal  measure  accorded  to  all  industries  of  the  country 
needing  protection.  Any  legislative  discrimination  will  be  opposed  by  our 
influence  and  resented  by  our  votes.  We  will  never  submit  to  selling  in  a 
free  trade  market  and  buying  in  a  protected  market. 

Upon  the  other  hand,  no  farmers'  organization  has  de- 
manded free  or  substantially  free  trade  in  farm  products. 

Schedule  G,  with  the  rest  of  the  bill  was  sent  to  a  Demo- 
cratic caucus  of  House  Members,  dominated  by  cotton  and 
Tammany.  When  a  Northern  Member  simply  attempted  to 
protest  in  the  name  of  the  farmers  of  the  north,  he  was 
browbeaten  into  silence.  He  was  told  to  take  his  choice, 
silence  and  patronage,  or  protest  and  disfavor.  One  was  told 
that  the  active  postmasters  he  might  name  would  exert 
more  influence  than  the  20,000  farmer  voters  in  his  district. 
He  chose  the  postmasters.  A  Republican  successor  now  sits 
in  his  stead.  In  the  1914  Congressional  election  the  Repub- 
licans  gained   thirty-six   Agricultural    districts. 

The  largest  feature  of  the  Underwood  Tariff  bill  was  its 
slaughter  of  farmers'  protection  as  the  following  facts  will 
establish. 

1st.  It  affected  the  large  group  of  all  citizens  who,  ac- 
cording to  our  census  estimates,  are  divided  as  follows: 

Agriculture    and    animal    husbandry 12,500,000 

Manufacturing    and    mechanical    industry 10,500,000 

Domestic   and   personal   service    3,800,000 

Trade    3,500,000 

Transportation     2,700,000 

Clerical   service    1,700,000 

Professions     i  ,600,000 

Minerals    900,000 

2d.  It  threw  open  to  competition  the  largest  portion  of 
our  country's  annual  production  of  wealth  with  the  rapidly 
increasing  products  of  other  agricultural  countries,  including 
the  great  pastures  and  developing  lands  in  Canada,  South 
America,  Australia,  and  Africa.  So  the  largest  factor  of 
competition,  created  by  the  Underwood  law  was  against  the 
farmers  in  the  right  to  the  home  market  which  they  had  been 
for  decades  upbuilding.  Indeed  the  remarkable  prophecy 
contained  in  the  report  signed  by  the  fourteen  Democratic 
members  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  in  support  of 
the  Underwood  bill,  seemed  to  apply  to  agriculture,  our 
greatest  industry.     Over  their  signatures,  these  men  said: 

"In  our  judgment,  the  future  growth  of  our  great  industries 
lies  beyond  the  seas." 

Republicans  believe  that  the  future  growth  of  our  great 
industry  as  well  as  our  lesser  ones,  should  lie  between  the 
great   seas,   Atlantic   and    Pacific. 

Comparison  of  Imports — 1914  with  1912 

The  fiscal  year  of  1914  contains  three  months  of  the  Payne 
law  and  niHe  months   of  the   Underwood  law. 

There  was  an  increase  in  all  imports  over  1912  of  $270,- 
889,052.  Of  these,  $140,789,052  were  farm  products.  All  others 
$130,099,907.  Stated  in  percentages,  Farm  Products,  52  per 
cent,  all  others  48  per  cent. 

There  was  an  increase  in  all  exports  in  1914  over  1912,  of 
$i59>364,i97.  Of  this,  $63,346,504,  only,  was  faryi  products; 
and  $96,017,693  all  others.  Stated  in  percentages  farm  prod- 
ucts 40  per  cent,  all  others  60  per  cent.  In  other  words,  the 
farmers  were  forced  to  meet  $140,789,052  increased  import 
competition  in  exchange  for  the  advantage  of  $63,346,504  ex- 
ports. Or  stated  in  percentages,  the  farmer  was  forced  to  ac- 
cept a  52  per  cent  increase  of  imports  competition,  for  a  40 
per  cent  increase  of  exports  of  his  production;  while  the 
others  were  given  the  benefit  of  the  $96,017,693  export  in- 
crease for  $130,099,907  import  increase.     In  the  matter  of  the 


206 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


increase  caused  by  the  new  law  the  farmer  found  the  balance 
against  him  of  $77,442,548,  while  all  others  had  a  balance  of 
trade  increase  against  them  of  only  $34,082,214. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  important  transfers  from 
the  Payne  dutiable,  to  the  free  list  in  the  Underwood  law: 

Cattle,  sheep,  wool,  beef,  mutton,  corn,  eggs,  milk,  cream, 
potatoes  and  wheat.  (Wheat  and  potatoes  to  bear  10  cents 
per  bushel  and  10  per  cent  respectively,  if  the  importing 
countries  charge  a  duty  for  our  shipment  to  them). 

The  following  are  articles  upon  which  duties  were  radically 
reduced: 

Horses,  poultry,  oats,  hay,  cheese,  and  butter. 

The  remaining  rate  yields  considerable  revenue,  but  ex- 
tends  little    Protection. 

When  the  Tariff  Bill  was  under  way  the  Ways  and  Means 
Committee,  to  silence  the  protest  of  the  farmers  and  the 
northern  Congressmen,  set  forth  in  its  report  a  statement 
claimed  to  be  based  on  legitimate  Treasury  information  show- 
ing probable  importations  during  the  first  year's  operation 
under  the  proposed  law: 


J. 

Cattle. 
Horses. 
Fg«s .  ^ 
Butter. 
Oats .  . 


Forecast  For 
Year. 


$5,570,000 
612.500 
210.000 
32  S. 000 
945,000 


.Actual  Imports 
For  First  Year. 


$21,006,690  58 
1.804.818  .SO 
1  582.490.60 
1.907.145.20 
8.059.743.43 


Ratio  of  Estimate 
To  Actual 
Imports. 


1  to  4 
1  to  3 
1  to  7K 
1  to  6 
1  to8K 


The  increase  of  imports  of  twenty-seven  Northern  Agri- 
cultural products  during  the  first  nine  months  of  the  Under- 
wood Tariff  as  compared  with  the  last  nine  months  of  the 
Payne  Tariff  was  from  $49,853,631  to  $129,280,817  or  159  per 
cent. 

3d.  To  inflict  upon  the  farmers  of  the  North  the  burden 
of  competition  from  cheap  lands,  cheap  labor,  and  cheap 
ocean  transportation,  the  Democratic  Congress  discriminated 
against  the  Northern  farmer  and  in  favor  of  the  Southern 
agriculturist. 

a.  Rice  flourishes  only  in  Dixie.  The  Underwood  law  re- 
tained it  on  the  protected  list  while  wheat,  raised  in  the 
North  (except  under  conditions),  was  placed  on  the  free  list. 

b.  Tobacco,  largely  produced  in  the  South,  is  protected, 
while  corn  is  free. 

c.  Peanuts  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  were  retained 
on  the  protected  list  while  potatoes  of  Maine  and  Northern 
States  generally,  were  placed  on  the  free  list. 

d.  Angora  goat  hair  of  Texas  and  the  Southwest,  generally, 
is  protected.  Wool  of  the  North  is  free  listed.  It  would 
seem  that  this  was  an  effort  to  see  how  far  they  could  go  in 
sectional  discrimination. 

Special  Products 

The  citrus  fruit  industry,  under  the  fostering  influence  of 
a  reasonable  Protective  Tariff,  was  rapidly  becoming  a  great 
national  intlustry.  The  Underwood  law  removed  a  large 
measure  of  that  protection.  It  was  urged  that  the  reduction 
was  in  the  interest  of  the  consumer,  but  it  appears  from 
pending  litigation  that  the  beneficiaries  are  not  the  consumers 
but  are  certain  lobbyists  in  this  country  and  the  foreign  ex- 
porters. 

Wheat.  The  present  foreign  war  has  created  a  great  demand 
for  our  wheat  and  present  prices  are  not  being  complained 
of.     However,  the  day  of  peace  and  commercial  reckoning  is 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


207 


coming.  Farmers  are  interested  in  and  remember  conditions 
as  they  were  two  years  ago  when  the  Underwood  law  was 
in  force  and  the  war  had  not  begun.  A  Democratic  Congress- 
man on  the  floor  of  the  House  on  June  4,  1914,  said: 

"Wheat  now  is  a  better  price  under  Democratic  times  than 
it  was   in   1912,  under   Republican  rule." 

The  same  member  having  later,  on  the  27th  of  June,  said: 
"Farm    products    are    commanding    a    high    price,    the    best 
ever   known,"   a    Republican    Congressman,    in    the   course   of 
debate,  submitted  the  following  facts  and   figures: 

Cash  price  of  wheat  at  certain  markets. 


June  4, 
1914. 

June  4, 
1912. 

Decrease. 

$0.88K 

.91>^ 

.93  X 

.96 

1.05X 

$1.08K 
1.12 

1.12.>^ 
l.llK 
1.21|< 

cents. 
$0.20 

Kansas  City  Star        .          ... 

.20K 

Minneapolis  Tribune 

.19^8 

.15K 

New  York  Sun 

.16K 

Note.  Prices  are  on  No.  2  hard,  except  Minneapolis  prices  are  No.  2 
Northern. 

Average  decrease   in   five   markets    18   cents  per  bushel. 

"If  these  dates  are  regarded  as  too  narrow;  if  the  gentleman 
desired  to  give  facts  concerning  prices,  he  could  have  re- 
sorted to  a  broader  field,  using  the  records  of  the  United 
States  Department  of  Agriculture.  The  wheat  farm  prices 
quoted  are  for  January,  February,  March,  April,  May,  and 
June  of  the  several  years.  I  place  them  in  two  groups — one 
for  the  years  1914  and  1913  in  one  group  and  the  other  for 
the  four  preceding  years.  I  group  1913  and  1914  together 
because  the  anticipatory  effects  of  one  go  with  the  actual 
results  of  the  other. 

"The  average  price  for  the  first  group  of  four  years  under 
the  old  tariff  was  for  January  93.3.  It  was  78.6  for  the  other. 
For  February  it  was  95  for  the  four-year  group,  80  for  the 
two-year  group.  March  it  was  96.2  as  compared  with  83,  and 
so  on,  with  an  average  between  these  two  groups  of  years, 
covering  fairly  all  of  the  six  months,  of  16  cents  per  bushel 
in  favor  of  the  former  law.  So  that  a  man  desiring  to  find 
the  truth  could  not  have  been  easily  mistaken,  as  the  follow- 
ing table  will  show: 

Price  of  wheat  per  bushel. 


Months 


January. . 
February. 
March .  .  . 
April .  .  .  . 

May 

June 


Aver- 

.A.ver- 

1909 

1910 

1911 

1912 

1913 

1914 

age  4 
.years. 

ase  2 
years. 

Cents. 

Cents. 

Cents. 

Cents. 

Cents. 

Cents. 

Cents. 

Cents. 

93.5 

103.4 

88.6 

88.0 

76.2 

81.0 

93.3 

78.6 

9.S.2 

105.0 

89  8 

90.4 

79.9 

81.6 

95.1 

80.2 

1039 

105.1 

85.4 

90.7 

80.6 

83.1 

96.2 

83.1 

107.0 

104.5 

83.8 

92.5 

70.1 

84.2 

96.9 

81.6 

11.5.9 

99.9 

84.6 

99  7 

80.9 

83.9 

100.0 

82.4 

123  5 

97.6 

86.3 

102.8 

82.7 

84.4 

102.5 

83.5 

De 

creas 
or  in- 
crease. 


Cents. 

—14.7 

—  14.9 

—13.1 

15.3 

17.0 

19.6 


With  fewer  miles  of  new  railroad  built  in  the  United  States 
in  the  Free-Trade  year  1915  than  in  any  other  since  1864,  and 
41,000  miles  of  railroads  put  in  the  hands  of  receivers  during 
that  period — the  greatest  ever  recorded,  it  appears  that  so  far 
as  transportation  industries  are  concerned  free-trade  pro- 
gressed last  year  with  the  rapidity  of  cold  molasses  in 
Alaska. 


20S 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


"I  submit  the  following  table  of  leading  product  prices  on 
June  2^,    1914,   in    several   markets: 
Cash  prices. 
[From  the  Indianapolis  Star.] 


June  27, 
1912. 

June  27, 
1914. 

Decrease. 

INDIANAPOLIS. 

Wheat,  No.  2  red 

Corn,  No.  3  white 

Oats,  No.  2  white 

Hay,  No.  1  timothy 

.  .  bushel .  . 
...do.... 
...do.... 
.  .  .  ton . . . 

$1.97K 
.80M 
.54K 
.     20.00 

$0.07K 
.73K 
.38% 

17.00 

$0.28 
.07 

.15fs 
3.00 

CHICAGO. 

Wheat,  No.  2  hard 

Corn,  No.  2  yellow 

Oats,  No.  2  white 

.  .bushel.  . 
....do.... 
....do.... 

$1.04 

$0.84K 
.68M 
.39^8 

$0.19K 
.07K 

.14fi 

ST.  LOUIS. 

Wheat.  No.  2  hard 

Corn,  No.  2  yellow 

OatP,  No.  2  white 

.  .bushel. . 
....do.... 
....do.... 

1.07K 
.76K 
.52^ 

.90 

.69K 

.38K 

.17K 
.06K 
.14K 

KANSAS  CITY. 

Wheat.  No.  2  hard 

Corn,  No.  2  yellow 

Oats,  No.  2  white 

.  .  bushel . . 
.   ..do.... 
....do.... 

MIX 
.78K 
.49^ 

.88 

.69K 

.38K 

.23^ 
.07  K 

•  UK 

NEW  YORK. 

Wheat,  No.  2  hard 

Corn,  No.  2  yellow 

. .  bushel .  . 
....do.... 

1.18 

.81K 

.91K 
.77K 

.26K 
.07 

"If  marked  prices  are  not  fully  convincing,  allow  me  to 
submit  the  following  table  showing  the  farm  prices  for  small 
grains  during  the  first  six  months  of  the  last  six  years, 
grouped  as  heretofore,  and  the  decrease  in  price  for  the  last 
two  years  compared  with  the  four  years  previous. 

"Farm  price  of  certain  small  grains,  ist  of  each  month,  for 
the  United  States  for  years  1909,  1910,  191 1,  1912,  and  average 
for  these  four  years  as  compared  with  the  price  for  same 
months  for  1913  and  1914,  and  the  average  for  these  two 
years: 

Prices  per  bushel  for  oats,  barley,  and  flaxseed. 


Oats:/ 

January. .  .  . 

February  . . 

March 

April 

May 

June 

Barley  :2 

January. .  .  . 

February  . . 

March 

April 

May 

June 

Flaxseed  :3 

January. .  .  . 

February  . . 

March 

.Aipril 

May 

June 


1909 


Cents. 
48.1 
48.1 
51.1 
53.2 
55.3 
57.4 

56.5 
58.3 
59.4 
61.2 
63.8 
67.0 

123.2 
129.8 
141.3 
145.6 
148.7 
153.4 


Cents. 
42.8 
45.0 
46.0 
45.6 
43.3 
43.0 

57.6 
59.3 
60.2 
59.7 
56.5 
55.7 

171.2 
192.9 
193.1 
193.9 
209.5 
195.5 


1911 


Cents. 
33.2 
33.1 
32.8 
32.3 
33.2 
34.7 

59.8 
64.1 
63.0 
69.1 
74.0 
73.8 


221 
233 
240 
234 
241 
225 


Cents. 
45.1 
47.5 
49.8 
52.0 
56.0 
55.3 

86.4 
91.2 
91.0 
92.3 
96.2 
91.1 

187.1 
190:8 
183.9 
191.3 
181.0 
205.0 


1913 


Cents. 
32.2 
32  4 
33.1 
33.1 
34.2 
36.0 

49.9 
51.4 
49.0 

48.5 
48.3 
52.7 

106.2 
109.3 
119.0 
113.6 
114.3 
115.8 


1914 


Cents. 
39.1 
39.3 
38.9 
39.5 
39.5 
40.0 

52.2 
52.4 
51.1 
51.7 
49.3 
49.1 

124.2 
127.8 
132.5 


Aver- 
age, 4 
years. 


Cents 
42.3 
43.4 
44.9 
45.7 
46.9 


47.6 

65.0 
68.2 
68.4 
70.5 
72.6 
71.9 

175.6 
186.8 
189.7 


132.8  I19I.3 

134.7  1195.2 

136.8  194.7 


Aver- 
age. 2 
years. 


Cents. 
35.6 
35.8 
36.0 
36.3 
36.8 
38.0 

51.0 
51.9 
50.0 
50.1 
48.8 
50.9 

115.2 
118.5 
125.7 
123.2 
124.5 
136.3 


De- 
crease 


Crnts. 
—06.7 
—07.6 
—08.9 
—09.4 
—10.1 
—09.6 

—14-0 
—16.3 
—18.4 
—20.4 
—23.8 
—21.0 

—60.4 
—68.3 
—64.0 
—68.1 
—70.7 
—68.4 


1  AverageJdecrease5between!jmonths.l2  periods.  8H  cents. 

2  Average 'decrease  between^months,  2  periods,  19  cents. 

?  Average  decrease'.betweentmonthi,  2  periods,  66 K  centi. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


208 


"Should  we  see  fit  to  consider  May  the  month  preceding  the 
gentleman's  statement,  the  following  table  of  important  farm 
products  for  1912  and  1914  will  be  of  interest: 


1914 

1912 

Decrease. 

MAY. 

$0,721 
.395 
.493 
.714 

12.32 
1.347 

$0,794 

.56 

.962 

1.273 

17.64 

1.81 

$0,073 

Oats,  bushel           . . 

.165 

.469 

Potatoes,  bushel                .      . .        ... 

.559 

Hay,  ton 

5.32 

Flaxseed,  bushel. 

.463 

"All  the  foregoing  information  was  available  to  the  gentle- 
man at  the  time  he  made  his  statements.  It  may,  however, 
be  of  interest  to  submit  a  table  showing  the  wheat  prices  of 
a  recent  date  compared  with  two  years  ago. 

Cash  wheat  prices  on  certain  markets. 


July  II. 
1912. 


July  11, 
1914. 


Decrease. 


Omaha 

Chicago. . . . 
New  York.. 
Kansas  City 
Minneapolis 


$1.03 
1.04^ 
1.15 

.98K 
1.07X 


$0.73 
.80K 
.87K 
.78 
.86K 


$0.30 
.24 
.27K 
.20K 
.20H 


"The  fall  of  price  in  wheat  during  the  last  two  years  has 
been  more  than  15  cents  per  bushel.  The  difference  in  average 
price  between  the  period  including  1913  and  1914  and  the  period 
of  four  years  preceding  is  in  excess  of  15  cents  a  bushel.  The 
difference  in  price  between  June  i,  1914,  and  the  average 
price  for  a  period  of  five  years  preceding  that  date  is  15 
cents  a  bushel.  The  reduction  of  the  Tariff  in  the  Underwood 
bill  was  25  cents  per  bushel  for  those  countries  that  receive 
our  wheat  free  and  15  cents  a  bushel  for  the  products  of 
countries  which  do  not  admit  our  wheat  free.  The  importa- 
tion of  wheat  for  the  first  eight  months  of  the  Underwood 
law  increased  357  per  cent  over  those  of  the  corresponding 
period  one  year  before.  It  may  be  interesting  to  know  the 
effect  in  dollars  and  cents  to  the  average  wheat  farmer  of  the 
country,  the  several  States,  and  the  different  counties  in  my 
congressional  district,  what  a  fall  in  price  of  15  cents  a  bushel 
means. 

"In  considering  the  relative  prices  of  wheat  and  other 
grains  during  the  last  two  years  it  is  entirely  proper  to  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  prices  of  farm  implements  used  in 
securing  these  crops  be  given.  Upon  the  authority  of  the 
Hon.  C.  B.  Dempster,  of  Beatrice,  Nebr.,  president  of  the 
leading  farm  machinery  factory  wfest  of  the  Mississippi  River, 
I  can  state  that  there  has  been  an  advance  of  price  to  the 
retailer  during  the  12  months  preceding  June  i  of  this  year 
of  wagons,  plows,  disk  harrows,  grain  drills,  and  so  forth. 
There  has  been  a  tendency  to  advance  in  price  windmills, 
pumps,  and  similar  farm  appliances.  I  give,  however,  in 
detail,  the  prices  quoted  and  obtained  by  the  International! 
Harvester  Co.  for  the  years  1912,  1913,  and  1014,  tH«  same 
Weing  based  f,  o.  b.  cars  Chicago,  111. 


210 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


1912 

1913 

1914 

Grain  binder: 

6-foot.              .        .                 

$102.50 
105.50 
125.00 

36.00 

37  00 

39  00 

102.50 

$102.. SO 
105  50 
125.00 

36 .  00 

37  00 

39  00 

102.50 

$102  50 

7-foot 

105  50 

8-foot 

125.00 

Mower: 

5-foot  regular     

37.00 

5-foot  vertical                           

38  00 

6-foot 

40.00 

Corn  binder 

102.50 

1912 

1913 

1914 

Ralces.  10-32  S.  D 

$18.75 
27.00 
20. 50 
90  00 
48 .  50 
61.50 

$18.75 
27.00 
20.50 
90  00 
48.50 
65.00 

$19.75 

Tedders   6-fork 

28.00 

Disk  harrows    12-16 

21   50 

Manure  spreader,  No.  2 

90.00 

Creain  separator    No.  2  B.B 

48.50 

65.00 

"It  will  be  interesting  further  to  know  the  course  of  prices 
of  binding  twine  during  the  last  three  years  which  the  farmer 
must  use  in  taking  care  of  his  crop.  It  has  increased  as  will 
appear  from  the  following  table  of  prices  quoted  by  the  Inter- 
national Harvester  Co.: 


Sisal. 

Standard 
Sisal. 

Manila. 

Pure  raa- 
nila. 

1912 

7K 
9M 
9 

7K 
9K 
9 

8>< 
IIX 
11 

9H 

1913 

\2% 

1914 

iSH 

"Is  it  any  wonder  that  the  farmer,  pressed  between  the 
upper  millstone  of  falling  wheat  prices  and  the  lower  stone 
of  rising  machinery  and  binding  twine  prices,  has  little 
patience  with  statements  at  variance  with  well-known  market 
facts.  The  farmers  know  that  the  majority  party  so  drafted 
its  recent  Tariff  law  as  to  make  them  bear  its  burdens  and 
suffer  from  its  injuries.  They  resent  the  gratuitous  insult  in 
the  assumption  that  farmers  do  not  remember  back  a  period 
of  two  years,  and  that  they  do  not  know  their  own  markets. 
Free  Trade  statesmen  will  learn  that  farmers'  memories  are 
in  working  order  while  their  forgetters  are  decayed  and  rust- 
ing.   As  ex-President  Roosevelt  well  said: 

"As  for  the  farmer,  the  present  Tariff,  the  administration's 
Tariff,  was  so  framed  as  to  result  in  the  sacrifice  of  his  inter- 
ests. He  had  no  spokesman,  no  friend  in  high  quarters,  and 
his  welfare  was  contemptuously  sacrificed.  At  every  point 
where  his  interest  was  concerned  he  was  made  to  suffer." 

Corn 

Corn  and  wheat  are  the  two  leading  cereals,  and  also 
the  two  leading  farm  products  in  the  United  States.  They 
demonstrate  in  their  decreasing  exports  and  increasing  im- 
ports, tlie  rapid  approximation  or  consumption  and  produc- 
tion. The  markets  illustrate  the  large  advantage  foreign 
producers  have  who  carry  the  products  of  their  land  by  water 
to  our  great  seaboard  cities,  while  our  producers  must  pay  a 
much  larger  transportation  rate  over  the  railroads  from  the 
interior  of  the  United  States  when  there  is  a  surplus  of 
production,  i.  e.,  Argentina,  which  now  exports  more  corn 
than  all  the  other  countries  of  the  world,  the  United  States 
included,  after  the  passage  of  the  Underwood  law.  was  ship- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         211 


ping  enormous  amounts  of  corn  from  her  ports  to  our 
eastern  ports,  at  transportation  rates  of  from  three  to  five 
cents  a  bushel. 

The  following  is  a  statement  of  the  railway  rates  paid  for 
corn  shipments  from  the  leading  western  markets  to  the 
seaboard  cities: 


To- 

- 

From — 

Boston. 

New- 
York. 

Phila- 
delphia. 

Balti- 
more. 

Gal- 
veston. 

New 
Orleans. 

Omaha 

Cents. 

0.18 

.17 

.10 

Cents. 

0.17 

.16 

.08 

Cents. 

0.16 

.15 

.07 

Cents. 

0.15 

.14 

.07 

Cents. 

0.19 

.17 

.18 

Cents. 
0.11 

.10 

Chicago .... 

.10 

If  to  each  of  these  rates  there  would  be  added  the  additional 
rate  which  it  would  cost  to  carry  the  corn  from  the  local 
station  to  one  of  these  western  markets,  the  very  large  ad- 
vantage given  by  the  Underwood  law  to  the  Argentinian  corn 
producer,  will  be  apparent.  If  to  this  advantage,  we  add  the 
further  facts  that  Argentinian  land,  averaging  in  produc- 
tivity well  with  our  grain  belt,  varies  in  selling  value  from 
one-fourth  to  one-half  of  our  American  land,  and  as  out  farm 
laborers  receive  twice  the  wages  of  the  Argentinian,  the 
Northern  grain  producer  can  well  understand  the  great  dis- 
advantage under  which  he  labors   with  the  tariff  taken  ofT  corn. 

The  average  annual  amount  of  corn  shipped  between  the 
various  nations  of  the  earth  for  ten  years  before  1914  has 
been  245.557,706  bushels.  It  is  about  38  per  cent  of  the  inter- 
national shipment  of  wheat.  The  following  is  the  rank  of 
nations   in   corn   production: 

United  States,  Argentina,  Mexico,  Austria-Hungary,  Rus- 
sia, Roumania,  Italy,  and  Africa. 

And  the  following  is  a  list  of  the  important  corn-exporting 
nations  in  the  order  of  their  rank: 

Argentina,  United  States,  Roumania,  Russia,  Bulgaria,  Bel- 
gium, and   Netherlands. 

The  following  table  shows  the  course  of  exports  of  the 
two  leading  nations  for  10  years: 


Calender  years. 

Argentina. 

United 
States. 

1905 

Bushels. 

87,487,000 

106,047,000 

50,262,000 

67,390,000 

89.499.000 

104,727,000 

4,928,000 

190,353,000 

189,294.000 

139.461,000 

Bushels. 
113,189.000 
105,258,000 
86.524.000 
39.013.000 
38.114,000 
44.072.000 
63,533.000 
32,649,000 
46.923,000 
17,022,000 

1906 

1907 

1908 

1909                             

1910 

1911 

1912 

1913 

1914 

The  following  shows  the  rapidly  decreasing  export  of  corn 
and  wheat  from  this  country: 

Average  percentage  of  United  States  wheat  and  corn  crops  exported, 
based  on  5-year  periods. 


Per  cent  of 
wheat  exported. 

Per  cent  of 
corn  exported. 

1894-1898. . . 

33.3 
31.2 
17. 
14.9 

7 

1899-1903 

5  2 

1904-1908   

2  9 

1909-1913 

i.s 

212 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


The  Payne  rate  of  tariff  on  corn  was  15  cents  a  bushel. 
During  the  first  nine  months  in  which  the  Underwood  law 
was  in  force,  prior  to  the  outbreak  of  the  European  war, 
there  were  11,843,166  bushels  of  corn  imported  into  thi« 
country,  nearly  all  from  Argentina. 

At  the  hearings  held  by  a  sub-committee  of  the  Committee 
on  Agriculture  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  grain  grading  at  which  there  were  leading  grain 
men  from  the  great  grain  markets  in  every  part  of  the  United 
States,  the  question  was  asked  of  a  number,  what  effect  the 
removal  of  the  duty  on  corn  had  on  the  corn  price  during 
that  period.  The  invariable  answer  was  that  it  reduced  the 
price,  and  the  average  reduction  -was  about  10  cents  a  bushel. 
No  grain  man  there  present  either  doubted  or  gainsaid  the 
statement.  We  quote  from  Mr.  Gorman,  a  large  grain  dealer 
of  Toledo: 

"Now  take  an  illustration  today.  I  am  out  of  business  on 
corn  in  the  old  channels  in  which  I  was  trading  up  to  six 
months  ago,  for  the  reason  that  the  pressure  of  Argentine 
corn  in  all  the  consuming  sections,  from  Florida  to  Maine, 
has  driven  me  out.  Now  all  that  is  taken  away  from  us  be- 
cause the  grain  is  headed  here  from  Argentina,  and  the  con- 
sumer realizes  that  he  can  buy  Argentine  corn  cheaper  than 
he  can  buy  mine,  and  he  realizes  the  enormous  quantit}'-  which 
he  can  get,  and  therefore  he  buys  from  hand  to  mouth,  and 
in  his  buying  from  hand  to  mouth  he  depresses  the  price  of 
corn  in  this  country,  and  in  consequence  of  that  competition 
corn  has  declined  10  per  cent  a  bushel;  it  has  declined  in  the 
future  market." 

Mr,  Paddock  said: 

"If  it  had  not  been  for  the  importation  of  Argentine  corn, 
I  think  the  farmers  would  have  realized  10  cents  per  bushel 
above  the  present  price  of  corn  on  account  of  its  coming." 

Beef 

All  fresh  meats  were  placed  upon  the  free  list  by  the 
Underwood  law.  While  the  Payne  law  was  in  force,  Argen- 
tina shipped  some  beef  into  the  United  States.  Her  fresh 
meats  were  then  shipped  largely  to  the  free  ports  of  Britain. 
Argentina  practically  drove  American  meats  out  of  British 
markets  as  will  appear  from  the  following  table: 

Exports  of  beef  from  United  States  and  Argentina  to  the  United  Kingdom 


United  States. 

Argentina. 

1901                                               

Hundredweight 

3,180,291 

2,290,465 

2,693.920 

2,395.836 

2.232.206 

2.426.344 

2,417,604 

1,432.142 

856.805 

477.147 

174,350 

6.111 

Hundredweight 
771,929 

1902                   

923,748 

1903 

1.152.211 

1904                

1,675.271 

1905 

2.580,152 

1906                         

2,795,913 

1907      

2,756.975 

1908                                

3,706.245 

1909 

4.336.079 

1910                  .           

5.041,138 

:1911    

6,176,503 

1912                   .           

6,813,578 

Under  the  Underwood  law  our  seaboard  markets  became 
reduced  to  the  same  Free  Trade  basis,  so  far  as  producers 
were  concerned,  as  were  London  and  Liverpool.  There  was 
shipped  into  this  country,  during  the  first  nine  months 
of  the  Underwood  law,  176,333,072  pounds  of  beef  and  veal, 
largely  from  Argentina,  and  12,690,924  pounds  of  mutton 
and  lamb,  largely  from  Australia.  An  increase  of  over  sixteen 
fold  over  the  corresponding  preceding  year  under  the  Payne 
]aw.  • 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 191^         21^ 

A 

Cattle 

There  was  a  fair  protective  tariff  on  cattle  and  other 
meat  producing  animals  under  the  Payne  law,  which  was 
removed  by  the  Underwood  law.  While  Argentina  and 
the  other  South  American  countries  have  enormoui?  sur- 
pluses of  live  stock  as  do  also  the  several  divisions  of  Aus- 
tralasia, yet  large  shipments  of  live  stock  have  not  coj.ne  to 
us  from  these  countries  because  the  equatorial  belt  must  be 
crossed  in  shipment.  The  shipments  must  be  reduced  to  the 
form  of  beef  and  mutton.  However,  live  stock,  in  great 
numbers,  have  been  shipped  into  this  country  from  Mexico 
and  Canada  since  the  passage  of  the  Underwood  Act.  We 
removed  the  Payne  duty  from  live  stock.  The  Mexicans, 
under  their  shrewd,  though  disreputable  rulers,  especially  in 
the  northern  part,  immediately  placed  an  export  duty  o.n  live 
stock  leaving  Mexico  and  coming  into  the  United  States, 
slightly  less  in  rate  than  our  former  duty.  1,581,337  cattle, 
between  the  passage  of  the  Underwood  law  and  the  first  day 
of  June,  1916,  have  come  into  our  country,  so  far  as  our  Treas- 
ury was  concerned,  absolutely  free.  The  duty  which  we 
should  have  collected  thereon,  would  have  amounted  to 
about  $9,000,000.  The  large  portion  of  this  instead  of  coming 
into  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  went  into  the  girdle 
of  Villa  or  the  war  chest  of  Carranza.  In  either  case  it  was 
probably  used  to  purchase  munitions  of  war  shipped  into  that 
country  from  America,  which  were  used  to  terrorize  and 
slaughter  Americans  there  resident,  and  weapons  to  use  in 
attacking  American  citizens  on  American  soil,  under  the 
American  flag;  and  against  our  soldiers  whether  on  American 
or  Mexican  soil.  To  what  extent  of  folly  and  tragedy  de- 
mocracy has  gone  in  order  to  carry  out  and  make  effective 
at  whatever  the  cost,  this  unwarranted  assault  upon  agricul- 
ture, America's  greatest  industry!  That  it  was  dared  was  due 
to  the  belief  that  farmers  cannot,  on  account  of  their  isolation 
organize  to  defend  or  protect  their  rights. 

In  the  Democratic  platform  adopted  at  St.  Louis  this  year- 
this   remarkable   statement  was   made: 

"We  recognize  that  tariff  rates  are  necessarily  subject  to^ 
change  to  meet  changing  conditions  in  the  world's  produc- 
tion, and  trade.  The  events  of  the  last  two  v^^i"S  have: 
brought  about  many  momentous  changes.  In  some  respects; 
the  effects  are  yet  conjectural  and  wait  to  be  disclosed.'" 
The  tariff  conditions  affecting  farm  products  are  not  conjec- 
tural, they  are  established,  and  no  reasonable  person  could 
have  anticipated  a  different  state  of  affairs  following  the 
passage  of  the  Underwood  law. 

In  recent  legislation  in  Congress,  the  Democratic  party 
has  clumsily  recognized  the  protective  principle  in  favoring 
a  much  higher  duty  on  dyestuffs.  That  party  has  utterly 
abandoned  its  former  opposition  to  a  tariff  commission  and 
its  oft  repeated  declaration  that  protection  was  unconstitu- 
tional. It  is  favoring  the  establishment  of  a  tariff  commis- 
sion. Moreover,  it  further  admits  it  long  persisted  in  error, 
by  improvising  an  unwieldly  protective  device,  known  as  the 
"anti-dumping  clause,"  thereby  committing  itself  to  the  pro- 
tective principle.  But  while  the  anti-dumping  clause  is  of 
doubtful  utility,  as  to  any  industries,  care  is  taken  that  it 
shall  not  apply  to  the  products  of  the  farm.  The  principal 
remedy  which  it  provides  is  the  doubling  of  the  tariff  where 
products  are  dumped  upon  our  shores  at  unreasonably  low 
prices.  The  farmers'  products  being  in  the  main,  on  the 
free  list,  a  doubling  of  the  duty  would  be  a  vain  thing.  If 
the  rate  is  nothing,  doubling  it  would  not  be  a  severe  penalty 
because, 

"A   thousand   naughts    are    not   a    feather, 
i  When  in  a  sum  they  all  are  brought." 


214        REPUBLICAN    CAMt>AIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 19l6 

« 

So  Democracy,  grudgingly  yielding  up  its  free  trade  and 
tariff  for  revenue  only  policy,  and  conceding  most  reluctantly 
the  protection  principle,  which  it  denounced  for  so  many 
years,  now  in  extremis  so  forms  and  shapes  its  bungling 
protective  device  that  it  cannot  be  availed  of  by  the  fHrmer. 

At  the  close  of  the  Franco-Prussian  war  the  two  greatest 
statesmen  of  Europe  were  Bismarck,  of  Germany,  and  Glad- 
stone, of  Britain.  Both  were  free  traders.  Gladstone  per- 
sisted in  his  free  trade  policies  and  succeeding  prime  ministers 
have,  until  recently,  followed  him.  The  result  has  been 
that  in  the  recent  struggle,  Britain  found  herself  dependent 
for  many  articles,  including  food  stuffs,  entirely  upon  foreign 
and  distant  fields.  Had  she  not  had  the  greatest  navy  in  the 
world,  her  people  would  have  been  starved  before  Decem- 
ber I,  1914.  Bismarck,  however,  looking  toward  the  various 
strained  conditions  and  crises  which  might  meet  his  govern- 
ment, was,  from  the  close  of  the  Franco-Prussian  war,  con- 
vinced that  German  independence  depended  primarily  upon 
its  capacity  to  produce  nearly  enough  foodstuffs  for  all  her 
people  So  a  policy  of  protection  on  German  industries  and 
especially  her  agriculture  was  inaugurated.  Her  limited  ter- 
ritory, in  the  course  of  a  few  decades,  became  the  marvel  of 
the  world  for  food  production.  During  the  present  great 
struggle,  while  the  great  army  of  Germany  and  the  immense 
navy  of  England  have  been  centers  of  world  admiration,  the 
great  outstanding  fact  is.  Germany,  though  girdled  by  a  band 
of  steel,  yet  has  capacity  to  feed  and  clothe  her  citizens  and 
her    army. 

America  should  protect  every  product  of  its  farm,  mine, 
and  factory,  which  is  brought  into  competition  with  the 
world,  or  whose  products  we  may  need  in  our  day  of  trial. 
So  that  American  markets  may,  within  reason,  be  markets 
for  the  American  producer.  No  phase  of  American  industry 
should,  in  the  years  to  come,  show  lack  of  proper  prepared- 
ness. 


THE  BEET  SUGAR  INDUSTRY 

The  beet  sugar  industry  is  typical  of  many  home  indus- 
tries, such  as  the  tin-plate  industry,  which  have  been  built 
up  by  the  constructive  statesmanship  of  the  Republican 
Party.  Since  its  establishment  in  the  United  States,  it  has 
produced  7,613,000  tons  of  sugar,  the  payment  for  which  has 
accrued  to  American  industry  instead  of  to  that  of  foreign 
nations.  The  value  of  the  sugar  produced  by  this  industry 
has  amounted  to  over  $750,000,000  and  the  value  of  the  pres- 
ent annual  product  is  $85,000,000.  During  the  past  year  the 
industry  has  distributed  this  vast  sum  among  30.000  to  40,000 
employees,  65,000  American  farmers,  railroads,  machine 
shops,  coal- mines  and  manufacturers  of  supplies  of  various 
kinds. 

The  first  financial  success  made  in  producing  sugar  from 
beets  in  the  United  States  was  at  Alvarado,  California,  in 
1889.  The  following  year  the  Republican  Party,  to  "reduce 
revenues",  placed  raw  sugar  on  the  free  list,  and  to  en- 
courage the  expansion  of  the  domestic  beet  sugar  industry, 
provided  for  the  payment  of  a  bounty  of  2c  per  pound  on 
all  the  sugar  produced  in  the  United  States  until  1905.  It 
also  established  numerous  sugar  experiment  stations  with 
which  to  work  out  the  various  problems  which  confronted 
the  new  scientific  industry  it  was  proposed  to  establish. 

The  Democrats  won  in  1892,  and  upon  assuming  the  reins 
of  government  in  1893  forthwith  abolished  all  the  sugar  ex- 
periment stations  and  sold  $50,000  worth  of  new  machinery 
for  less  than  10  per  cent  of  what  it  had  cost  only  two 
years  before.  This,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  at  one  of 
the  stations  a  domestic  sugar  beet  seed  had  been  bred  which 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         215 

yielded  12  per  cent  more  sugar  per  acre  than  was  secured 
from  the  best  imported  seed.  In  1894  the  Democrats  abol- 
ished the  sugar  bounty  and  placed  sugar  under  a  non-pro- 
tective ad  valorem  tariff. 

The  Republicans  won  in  1896.  and  upon  assuming  office 
the  following  year  placed  a  protective  duty  of  1.95  cents  per 
pound  on  sugar,  which,  with  but  a  slight  change,  continued 
for  sixteen  years,  during  which  time  nearly  $100,000,000  was 
invested  in  the  industry,  and  the  duty  collected  on  sugar 
imports  since  that  time  has  yielded  the  United  States  Treas- 
ury over  $1,100,000,000. 

In  1910  the  Democrats  secured  control  of  the  House,  and 
that  body  thereupon  passed  a  free  sugar  bill,  which  was 
defeated  by  the  Republican  Senate.  The  Dernocrats  secured 
control  of  all  branches  of  the  Government  in  1912,  and  in 
1913  they  carried  out  their  long  cherished  plan  and  voted  to 
place  sugar  on  the  free  list  May  i,  1916,  which  resulted  in 
the  general  demoralization  of  the  industry.  The  price  of 
sugar  already  had  reached  a  new  low  level.  Sugar  stocks 
slumped  until  worth  but  a  fraction  of  their  face  value.  The 
technical  men  of  the  sugar  staffs  deserted  the  industry  as 
from  a  sinking  ship  and  sought  employment  in  the  cane  sugar 
mills  of  Cuba,  Central  and  South  America.  Numerous  fac- 
tories closed  down  and  some  never  since  have  reopened. 
Officers,  office  employees,  and  other  help  have  sought  other 
occupations  and  thousands  of  surrounding  farmers  have  been 
compelled  to  plant  their  fields  to  other  crops. 

The  result  of  this  Democratic  legislation  upon  the  domes- 
tic beet  sugar  industry  was  prompt.  During  the  season 
3^ear  1912-13,  the  season  previous  to  the  passage  of  the 
Underwood  bill,  there  were  but  five  factories  idle.  As  a 
result  of  the  passage  of  that  bill  four  additional  factories 
closed  their  doors  in  1913-14,  and  the  following  year,  1914- 
15,  there  were  eighteen  factories  idle,  an  increase  of  100  per 
cent  over  the  preceding  year. 

In  average  seasons  the  extra  idle  factories  which  have 
been  closed  down  by  the  passage  of  the  Underwood  bill  would 
have  sliced  1,600,000  tons  of  beets,  for  which  American 
farmers  would  have  been  paid  $9,000,000  and  more  than  as 
much  more  would  have  gone  to  laborers,  to  coal  mines,  to 
supply  houses  and  other  lines  of  American  industry.  To 
say  nothing  of  the  havoc  wrought  in  the  cane  sugar  industry 
of  Louisiana  and  Texas,  the  passage  of  the  sugar  schedule  of 
the  Underwood  tariff  bill  has  cost  American  farmers  and 
other  toilers  not  less  than  $20,000,000. 

In  repealing  the  free  sugar  provision  the  Democratic  leader 
of  the  Senate  gave  notice  that  as  soon  as  the  revenues  would 
permit,  sugar  again  would  be  placed  on  the  free  list.  The 
St.  Louis  platform,  on  which  the  Democrats  now  stand,  en- 
dorses the  principles  of  the  Underwood  bill,  and  one  of  the 
principles  of  that  bill  is  free  sugar. 

Sugar  had  a  very  close  call  under  the  anti-protection  policy 
of  the  Democratic  Party.  The  President  had  marked  it  for 
slaughter  and  the  knife  was  ready.  It  was  saved  only  by  a 
deficit  in  the  Treasury,  which  threatened  to  grow  to  large 
proportions  and  had  to  be  provided  for.  As  far  as  the  Demo- 
crats are  concerned,  the  action  is  only  a  reprieve.  Slaughter 
will  come  after  the  present  revenue  embarrassments  have 
passed,  if  the  Democratic  Administration  is  retained  in 
power.  Although  the  tariff  plank  of  the  St.  Louis  platform 
is  thin  by  comparison  with  similar  planks  in  various  Demo- 
cratic platforms,  it  endorses  the  principle  upon  which  the 
Underwood  tariff  law  was  constructed,  and  that  law  provided 
for  free  sugar.  It  is  true,  then,  that  free  sugar  remains  a 
Democratic  shibboleth.  If  Mr.  Wilson  is  re-elected,  and 
something   like   normal    in    our   economic    affairs   is    reached 


216         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

during  his  second  term,  sugar  will  again  be  marched  toward 
the  chopping  block. 

Because  the  sword  of  the  executioner  did  not  fall  on  May 
I,  1916,  as  planned  by  the  Democratic  high-brows,  from 
President  Wilson  down,  is  no  sign  that  the  Democratic 
Party  has  changed  its  attitude  toward  the  industry,  con- 
cerning which  it  has  h'arbored  a  grudge  for  years. 

The  war  with  Spain  in  the  year  1898  imposed  upon  this 
Government  certain  obligations  which  national  honor  de- 
manded we  should  discharge.  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philip- 
pines became  insular  'possessions.  Cuba  was  established  as 
an  independent  Republic  under  our  protection.  Hawaii, 
about  the  same  time,  was  annexed  and  the  permanence  of 
its  free  trade  relations  with  the  United  States  assured.  The 
industry  upon  which  these  islands  depend  for  prosperity  is 
sugar.  To  insure  tranquility  and  prosperity  to  the  people 
of  these  various  island  possessions  became  one  of  the  most 
serious  problems  confronting  our  Government.  To  attain 
this  end  we  made  permanent  the  free  interchange  of  all  com- 
merce between  the  United  States  and  Porto  Rico  and  Hawaii; 
we  have  freely  admitted  the  products  of  the  Philippines  into 
our  markets,  where  the  same  do  not  conflict  with  our  do- 
mestic industries,  and  granted  to  those  islands  a  tariff  system 
of  their  own.  We  negotiated  with  Cuba  a  reciprocity  treaty 
providing  for  a  20  per  cent  concession  in  the  tariff.  The 
effect  of  this  legislation  has  been  to  establish  in  all  those 
islands  the  prosperity,  tranquility  and  happiness  which  we 
sought  to  give  them,  and  greatly  increase  their  purchasing 
power  and  actual  purchases  from  the  United  States. 

In  Hawaii  the  sugar  crop  increased  from  351,124  short  tons 
in  1897  to  646,000  tons  in  1915. 

In  Porto  Rico  the  sugar  crop  increased  from  103,152  short 
tons  in  1902  to  345,159  tons  in  1915. 

In  the  Philippines  the  exports  of  sugar  increased  from 
75,011  short  tons  in  1902  to  206,000  tons  in  1915. 

In  Cuba  the  sugar  crop  increased  from  967,447  short  tons 
in  1902  to  over  3,000,000  in  1915. 

Contemporaneous  with  this  increase  in  the  sugar  crop  of 
the  islands  mentioned,  we  have  an  increase  in  our  domes- 
tic beet  sugar  crop  in  the  United  States  from  42,040  tons  in 
1896-97  to  722,054  tons  in  1914-15,  while  in  1915-16,  874,220 
tons  were  produced.  The  domestic  cane  sugar  crop  increased 
froni  322,088  short  tons  in  1896-97  to  360,874  in  1911-12,  but 
owing  to  passage  of  the  Underwood  tariff  bill  by  the  Demo- 
cratic Congress  in  1913,  which  caused  the  closing  down  of 
scores  of  sugar  factories  in  Louisiana,  the  cane  product  has 
decreased   since   that  date. 

Effect  of  Free  Sugar  on  Our  Trade  Relations  With  Cuba 

Since  1903  we  have  had  a  reciprocity  treaty  with  Cuba, 
under  which  each  Republic  admits  the.  products  and  manu- 
factures of  the  other  at  a  20  per  cent  concession  from  the 
tariff  rates  imposed  on  similar  articles  imported  from  (Other 
countries.  Under  this  treaty  we  have  built  up  an  export  trade 
to  Cuba  from  $22,000,000  in  the  fiscal  year  1903  to  over  $75,- 
000,000  in  the  fiscal  year  1915.  The  principal  articles  we 
export  to  Cuba  are  meat  products,  flour,  corn,  lumber,  manu- 
factures of  iron,  boots  and  shoes. 

Since  making  this  treaty  we  have  bought  practically  all 
the  sugar  Cuba  produces.  It  is  her  chief  crop  and  principal 
source  of  wealth.  If  the  Democratic  policy  of  placing  sugar 
on  the  free  list  were  put  into  effect  and  the  leaders  in  Con- 
gress of  that  party  will  place  it  on  the  free  list  when  rev- 
enue receipts  from  other  sources  permit,  we  would  deny  to 
Cuba  the  preferential  treatment  now  accorded  her  sugar,  and 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXTBOOK— 1916 


217 


it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  she  will  continue  to  admit  our 
products  on  the  present  basis.  Free  sugar  means  a  virtual 
abrogation  of  our  treaty  with  Cuba,  thereby  not  only  striking 
at  our  great  and  growing  export  trade  to  that  island,  but 
endangering  the  present  cordial  trade  relations  under  which 
she  has  trebled  her  purchases  from  us. 


Statement  Showing  Estimated  Expenditures  of  American  Beet 

Sugar  Factories  From  the  Date  of  Erection  to  and 

Including  the  1915-16  Season. 


Amount 

Amount 

paid  to 

Amount 

Amount 

paid  for 

wage 

paid  to 

paid  for 

experi- 

Amount 

earners. 

railroads 

fuel,  lime- 

ments,  in- 

States. 

paid  to 

office  help. 

for  freight 

rock,  bags. 

surance. 

TOTAI.. 

farmers 

superin- 

on beets. 

coke  and 

brokerage, 

for  beets. 

tendents. 

sugar  and 

other  sup- 

and mis- 

managers 

supplies. 

plies. 

cellaneous 

&  officers. 

items. 

Arizona.  . 

392,273 

185,280 

128,229 

181.664 

484,44.S 

1,371,891 

California 

70.727,486 

21.209,463 

18.661,839 

19,286,021 

26,591,427 

156,476,236 

Colorado 

92,381.850 

27,887,872 

26.247,249 

17,933.253 

10.608.333 

175,058,557 

Idaho... 

11,701.382 

3,633,863 

3.188,477 

2,588,532 

3,106.422 

24,218,676 

Illinois 

1,357,699 
1,066,764 

472,154 

400,000 

291,897 

2,521,750 

Indiana. . 

165,909 

134.000 

161,455 

43.666 

1,571.128 

Iowa .... 

943,552 

433,316 

266,675 

327,218 

297.673 

2,268,434 

Kansas.  . 

2,772,572 

1,048,832 

980,342 

698,690 

95,097 

5,595,533 

Michigan 

65,491,282 

8.612.789 

12,757.346 

10,916,799 

4,686.852 

102,465,068 

Minn. .  .  . 

1,592,544 

586,122 

216,230 

450,643 

242,510 

3,088,049 

Montana 

8,830,000 

3,135,000 

2,865,000 

2,145,000 

1.415.000 

18,390,000 

Nebraska 

9,172,454 

2,320.675 

2,820,332 

3,062,852 

1,349,962 

18,726,275 

Ohio 

6,205,806 

2.065,216 

812,882 

1,084,930 

1,413.249 

11,582,083 

Utah .... 

28.968,080 

8,735,831 

8,265,193 

5,575,894 

7,565,191 

59,110,189 

\.  Wisconsin 

11,495,197 

3,323,200 

2.020,775 

2,279,469 

2,159,546 

21,278,187 

Total.. 

313,098,941 

83,815,522 

79,764,569 

66,984,317 

60,058.707 

603,722,006 

THE  UNDERWOOD  TARIFF  AND  THE  SHINGLE 
INDUSTRY 

By  Representative  William  E.  Humphrey,  of  Washington 

The  State  of  Washington  produces  over  8o  per  cent  of 
all  the  cedar  shingles  manufactured  in  the  United  States  and 
over  6o  per  cent  of  all  shingles  of  all  kinds  produced  in  the 
United  States.  The  greatest  competitor  of  the  State  of  Wash- 
ington in  the  shingle  industry  is  British  Columbia. 

The  men  working  in  the  mills  of  Washington  are  all  white 
and  all  American  citizens.  The  labor  employed  in  the  mills 
of  British  Columbia  is  8o  per  cent  oriental,  rnostly  Chinese. 
The  American  shingle  weaver  receives  approximately  double 
the  wages  that  are  paid  to  his  Chinese  competitors  in  British 
Columbia. 

Cedar  logs,  the  material  from  which  shingles  are  manufac- 
tured, are  considerably  lower  in  British  Columbia  than  in 
Washington. 

With  these  facts  known  to  all  who  care  to  inform  them- 
selves, the  result  of  what  free  shingles  would  mean  is  so 
plain  that  it  is  astonishing  that  even  Democratic  statesmen 
should  not  have  realized  it. 

No  better  illustration  of  the  workings  of  the  protective 
tariff  can  be  found  than  in  the  history  of  the  shingle  industry 
of  Washington. 

In  the  Payne  law  there  were  material  changes  in  the  tariff 
upon  three  important  products  of  the  State  of  Washington. 
The  tariff  was  reduced  on  coal  and  the  price  of  coal  immedi- 
ately increased.  It  was  reduced  on  lumber  and  the  price  of 
lumber  immediately  increased.  It  was  increased  from  25 
cents  to  50  cents  per  thousand  on  shingles,  and  the  price 
of  shingles  was  immediately  reduced;  new  mills  opened 
up;  new  markets  were  found;  production  increased;  work  and 
wages  increased;  the  British  Columbia  producers  were  driven 


218        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

from  many  American  markets  that  they  had  long  controlled; 
the  mills  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  industry  ran 
12  months  of  the  year  instead  of  6  months.  This  is  the  his- 
tory of  the  increase  of  the  tariff  on  shingles  under  the  Payne 
law,  but  these  facts  meant  nothing  to  the  Democratic  party. 

In  the  Underwood  law  shingles  were  placed  upon  the  free 
list. 

Sixty  days  before  the  Underwood  law  went  into  effect  all 
American    mills    were    running   full    time. 

Sixty  days  before  the  Underwood  law  went  into  effect, 
half  of  the  Canadian  mills  were  closed. 

Sixty  days  after  tlie  Underwood  law  went  into  effect  8o 
per  cent  of  the  American  mills  were  closed. 

Sixty  days  after  the  Underwood  law  went  into  effect  all 
Canadian  mills  were  running  at  full  capacity,  both  night  and 
day. 

Sixty  days  after  the  Underwood  law  went  into  effect  there 
were  more  idle  men  looking  for  work  in  the  State  of  Wash- 
ington than  ever  before. 

The  Payne  law  opened  the  American  mill  and  closed  the 
foreign  mill. 

The  Underwood  law  opened  the  foreign  mill  and  closed 
the    American    mill. 

The  Payne  law  gave  the  work  and  the  wages  to  the  Amer- 
ican and  kept  the  money  at  home. 

The  Underwood  law  gave  the  work  and  the  wages  to  the 
foreigner — the  Chinaman,  the  Japanese,  and  the  Hindu — and 
sent  the  money  out  of  the  country. 

The  effect  of  the  Underwood  law  was  to  immediately  de- 
press the  markets  of  this  country.  During  the  first  year 
under  that  law,  the  total  amount  of  shingles  consumed  in  the 
United  States  decreased  30  per  cent,  but  notwithstanding  this 
decrease  in  total  sales,  the  sales  from  British  Columbia  for 
each  month  of  that  year  in  the  United  States  was  approxi- 
mately eciual  to  the  total  sales  that  had  been  made  in  any  one 
year  under  the   Payne  law. 

While  most  of  our  mills  were  closed  those  of  British  Co- 
luinbia  were  running  night  and  dav.  and  95  per  cent  of 
all  the  shingles  produced  in  British  Columbia  are  sold  in  the 
United  States  to  the  exclusion  of  the  American  product. 

Such  is  the  destructive  story  of  Democratic  free  trade  and 
tlie  shingle  industry.  The  grea*  war  in  Europe  changed  con- 
ditions to  some  extent.  The  industry  today  in  British  Co- 
lumbia is  not  so  prosperous  as  it  was  immediately  before 
the  war,  although  the  shingle  industry  is  still  probably  the 
most   prosperous    in    British    Columbia. 

Many  of  our  mills  are  still  closed.  Many  of  them  are 
running  only  a  part  of  the  time  and  at  part  capacity.  Some 
of  them  are  running  on  the  cooperative  plan,  dividing  with 
their  employees  such  profits  as  they  are  able  to  secure,  in 
an  effort  to  keep  from  closing  entirely. 

Wages  now  and  at  all  times  have  been  very  much  lower 
under  the  Underwood  law  than  under  the  Payne  law. 

During  the  last  10  months  over  7.5,00  carloads  of  shingles 
have  come  into  this  country  from  British  Columbia — more 
than  came  into  the  country  during  the  entire  time  that  the 
Payne  law  was  upon  the  statute  books.  The  Government  has 
lost  the  revenue  and  is  placing  a  direct  tax  upon  the  people 
to  get  money  to  meet  current  expenses. 

During  the  operation  of  the  Underwood  law  more  than 
$8,000,000  in  wages  have  been  taken  from  American  labor 
in  the  shingle  mills  of  the  State  of  Washingtoii  and  given 
to  the  Chinese,  the  Japanese,  and  the  Hindu  in  British  Co- 
lumbia. That  much  money  has  gone  out  of  circulation  and 
out  of  the  country.  Many  of  our  mills  are  closed  and  decay- 
ing. Many  prosperous  communities  and  towns  have  become 
desolate  places. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         219 

But  the  price  of  shingles  to  the  consumer  has  not  been 
reduced  a  single  penny  by  the  Underwood  law. 

Unless  the  tariff  is  restored  on  shingles  before  the  war  in 
Europe  ends,  that  industry  is  doomed  to  certain  and  rapid 
destruction. 

Shingles  is  but  one  illustration  as  to  the  effect  of  free  trade 
on  the  industries  of  Washington.  The  result  as  to  lumber, 
lime,  fish,  the  dairy  and  fruit  industry  is  the  same,  differing 
only  in  degree.  All  these  industries  will  be  greatly  injured 
if  the  tariff  is  not  restored  before  peace  is  restored.  They 
are  not  prosperous  today,  but  they  are  existing  only  because 
of  the  indirect  stimulation  they  receive  from  the  battle-field 
prosperity  that  has  come  to  us. 

The  conditions  in  Washington  under  the  Underwood  law 
before  the  awful  conflict  in  Europe  began  is  well  stated  by 
a  mill  owner  in  a  letter  that  he  wrote  a  few  months  after  the 
Underwood  law  had  gohe  upon  the  statute  books.  I  quote 
from  it  a  few  sentences: 

Belgium  structural  steel  and  Swedish  high  grade  and  tool  steel  has 
practically  captured  our  market.  I  am  using  Swedish  steel  in  the  I)lack- 
smith  shop,  feeding  our  men  Australian  beef,  New  Zealand  l)Utter,  and 
Chinese  eggs.  You  can  not  borrow  money  now  unless  you  have  a-old 
bu  lion  to  put  up  for  security.  In  other  words,  we  have  just  aliout  the 
same  Democratic  times  as  20  years  ago.  T  have  not  seen  a  business  man 
smile  in  three  months,   and  we  are  a'l   wearing  our  old   clothes. 


THE  DYESTUFFS   SITUATION 

The  Bureau  of  Foreign  Commerce  states  that  "more  than 
2,000,000  working  men  and  women  are  occupied  in  industries 
which  are  directly  dependent  upon  the  use  of  artificial  colors" 
and  that  the  value  of  the  product  is  between  three  and  four 
billions  of  dollars  annually. 

The  chief  of  the  Bureau,  in  a  public  address  to  the  Chem- 
ical Club  in  New  York,  declared  that  "the  total  loss,  direct 
and  indirect,  now  being  borne  by  American  users  of  dye- 
stuffs  and  dyed  wares  amounts  to  not  less  than  $1,000,000  a 
day,"  or  nearly  $400,000,000  a  year. 

Foreign  Monopoly  and  Its  Results 

For  30  years  the  world  has  paid  tribute  to  German  mo- 
nopoly, and  the  world  is  being  scoured  today  to  find  relief. 

At  a  recent  hearing  witnesses  testified  that  they  were  bring- 
ing dyes  from  the  interior  of  China  at  $7.50  per  pound  which 
in  normal  conditions,  were  sold  at  20  cents  per  pound. 

Others  testified  that  prices  have  advanced  in  some  cases 
from  2,000  to  4,000  per  cent  and  that  it  is  impossible  to  secure 
many   dyes   at   any   price. 

One  of  the  witnesses,  a  finisher  of  cotton  goods,  said  that 
his  firm  paid  in  191 5  more  than  $300,000  excess  on  the  same 
amount  of  dyes  over  what  he  paid  in   1914. 

Old  typewriter  ribbons  and  carbon  papers  are  being 
gathered  from  the  paper-stock  warehouses  and  the  dyes  re- 
claimed from  them  are  being  sold  at  $15  per  pound.  The 
Scientific  American  says  that  a  single  keg  of  aniline  dye, 
which  ordinarily  sells  at  $15,  was  sold  at  auction  in  London 
recently  at  $1,560. 

What  It  Means  to  Cotton 

Mr.  Fuller  E.  Calloway,  a  representative  of  southern  cotton 
mills,  testified  that  customers  had  ceased  to  be  interested  in 
forward  contracts  and  were  asking  extensions  on  past  ones, 
and  added: 

The  backbone  of  the  present  cotton  market  is  my  folks,  who  are  spinning 
and  weaving  this  cotton  that  goes  out  in  volume,  and  if  we  don't  get 
some  relief,  in  addition  to  throwing  our  crowd  on  short  rations,  it  is 
going  to  put  the  cotton  farmer  where  he  will  get  tired  of  holding  his 
cotton.  He  won't  have  a  good  demand  for  it,  as  much  as  he  wants  to 
sell.  And  there  are  probably  millions  of  laborers  in  the  cotton  fields, 
millions  of  people  who  are  supported   by  it. 


221        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 191« 

Seventy  per  cent  of  this  great  crop  passes  through  the 
dyers'  hands  before  it  reaches  the  consumer,  and  unless  stept 
are  taken  now  to  relieve  the  dyestuff  famine  the  price  which 
cotton  will  bring  in  the  fall  is  a  question  of  vital  importance 
to  the  South. 

What  It  Means  to  Wool 

As  with  the  cotton  of  the  South,  so  it  is  with  the  wool  of 
the  Western  and  Mountain  States,  practically  all  of  which  is 
colored  before  use  and  at  a  normal  cost  of  five  times  the 
cost  of  coloring  cotton. 

As  with  cotton  and  wool,  so  with  silk,  and  leather,  and 
paper,  and  fur,  and  the  representatives  of  these  great  indus- 
tries, utilizing  the  labor  of  millions  of  men  and  women,  tes- 
tified that  supplies  of  German  dyestuffs  have  reached  the 
vanishing  point  and  that  domestic  facilities  were  wholly  in- 
adequate to  supply  the  deficiency  and  that  it  was  useless  to 
even  hope  for  relief  under  existing  conditions. 

Past  Tariffs 

By  the  tariff  of  1864  aniline  dyes  were  made  dutiable  at  $1 
per  pound  and  35  per  cent  ad  valorem. 

By  the  tariff  of  1870  the  duty  was  lowered  to  50  cents  per 
pound  and  35  per  cent  ad  valorem. 

With^  this  encouragement,  even  in  the  face  of  German 
competition,  the  dye  industries  began  a  slow  development 
here,  and  in  1882  there  were  about  a  dozen  assembling  works 
depending  upon  foreign  raw  materials  and  attempting  to 
supply  the  finished  product  to  the  American  market. 

By  the  tariff  of  1883  the  specific  duty  was  removed,  the 
ad  valorem  rate  left  at  35  per  cent,  and  all  the  raw  materials, 
both  crudes  and  intermediates,  were  made  dutiable  at  20 
per  cent,  and  as  a  result  the  whole  industry  practically  faded 
away  in  a  single  year. 

In  1894  the  ad  valorem  rate  was  lowered  to  2^  per  cent,  and 
raised  again  to  30  per  cent  in  1897,  where  it  now  stands. 

There  is  practically  no  supply  of  dyes  in  Germany  now, 
for  nearly  $400,000,000  of  capital  invested  in  a  world-wide 
monopoly  of  one  of  the  industrial  arts,  fostered  and  nour- 
ished and  protected  through  30  years  of  peace,  was  instantly 
mobilized  for  war  when  the  armies  were,  and  these  factories 
have  since  been  running  at  intensive  speed  turning  out  the 
high  explosives  which  are  an  essential  to  modern  warfare, 
and  what  may  cause  us  now  to  take  serious  thought  is  the 
fact  that  provision  has  been  made  for  a  supply  for  five  years 
after  this  war  is  over. 

Japan  has  av/akened  and  guaranteed  8  per  cent  dividends 
to  Japanese-owned  capital  invested  in  dyestuffs  and  explo- 
sive plants  built  by  Japanese  citizens  on  Japanese  soil. 

Great  Britain  last  year,  but  too  late,  subscribed  $15,000,000 
to  the  British  Dyes  Limited,  and  in  addition  to  subsidizing 
the  industry  in  other  ways,  has  absolutely  prohibited  the 
future  importations  of  the  German  product. 

France  and  Russia  are  subsidizing  the  industry  within  their 
own  territory. 

When  Secretary  Redfield  announced  that  arrangements 
had  been  made  by  manufacturing  concerns  to  supply  prac- 
tically all  of  the  local  demand  for  dyestuffs,  and  that  there 
were  concerns  which  were  then,  or  soon  would  be  able  to 
supply  at  least  50  per  cent  of  our  requirements,  he  figured 
evidently  on  hopes  rather  than  on  facts.  Several  of  the  con- 
cerns which  he  included  among  the  producing  plants  were  not 
in  business.     They  were  merely  in  the  promoting  stage. 

The  actual  situation  was  misrepresented  in  an  effort  to 
head  off  the  growing  demands  for  adequate  protection  for 
the  American   dyestuffs  industry.  The  simple,  natural,  time- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         221 

honored  methods  of  establishing  an  American  industry,  by 
means  of  a  protective  tariff,  were  repugnant  to  Mr.  Redfield. 
In  his  economic  philosophy,  the  policy  of  protection  has  no 
place. 

Redfield's  Claim 

To  expose  the  complete  absurdity  of  Mr.  Redfield's  claim, 
that  American  manufacturers  were  supplying  a  very  consider- 
able part  of  the  domestic  requirements,  comes  the  publica- 
tion of  the  astonishing  information  that  the  American  gov- 
ernment, lacking  aniline  dyes  for  its  postage  stamps  and  paper 
money,  has  been  compelled  to  sue  for  supplies  from  Ger- 
many. It  certainly  is  a  proud  position  for  the  American 
government!  Through  dependence  on  a  foreign  government 
for  coloring  materials  sorely  needed  in  order  that  we  may 
issue  stamps  and  paper  money,  these  essential  governmental 
functions  are  now  at  the  mercy  of  a  foreign  country.  It 
could  only  be  more  humiliating  if  the  United  States  were 
dependent  on  a  foreign  country  for  its  flag. 

The  manufacturers  of  the  country,  however,  cannot, 
through  the  kind  offices  of  ambassadors  and  other  dignitaries, 
obtain  by  the  gracious  consent  of  Germany  a  small  ship- 
ment of  dyes  to  answer  imperative  needs.  They  are  depen- 
dent on  the  usual  market  processes,  and  with  the  supplies 
shut  off  from  the  great  chemical  manufacturing  country  of 
the  world,  with  our  own  dyestuffs  industry  just  beginning 
its  struggle  into  life,  it  is  no  wonder  that  our  manufacturers 
are  impatient  and  indignant  at  the  delay  of  the  Congress 
in  providing  means  of  a  dependable  domestic  manufacture  of 
these  essential  supplies.  Democratic  papers  are  intimating 
that  it  is  fear  of  the  formation  of  an  American  dyestuffs  trust 
which  is  keeping  back  this  protective  tariff  legislation.  This 
is  certainly  a  grotesque  proposition.  The  anti-trust  laws 
give  the  government  ample  power  to  control  any  such  even- 
tuality. It  is  the  lingering  obsession  of  free  trade  theories, 
the  Democratic  prejudice  against  American  industrial  ex- 
pansion, the  stubborn  adherence  to  abandoned  and  exploded 
tariff  policies,  that  is  holding  the  Democratic  majority  back 
from  meeting  this  just  and  pressing  demand  for  adequate 
protection  to  the  dyestuffs  industry.  It  is  only  in  this  way 
that  this  country  can  establish  a  domestic  supply  of  products 
essential  to  important  functions  of  government  as  well  as  to 
a  most  necessary  branch  of  manufacture,  material  for  the 
proper  clothing  of  our  people,  and  the  supply  of  chemicals 
imperatively  needed  in  any  program  of  national  defence. 

The  Administration  in  providing  a  duty  upon  dyestuffs  has 
recognized  the  Republican  principle  that  protection  is  neces- 
sary to  establish  and  maintain  an  industry  in  this  country. 
So  in  response  to  public  opinion  and  a  general  request  from 
all  ;>ides  the  Democratic  Revenue  Bill  carries  a  provision 
which  would  go  far  toward  establishing  a  dyestuff  industry 
in  the  United  States  if  the  duties  were  made  high  enough 
and  there  was  assurance  that  such  duties  would  remain  for  a 
long  term  of  years.  But  these  duties  are  not  high  enough  to 
encourage  American  capital  to  go  into  the  establishment  of 
this  industry  particularly  if  there  is  no  positive  assurance 
that  even  these  inadequate  duties  will  remain.  The  only 
remedy,  therefore,  for  the  situation  is  the  election  of  a  Re- 
publican President  and  both  branches  of  Congress.  This 
would,  of  course,  mean  adequate  duties  as  soon  as  a  new 
tariff  law  could  be  framed  and  adopted. 


WHY  NOT  PROTECT  ALL 

The  committee  representing  the  manufacturers  of  dyestuffs 
and  coal  tar  intermediates  in  the  United  States,  and  also  rep- 
resenting thirty  different  associations  of  consumers  of  finished 


222         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

dyestuffs,  recently  submitted  a  brief  before  Congress  arguing 
in  favor  of  a  complete  protective  tariff  for  this  new  industry. 
They  found  that  after  they  had  originally  submitted  their 
case  to  the  House  a  bill  had  been  passed  containing  only  some 
of  the  principles  recommended.  Certain  exceptions  were  in- 
cluded that  made  the  bill  about  as  effective  a  protective 
measure  as  a  broken  sieve. 

The  bill  was  designed  to  encourage  the  foundation  of  a  coal 
tar  industry  in  this  country.  It  imposed  a  general  duty  for 
five  years  of  30  per  cent  on  colors  and  dyes,  except  "natural 
and  synthetic  alizarin,  and  dyes  obtained  from  alizarin 
anthrazene.  and  carbazol;  and  natural  and  synthetic  indigo 
and  all  indigoids.  whether  or  not  obtained  from  indigo." 
The  bill  as  it  stands  is  indeed  but  a  "scrap  of  paper"  and 
could  not  have  been  better  framed  for  foreign  competitors 
had  the  Kaiser  himself  written  it.  No  one  can  accuse  the 
exception  of  bearing  the  slightest  resemblance  to  a  nigger- 
in-the-woodpile.  Tn  this  case  the  Senagambian  is  such  a 
ludicrous  figure  and  of  such  rhammoth  proportions  that  his 
whereabouts  is  all  too  plain.  The  veriest  dauber  of  paints 
knows  that  from  the  dyes  admitted  free  of  duty  any  color  in 
the  rainbow  may  be  made.  Not  only  that  but  alizarin  an- 
thracene and  carbazol  are  all  component  by-products  of 
coal  tar.  So.  if  we  are  going  to  protect  one  ingredient,  why 
not  protect  all? 

If  we  are  going  to  afford  this  industry  any  protection  what- 
ever, let  it  be  one  that  is  protective  and  not  one  of  mere 
words  with  the  consequent  ifs,  ands,  and  buts. — Financial 
America  (Free  Trade). 

In  spite  of  the  "war  bride  prosperity"  which  the  Free- 
Traders  are  exploiting  so  vociferouslyv  1:^.9  per  cent  of  the 
40,775  woolen  looms  reported  June  i,  1916,  were  idle,  and  prac- 
tically no  machinery  was  reported  as  engaged  on  foreign  mil- 
itary orders.  Of  the  3,419  carpet  looms  reported,  17.6  per 
cent  were  idle. 


Prior  to  the  enactr-ent  of  the  Underwood  Tariff  Bill  there 
were  no  shipments  of  Chinese  eggs  or  of  New  Zealand  butter 
nor  of  Manchurian  corn.  Now  we  have  millions  of  eggs  im- 
ported and  tons  of  butter  and  train  loads  of  corn.  These  im- 
portations have  injured  our  industries  and  the  price  has  not 
been  reduced. 


The  Underwood  Tariff  removed  the  duty  on  sardines  com- 
ing from  Norway;  on  the  day  the  bill  went  into  effect  the 
foreign  exporter  raised  the  price  so  "that  we  are  com.pelled 
to  pay  the  same  price  for  sardines  as  formerly. 


The  Saxon  Manufacturers  Association  of  Dresden  has 
adopted  a  resolution  to  the  effect  that  owing  to  changed  con- 
ditions in  consequence  of  the  war  it  will  be  necessary  to  in- 
troduce a  new  and  independent  tariff  as  a  basis  for  negotiations 
with  the  different  belligerent  and  neutral  countries  respecting 
renewals  of  the  commercial  treaties  which  expire  in  1917. 


Farm  products,  which  were  nearly  all  put  on  the  free  list 
bv  the  iJnderwood  Act,  are  becoming  an  increasinglv  large 
share  of  our  import  trade.  This  hits  the  farmer  and  the  Gov- 
ernment revenues  at  the  same  time. 


Between  $300,000,000  and  $400,000,000  of  revenue  has  been 
lost  to  the  United  States  Treasury  under  the  present  Demo- 
cratic low  Tariff  and  no  American  citizen  has  gained  to  the 
extent  of  a  penny. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         223 


IMPORTS  FROM  JAPAN  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES 


Fiscal  Year.  ]"iscal  Year. 

1903  $44.143728  I91O  $66,398,761 

1904  46,537.478  191 1  78.527,496 

1905  51,821,629  I912  80,607,469 

1906  52,551,520  I913  91,633,240 

1907  68,910,594  I914  107,355.897 

1908  68,107.545  I915  98,882,638 

1909 ']o,Z9^,l^'^  1916  147,644,228 


Japan,  an  Industrial  Peril 

Most  instructive  are  extracts  from  Congressman  Austin's 
letters  during  his  recent  visit  to  Japan  and  China.  As  we  are 
now  buying  more  than  $125,000,000  worth  of  products  from 
Japan  annually,  and  more  than  $60,000,000  worth  from  China, 
it  is  important  to  study  lal^or  conditions  in   those  countries: 

I  traveled  several  thousand  miles  in  the  Flowery  Kingdom, 
visiting  the  capital  city.  Tokyo.  Osaka,  the  Pittsburgh  of 
Japan;  the  important  shipping  ports  of  YokoTiama,  Kobe  and 
Nagasaki,  the  latter  located  in  the  center  of  the  great  coal 
mining  district,  and  Kyoto,  the  former  capital.  In  aadition 
to  visiting  the  cities  named,  I  examined  several  cotton,  woolen 
and  spinning  mills,  and  traveled  through  the  agricultural 
section. 

Density  of  Population 

The  population  of  Japan  proper  is  53,000.000.  and  if  you 
add  the  dependencies,  Korea  and  Formosa,  it  gives  a  total  of 
71.000.000.  Japan  has  147,655  square  miles.  In  size  Cali- 
fornia exceeds  it  by  11.000  square  miles.  The  population  of 
the  Golden  State  in  1910  was  2.377.549.  Japan  and  Montana 
are  the  same  size.  The  population  of  t1ie  latter  when  taken 
by  the  government  was  376952.  while  Japan's  at  that  time 
was  50.984.844.  In  density  of  population  per  square  mile  the 
following  will  show  the  overcrov/ded  condition  of  Japan  as 
compared  with  some  other  countries:  Russia,  20  persons  per 
square  mile;  France,  21;  England,  33;  Italy,  51;  Holland.  52; 
Germany,  60;  United  States,  30;  Japan,  284.  The  average 
density  of  population  throughout  the  world  is  29  inhabitants. 
Japan's  increase  in  population  is  500.000  annually;  16  per  cent 
of  its  soil  is  under  cultivation,  the  rest  in  mountains,  forest, 
and  untillable  lands.  Seventy  per  cent  of  the  people  live 
by  farming. 

Japan's  Cheap  Labor 

Labor  is  cheaper  today  in  Japan  than  any  other  country 
in  the  world  except  China,  and  tlVe  difference  is  exceedingly 
slight.  Japan,  having  the  decided  lead  in  the  manufacturing 
line,  is  now  supplying  China,  and  in  doing  this  has  success- 
fully met  the  competition  of  all  her  American  and  European 
competitors.  In  the  manufacture  of  cheap  cotton  goods  she 
is  rapidly  taking  the  trade  away  from  her  ally.  Great  Britain, 
and  while  the  United  States,  before  Japan  developed  lier 
cotton  industry,  sold  cotton  goods  in  China  in  one  year  to 
the  value  of  $29,800,000,  now.  since  Japan  has  gotten  into 
the  game,  our  trade  in  this  line  in  China  was  between  five 
and   six   million    in    1914. 


224         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

United  States  Will  Lose  Its  Trade 

When  the  Japanese  go  into  the  manufacture  of  the  higher 
or  more  expensive  grades  of  cotton  goods  the  United  States 
will  lose  the  balance  of  its  trade  in  cotton  goods  in  the  Celes- 
tial Empire. 

Twenty-four  years  ago  Japan  had  less  than  5  per  cent  of 
the  entire  import  trade  in  China;  today  she  has  over  17  per 
cent  and  is  increasing  it  right  along.  Great  Britain's  trade 
with  China  during  this  same  period  has  fallen  from  80  to  50 
per  cent,  losing  it  to  Japan  and  Germany,  The  trade  of  the 
United  States,  8  per  cent,  remains  stationary,  falling  off  in 
the  sale  of  cotton  goods,  and  making  up  to  some  extent  in 
the  sale  of  coal  oil  and  sewing  machines,  iron  and  steel 
products. 

Japan's  Exports  of  Cotton  Goods 

The  United  States  produces  60  per  cent  of  the  world's 
entire  crop  of  raw  cotton,  and  only  uses  one-third  of  it  in 
the  manufacture  of  cotton  goods.  Japan  imports  its  raw  cot- 
ton from  the  United  States,  Egypt,  India  and  China,  and 
while  she  has  only  entered  upon  the  manufacture  of  cotton 
goods  extensively  in  the  last  fifteen  or  twenty  years — having 
only  seven  small  mills  as  late  as  1881 — yet  today  her  foreign 
annual  export  of  cotton  goods  is  only  $5,000,000  short  of  that 
of  the  United  States,  and  gaining  year  by  year. 

Has  Driven  Our  Goods  Out  of  China 

She  has  not  only  driven  our  cheap  cotton  goods  out  of 
Chinal  the  greatest  cotton  goods  market  in  the  world,  but 
enters  our  insular  markets  in  the  Philippines  and  Hawaiian 
Islands,  and  sells  annually  from  five  to  six  million  dollars' 
worth  of  cotton  goods.  This  is  not  all.  Japan  is  demonstrat- 
ing on  our  very  shores  what  she  is  capable  of  doing.  In  1907 
the  total  amount  of  cotton  goods  from  Japan  sold  in  the 
United  States  under  a  Republican  protective  tariff  was  $333,- 
989;  in  1914,  under  the  operations  of  the  Democratic  low  tariff, 
she  had  no  trouble  to  pay  the  custom  duties  and  unload  cot- 
ton goods  to  the  value  of  $1,041,632,  a  difference  or  an  in- 
crease of  $707,643. 

Japanese   Mills  Running  Night  and  Day 

At  this  very  time,  and  during  the  last  year,  when  the  Amer- 
ican mills  were  unable  to  dispose  of  their  output,  and  many 
of  them  either  closed  down  or  ran  on  reduced  time,  employes 
idle,  etc.,  under  the  present  tariff  law,  the  Japanese  mills 
were  running  night  and  day,  putting  in  from  twenty  to  twenty- 
two  hours  in  every  twenty-four,  and  the  sales  of  Japanese 
goods  in  America,  the  Philippines  and  Hawaiian  Islands  and 
China  show  an  increase.  Last  year  (1914),  under  the  Wilson- 
Underwood  tariff,  our  foreign  competitors  sold  in  the  United 
States  cotton  goods  made  in  foreign  mills  and  by  foreign 
workmen,  to  the  value  of  $70,704,823,  being  an  increase  over 
their  sales  in  the  United  States  the  year  before  (1913)  of 
$4,638,970. 

Over  $75,000,000  in  One  Year 

If  we  include  the  amount  sold  in  our  insular  possessions, 
where  the  same  tariff  duties  apply,  then  our  foreign  com- 
petitors unloaded  on  us  in  1914  over  $75,000,000  of  cotton 
goods  under  the  Wilson  administration.  This  was,  in  round 
numbers,  $25,000,000  in  excess  of  the  amount  we  sold  abroad 
during  the  same  year.  We  produce  60  per  cent  of  the  world't 
raw  cotton,  and  have  850  cotton  mills  in  the  South,  where 
this  cotton  is  produced.  We  have  millions  of  dollars  in- 
vested in  this  industry,  not  only  in  the  South,  but  especially 
in  New  England. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         225 

Would  Have  Kept  All  Our  Mills  Going. 

Last  year  was  one  of  the  distressing  periods  in  the  manu- 
facture and  sale  of  American-made  cotton  goods.  Operators 
were  forced  to  close  plants;  many  ran  at  a  loss,  and  not  a 
few  ran  on  short  time;  thousands  of  men,  women,  boys  and 
girls  were  thrown  out  of  employment,  or  suffered  in  wages  by 
a  reduction  in  the  hours  of  labor.  Had  the  75,000,000  of 
good  American  dollars  sent  abroad  for  foreign-made  cotton 
goods  been  spent  for  American-made  cotton  goods,  it  would 
have  kept  all  of  our  mills  going  last  year  and  our  mill  op- 
eratives on  the  payroll  every  working  day  in  the  year.  Per- 
haps, like  Japan,  we  would  have  kept  many  of  our  mills  going 
night  and  day  with  a  double  shift. 

Will  Flood  the  American  Market 

Japan  is  not  only  increasing  her  sales  of  cotton  goods  in 
China,  Japan,  the  Philippines,  and  Hawaiian  Islands  and  in 
the  United  States,  but  when  she  completes  her  industrial 
program  she  will  flood  the  American  marKCt  with  cotton 
goods,  iron,  steel,  etc.  The  construction  of  the  Panama 
Canal  opens  a  cheap  water  transportation  route  to  our  East- 
ern cities  and  States,  and  Japan  is  already  arranging  for  lines 
of  fast  passenger  and  freight  ships  to  connect  her  factory 
ports  with  one  of  the  best  sections  of  the  greatest  and  best 
markets  in  all  the  world,  the  region  between  the  Atlantic 
and  the  ^Mississippi  River. 

Japan's    Merchant    Marine 

In  1913  Japan  had  12,525  vessels  engaged  in  foreign  trade, 
which  sailed  in  and  out  of  her  ports  to  the  distant  markets 
of  the  world,  while  the  United  States  merchant  vessels  en- 
gaged in  foreign  trade  numbered  1,279.  The  number  of 
Japanese  merchant  vessels  entering  the  harbor  of  Manila  in 
1914  was  66,  American  27.  The  Japanese  government,  like 
every  up-to-date  European  country  seeking  to  find  a  foreign 
market  for  the  surplus  of  its  mills  and  factories,  has,  out  of 
government  'funds,  aided  in  building  and  in  maintaining  a 
creditable  merchant  marine,  lines  of  vessels,  cheap  water 
transportation  to  the  distant  markets  of  the  world. 

Have  the  Best  in  the  World 

While  in  Japan  I  visited  a  number  of  mills — cotton,  woolen, 
spinning  mills,  etc. — plants  which  will  favorably  compare  with 
the  best  in  America  or  Europe.  Our  manufacturers  have  ab- 
solutely no  advantage  in  the  way  of  mill  machinery,  buildings, 
equipment,  labor-saving  devices,  etc.  The  Japanese  have  pro- 
cured the  best  from  all  the  rest  of  the  world.  Then  com- 
pare wages,  the  hours  of  labor,  etc.,  and  you  will  understand 
how  they  can  undersell  us  in  our  own  home  and  insular 
markets  under  a  low  tariff,  and  have  been  able  to  drive  our 
trade  out  of  China.  When  they  establish  their  direct  steam- 
ship lines  by  the  way  of  the  Panama  Canal  to  Gulf  and  At- 
lantic ports,  and  increase  the  number  of  mills,  and  enlarge 
present  plants,  as  they  contemplate,  then  look  out  for  cheap 
Japanese  cotton  goods  and  the  closing  down  of  additional 
American   mills. 

The  Japanese  are  using  a  cheaper  grade  of  cotton  than 
the   American   mills    handle. 

Women  Work  for  Eight  Cents  a  Day 

They  will  mix  a  little  American  cotton  with  the  cheaper 
Chinese  or  India  cotton,  and  pay  their  employees  the  fol- 
lowing wages:  Males,  26  cents,  and  females,  15  cents  per 
day  for  ten  and  eleven  hours'  work.  I  visited  one  mill  at 
Tokyo,  where  I  found  a  room  full  of  women  working  for  8 
cents  a  day.  In  another  plant  I  saw  at  least  a  thousand 
women  and  girls  working  for  15  cents  a  day — eleven  hours — 
boarded  and  roomed  in  quarters  furnished  by  the  company. 
Four  and  a  half  cents  a  day  was  deducted  for  their  meals 


22f;         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 191ti 

and  lodging,  leaving  a  balance  of  io>2  cents  net  for  their 
day's  work.  Fifteen  of  these  women  or  girls  occupy  a  single 
room  i6  by  i8  in  size,  sleeping  on  the  floor,  without  a  single 
piece  of  furniture  in  the  room  . 

A   Noonday  Meal 

I  saw  their  noonday  meal  on  the  table  ready  for  them.  It 
consisted  of  a  saucer  filled  with  rice  and  beans,  a  piece  of  fish 
a  little  larger  than  a  silver  dollar,  a  half  of  a  Japanese  radish, 
and  a  cup  of  tea. 

The  Japanese  government  has  issued  an  official  report  for 
1914.  It  states  that  there  are  66,904  males  and  446,283  females 
employed  in  Japanese  textile  factories;  in  the  weaving  indus- 
tries, 20,637  males  and  124,654  females.  Compare  the  above 
scale  of  wages  and  the  hours  of  labor  with  the  scale  of  wages 
and  hours  in  American  mills  and  you  will  have  the  secret  of 
the  ability  of  the  Japanese  to  undersell  American  cotton  man- 
ufacturers. 

Women  Work  in  the  Coal  Mines 

Japan  is  full  of  a  fine  quality  of  steam  coal.  The  value  of 
the  output  of  their  coal  mines  for  last  year  was  $35,706,418. 
In  the  mining  industry  coal  diggers  or  miners  are  paid  25 
and  30^/2  cents  a  day;  women  (and  many  of  them  are  worked 
in  the  operation  of  coal  mines)  are  paid  185^  cents  a  day,  chil- 
dren jYi  cents  a  day.  So  steam  power  is  cheap  in  the  cotton 
mills  of  Japan.  However,  a  large  number  of  mills  are  now 
driven  by  electricity  derived  from  water  power.  The  esti- 
mated water  power  in  Japan,  developed  and  undeveloped,  is 
5,000,000  horsepower.  With  modern  machinery,  cheap  power, 
cheap  labor  and  cheap  water  transportation  to  all  the  known 
ports  and  markets  in  the  world,  Japan  has  essential  and  con- 
trolling advantages  over  all  of  her  foreign  competitors.  All 
Japan  wants  is  a  low  tariff  law  and  she  will  successfully  meet 
and  undersell  all  her  competitors  in  any  manufacturing  line 
she  has  entered  upon  or  ma}^  hereafter  decide  to  enter  upon. 

Will  Be  a  Yellow  Industrial  Peril 
With  extensive  deposits  of  every  known  mineral,  the  cheap- 
est labor  in  the  world,  the  most  modern,  up-to-date  machinery 
and  a  large  and  increasing  marine  service,  backed  up  by  the 
Japanese  government,  Japan  will  be  in  fact  a  peril,  a  yellow 
industrial  peril,  in  the  Orient,  in  South  and  Central  America, 
Canada  and  the  United  States,  under  a  low  tariff  or  non-Pro- 
tective Tariff  law.     Last  year  Japan  imported  pig  iron,  steel 
rails,  plate  and  galvanized  iron,  to  the  value  of  $25,882,454^ 
She  is  going  to  not  only  save  this — keep  the  money  at  hom 
by   going   into   the    iron    and    steel    business — but    enter    th( 
foreign  markets  extensively  in  this  line,  if  her  present  plan 
materialize. 

CONDITIONS  IN  CHINA 

There  is  practically  no  difference  in  the  way  the  Japanes 
and  Chinese  workers  in  the  cotton  mill  industry,  iron  anc 
steel  plants,  coal  mines,  etc.,  live.  T  examined  in  Chin; 
the  noon  day  ineal  of  a  number  of  the  operatives  in  1 
spinning  mill.  In  a  majority  of  cases  it  consisted  of  a  smal 
bowl  of  rice,  occasionally  a  small  fish  the  size  of  a  sardin< 
or  rice  and  beans.  The  cost  of  maintaining  a  female  mil 
worker  in  Japan  is  as  low  as  4^  cents  per  day.  Living  is  jus 
as  cheap  and  just  as  hard  in  China  as  in  Japan. 

Prior  to  the  present  war,  the  American  towns  and  citiei 
on  the  Pacific  coast  were  supplied  with  foreign  pig  iron,  an 
our  European  competitors  were  underbidding  us  on  struc- 
tural steel  in  the  same  markets  under  the  LTnderwood-Wilsor 
tariff  law.  At  present  China  is  selling  her  entire  output  o 
pig  iron  and  steel  rails  in  the  Orient.  But  we  have  only  t 
wait.  The  time  is  coming  when  the  iron  and  steel  industry  o 
America  will  be  face  to  face  with  serious  Oriental  competitio 
in  the  Orient,  in  Russia,  the  Philippines,  Mexico,  South  an 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         227 

Central  America,  and  in  the  United  States  on  both  coasts. 
If  let  alone,  China  will  have  this  industry  in  time  developed. 
The  iron  and  coal  of  China  is  inexhaustible.  Its  mineral  re- 
sources are  not  excelled,  and  it  has  the  cheapest  and  most 
abundant  labor  in  all  the  world. 

What  Japan  Will  Do 

Japan  will  seize  and  develop  this  colossal  mineral  wealth 
of  the  Republic  of  China  if  her  cunning  and  avaricious  hand 
is  not  stayed.  If  Japan's  schemes  succeed,  then  the  iron  and 
steel  development  of  the  Orient  will  be  carried  out  by  Japan. 
Japan  has  demonstrated  what  she  can  do  in  the  manu- 
facture of  cotton  goods.  In  this  single  line  alone  she  has 
taken  from  America  in  China  an  annual  business  which,  in 
1906,  amounted  to  $28,900,000,  and  reduced  it  to  $1,194,930 
for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1915.  There  was  a  falling 
off  of  $4,901,478  last  year  over  our  sales  in  China  as  com- 
pared with  the  previous  year,  1914.  What  Japan  has  accom- 
plished in  this  line  she  can  more  than  duplicate  in  the  iron 
and  steel  business  if  she  gets  a  chance.  We  have  more  to 
fear  from  Japan  than  China  in  the  iron  and  steel  industry. 
Wages  in  the  Orient 

While  contrasting  wages  in  the  coal,  iron  and  steel  business, 
it  will  not  be  out  of  order  to  give  American  manufacturers 
and  their  employees  and  the  public  generally  a  scale  of  wages 
in  the   Orient   in   various   occupations.     Here   it   is: 

Printers,  26  cents  a  day. 

Potters,  32  cents  per  day. 

Jewelers,  34  cents  per  day. 

Carpenters,  26  cents  a  day. 

Blacksmiths,  29  cents  a  day. 

Plasterers,  26  cents  a  day. 

Bricklayers,  35  cents  a  day. 

Farm  laborers,  23  cents  a  day. 

Tailors,  25  cents  a  day. 

Male  weavers,  21  cents  a  day. 

Female  weavers,  20  cents  a  day. 

Cotton  mills,  males  20  cents  a  day;  females  from  8  to  15 
cents  a  day;  children,  8c. 

Coal  miners,  30  cents  a  day. 

Women  in  coal  mines,  18  cents  a  day;  boys  under  14,  7^2 
cents  a  day. 

In  the  plants  operated  by  the  government  of  Japan,  the 
following  is  a  scale  of  wages. 

In  the  ordnance  department,  353^  cents  a  day. 

Torpedo  department,  36  cents  a  day. 

Steel  works,  38  cents  a  day. 

Shipbuilding  departments,  etc.,  males,  36]^  cents;  females, 
14^  cents  a  day. 

Powder  mill,  males,  31  cents;  females,  14  cents  a  day. 

Steel  foundry,  males,  34^  cents;  females  I5J^  cents  a  day. 

Here  are  some  of  the  wages  paid  in  and  near  Hankow, 
China : 

Miners,  $2.59  per  month. 

Blacksmiths,  $1.50  to  $2.95  per  month. 

Brakemen,  $2.40  pe**  month.  /- 

Ordinary  day  laborers,  6  to  9  cents  per  day. 

Ten  hours   considered  a   day's  work. 

In  transportation  by  rail,  river,  canal,  and  ocean,  which 
means  low  freight  rates  from  the  Orient  to  America,  the 
same  low  standard  of  wages  and  long  hours  of  service  ob- 
tains. 

How  Protective   Tariff  Works 

As  an  evidence  that  a  protective  tariff  works  in  the  interest 
of  the  American  workshops  and  mills,  let  me  give  some  con- 
vincing facts:  In  China,  Japan  and  India,  with  a  combined 
population  of  over  800,000,000,  and  where  we  compete  with 
the  low  wages  of  the  rest  of  the  world,  we  sold  in  1914  Amer- 


228 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


ican  made  goods  to  the  value  of  $86,758,845.  Now,  with  a  low 
tariff — the  Underwood-Wilson  law — which  applies  to  Porto 
Rico,  the  Hawaiian  and  Philippine  Islands,  with  a  total  popu- 
lation of  9,353,000,  last  year  we  sold  $85,546,367.  Had  the 
present  tariff  law  been  higher — a  real  protective  law — our  ex- 
ports to  these  American  Islands  for  last  year  would  have  ex- 
ceeded $115,000,000.  Before  our  American  tariff  law  applied  to 
these  Islands,  we  sold  them  in  twelve  months,  $7,540,905,  and 
in.1914  we  had  increased  our  sales  to  $85,546,367,  or  an  annual 
gain  of  $78,005,462.  For  the  year  ending  June  30,  191 5,  we 
exported  to  all  the  world  cotton  cloths  to  the  value  of  $22,- 
048,925.  During  this  same  period  we  exported  cotton  cloths 
to  the  Philippine  Islands  amounting  to  $6,633,560.  In  the  face 
of  these  facts  the  Wilson  administration  favors  giving  away 
the  Philippine  Islands,  where  our  trade  last  year  exceeded 
the  year's  record  before  we  took  them  over  by  over  $26,- 
000,000. 

Average  Daily  Wages  of  Japanese  Laborers. 
Yen— SO  Cents. 


From  Fifteenth  Financial  and  Economic  Annual  of  Japan. 

Kinds  of  Employment. 

1913. 

Agriculture,  Etc. 

Farm-laborer  (Male),  yearly  contract      

Yen 

51.86 
31.07 
0.46 
0.29 
0.50 
0.28 
0.33 
0.85 
0.59 

0.45 
0.28 
0.50 
0.57 
0.64 
0.88 
0.66 
0.60 
0.71 

10.93 
17.24 
0.44 
0.66 
0.39 

0.88 
0.93 
1.01 
0.85 
0.89 
1.05 
1.09 
0.76 
0.93 
0.80 
0.83 
0.79 

0.84 
0.69 
0.77 
0.75 
0.72 
0.67 
0.73 
0.73 
0.68 

■  0.60 
0.48 
0.58 
0.53 
0.59 
4.68 
2.99 

Dollars 
25.93 

"                (Female),  "           "         

15.54 

Farm-laborer  (Male)      

0.23 

"             "       (Female) 

0.15 

Sericultural  laborer  (Male) 

0.25 

"                 "        (Female)                             

0.24 

Silk-spinner  (Female) 

0.17 

Gardener 

0.43 

0.30 

Clothing,  Etc. 
Weaver  (Male) 

0.28 

(Female) 

0.24 

Dyer .            .                        

0.25 

0.29 

Tailor  (for  Japanese  dress) 

0.29 

Tailor  (for  European  dress) 

0.44 

0.33 

Clog  (wooden  shoes)  maker                                    .      ... 

0.30 

0.36 

Food  and  Drinking,  Etc. 

5.48 

Brewery  hand,  monthly  contract    

8.62 

Confectioner 

0.22 

0.33 

Rice-pounder      ....                                    

0.20 

House  building,  Etc. 
Carpenter 

0.44 

Plasterer 

0.47 

Stone-cutter 

0.51 

Sawyer          .                                   .                                 ... 

0.43 

0.45 

Tile-roofer 

0.53 

Brick-layer 

0.55 

Brick-maker 

0.38 

Shipwright. ...                                                          .    ." 

0.47 

0.40 

Screen  and  door  maker.      .        .                                     ... 

0.42 

Paper-hanger 

0.40 

Instruments,  Etc. 

Cabinet-maker .      ...            

0.42 

Cooper 

0.35 

0.39 

Harness-maker 

0.38 

LacQuerer    . 

0.36 

0.38 

Founder 

0.37 

Blacksmith 

0.37 

Potter .              

0.34 

Miscellaneous. 

Oil-presser . ,                  

0.30 

Paper-maker 

0.24 

0.29 

Printer .                    .... 

0.27 

Day-laborer    . 

0.29 

Male  servant,  monthly  contract 

2.34 

Female  servant,      "             "        .                             

1.45 

REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


229 


Japanese  Operatives  Classified  According  to  Employment  (1913). 
From  Fifteenth  Financial  and  Economic  Annual  of  Japan. 


Employment. 


Operatives. 


Above  14  Years 
of  Age. 

Under  14  Years 
of  Age. 

Male. 

Female. 

Male. 

Female. 

68,050 

11,264 

24,010 

1,039 

10 

421,034 

183,012 
99.746 

3.824 
28 

3,094 

428 

606 

58 

47,895 

21.678 

8.824 

562 

622 
19.378 

1.397 
116.853 

45 
1,059 

197 
13.648 

7.968 

2.706 

70 

983 

2.305 

11.409 

352 

2.108 

696 

168 

19 

15 

256 

2.464 

151 

115 

86,166 

18,323 

4,847 
199 

2,079 

416 

147 

4 

36.573 
16.374 

302 
2.636 

585 
491 

4 
79 

14,896 

1.710 

587 

60 

51,362 

24.252 

7,725 

804 

21,900 

4.763 

3,702 

60 

3,568 

2.409 

124 

88 

3,340 
266 

281 
13 

1.002 
3,766 
3.872 
2.647 
1.164 
226 
627 

57 
9.601 
589 
951 
616 
323 
510 

5 
739 
19 
29 
45 
12 
17 

2.282 
56 
174 
97 
82 
56 

664 
2.890 
1,723 

153 
250 
325 

6 
10 
65 

3 

1 

29 

35,315 

21.484 

1.062 

303 

1.757 
4.683 

6,862 

589 
121 
791 
1.792 
342 

541 

255 

3 

1 

26 

12 

412 

24 

58 
35 
10 

769 

1,649 

963 

643 
391 
923 

24 
78 
63 

51 

58 

103 

1.902 
743 

907 
363 

74 

5 

32 
40 

43,824 

16,698 

1.346 

22,333 
3.063 
1.456 

3,810 

1.793 
247 

3,241 

378 
427 

12,074 

985 

1,190 

3.834 

73 

839 

843 
10 
82 

541 
276 

395 

944 

11 

87 

925 
10,211 

191 
11,933 

145 
679 

27 
1,505 

77,251 

2,487 

1.769 

11,227 

11,768 

361,968 

8,351 

10 

10 

610 

7.721 

485,327 

536 

13 

1 

11 

511 

13,628 

294 
1 

293 
55,329 

Total. 


Male. 


Female, 


Textile  Factories .  . 

Raw  Silk 

Spinning 

Throwing 

Floss  Silk 

Cotton  Ginning  & 

Refining 

Weaving 

Bleaching.   Dyeing 

&  Finishing. . 
Knitting  &  Braiding 
Embroidery .... 
Miscellaneous.  . , 


Machine  &  Tool  Fact 
Machine-making  . 
Ship-building&Car- 

riage-making. , 
Tool-making.  . . . 
Foundry,  Metal  & 

Metal-ware  mak. 

Chemical  Works 

Ceramics 

Paper  Mills 

Lacquer-ware 

Leather&FurDress- 
ing 

Explosives 

Oils  &c  Waxes . 

Medicines  &  Chem. 

Gums 

Toilet-articles.  .... 

Soaps  &  Candles    . 

Dye-stuff,  Paints, 
Varnishes,  Lac- 
quers, Pigments. 
Pastes,  etc 

Artificial  Manures . 

Miscellaneous 

F«od  &  Drink  Fact's. 

Brewery 

Sugar . 

Tobacco 

Tea 

Rice  &  Flour  Mills . 

Lemonade,    Ice    & 

Mineral  Waters . 

Confectionery 

Canning  &  Bottling 

Curing  of  Animal.  . 

&  Fish  Products 

Miscellaneous 

Miscellaneous  Fact's. 

Printing  &  Publish. 

Paper-ware 

Wood  &  Bamboo 
Work 

Leather-ware.  .... 

Feather- ware 

Matting  &  Straw- 
plaits  

Articles  of  Precious 
Stones,  Jaws, 
Horns,  etc 

Miscellaneous 

Special  Factories .... 
Electrical  Industry 

Gas 

Metal-refineries . 

Mining 

Total 


71,144 

11.692 

24,616 

1,097 

10 

667 
20,437 

8,664 

2,874 

89 

998 

88,245 
18.739 

37,158 
16.865 

15.483 

54,930 

26,661 

7,849 

892 

1.007 
4.505 
3,891 
2.676 
1,209 
238 
644 


670 
2,900 
1,788 

35,856 

21,739 

1,065 

304 

1,783 

4.695 

793 
1.727 
1,026 

1,976 

748 

47,634 

18.491 
1.593 

12,917 
995 

1.272 


406 


1,070 
10,890 


468,929 

204,690 

108,570 

4,386 

28 

1,594 
130.501 

2,561 

13,873 

503 

2,223 

4,994 

203 

306 
2.715 

1,770 

25,240 

5,029 

3,983 

73 

57 
11,883 
645 
1,125 
713 
405 
566 


156 

251 
354 

7,274 
613 
122 
849 

1.827 
352 

694 

449 

1,026 

939 
403 

25,574 
3,441 
1,883 

4.375 

73 

1,115 

1,031 


218 
13,438 


77,787!      8,645 

2,500  11 

1.770  10 

11.238  610 

62.279       8.014 

375,596  540,656 


86,432 

2.511 

1.780 

11.848 

70.298 

916,252 


Note: — This  table  shows  the  figures  obtained  from  the  factories  and  works  where 
more  than  ten  persons  are  employed,  the  operatives  and  apprentices  taken 
together, 


230        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

IMPORTS  AND  DUTIES 
By  Representative  J.  W.  Fordney,  of  Michigan 

Since  December  last  our  imports  have  increased  every 
month,  one  over  the  other,  until  in  May  our  imports  reached 
the  enormous  sum,  in  round  numbers,  of  $229,300,000,  Never 
before  in  the  history  of  the  Republic  have  our  imports 
reached  $184,000,000  in  any  one  month  until  January  last. 
Now  in  round  numbers  they  are  $230,000,000  per  month.  If 
we  had  collected  the  same  rates  of  duty  last  year  as  were 
provided  in  the  Payne  bill,  and  if  we  had  had  the  same 
amount  of  imports,  we  would  have  collected  $400,000,000  in- 
stead of  $210,000,000  as  we  did.  We  would  have  no  need  to 
raise  this  $210,000,000  that  we  are  raising  in  the  new  revenue 
bill.  Prior  to  the  enactment  of  the  Underwood  Tariff  Act 
the  record  month  for  imports  was  October,  1912,  $177,987,000. 
This  record  was  broken  in  December,  1913,  with  imports 
amounting  to  $184,025  000.  For  a  period  imports  were  re- 
tarded by  the  war  in  Europe,  but  in  January,  1916,  imports 
amounted  to  $184,350,000,  surpassing  any  previous  month. 
In  February  imports  were  $193,935,000,  breaking  the  Janu- 
ary record  by  $9,600,000.  In  March  imports  were  $19,600,000 
greater  than  February,  and  in  April  $4,700,000  greater  than 
March,  and  in  May  $10,900,000  greater  than  April.  Comparing 
the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1913,  under  a  Protective  Tariff 
with  the  fiscal  year  just  ended  we  find  that  although  imports 
have  increased  over  $360,000,000  customs  receipts  have  de- 
clined $106,276,000. 

Imports    1916    $2,181,000,000 

Imports    1913    1,813  000,000 

Gain 368.000,000 

Customs  receipts  1916 210,866,222 

Customs   receipts    1913    318,142,344 

Loss    106,276,122 

Average  ad  valorem  1913,  17.6  per  cent. 
Average  ad  valorem  1916,  9.7  per  cent. 

During  the  entire  life  of  the  Payne  law  the  average  ad 
valorem  rate  of  duty  collected  on  the  total  importations  was 
approximately  ,18.5  per  cent.  If  we  had  collected  that  rate 
of  duty  during  the  past  year  instead  of  9.7  per  cent  our 
customs  receipts  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1916,  would 
have  amounted  to  some  $403000,000.  I  do  not  contend  that 
had  the  Payne  tariff  law  been  in  force  our  customs  receipts 
would  be  that  great,  for  some  of  the  imports  would  not  have 
come  to  our  shores.  We  would  have  produced  some  of 
those  products  in  America  by  American  labor,  but  I  do  con- 
tend that  it  very  conservative  to  say  the  Payne  Tariff  Law 
would  have  produced  over  $100,000,000  more  in  customs  re- 
ceipts than  was  raised  by  the  Underwood  Law,  and  with  a 
Protective  Tariff  Law  in  force  American  industries  would 
have  no  dread  of  the  period  to  come  when  the  war  is  ended. 

The  report  accompanying  this  bill  (the  new  Democratic 
Revenue  bill)  recommends  that  a  larger  proportion  of  our 
revenue  be  collected  from  incomes  and  inheritances,  and  as 
an  illustration  of  what  can  be  accomplished  they  refer  favor- 
ably to  England's  revenue  policy,  stating  that  58  per  cent 
of  England's  revenue  came  from  income,  inheritance,  and 
death  taxes. 

England  departed  from  the  policy  of  collecting  revenue 
on  competitive  imports  in  1845,  and  now  i  person  of  every 
45  is  a  pauper,  while  in  this  country  there  is  but  i  pauper  for 
every  1,081  of  our  population.-   Peprosonfativo  J    W.  Forrlney. 


War  Prosperity 

By  Representative  Sydney  Anderson,  of  Minnesota 

That  chere  is  in  the  country  a  certain  specious  and  temporary 
prosperity  I  am  not  prepared  to  deny.  I  assert  with  the  utmost 
ccnfidence  that  such  prosperity  as  we  now  enjoy  is  specious  and 
temporary,  thac  it  is  in  no  way  due  to  anything  which  the 
Democratic  Party  has  done,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  such  as 
it  is,  it  is  due  .to  conditions  which  exist  ou'cside  the  country  and 
over  which  the  Democratic  Party  exercises  no  control. 

During  the  fislcal  years  1915  and  1916  the  exports  of  the 
United  States,  taken  in  the  aggregate,  have  very  materially  in- 
creased, indicating  a  certain  quality  and  degree  of  prosperity. 
We  have  a  right,  however,  to  examine  the  character  of  these 
exports,  with  a  view  of  ascertaining  the  exact  quality  of  the 
prosperity  which  we  now  enjoy  and  of  determining  its  sources 
and  its  probable  future  continuance. 

Since  the  ist  of  August,  1914,  the  greatest  war  in  all  history 
has  been  .carried  on.  Of  necessity  the  war  has  not  only  dis- 
turbed and  modified  business  conditions  in  the  countries  imme- 
diately affected,  but  has  disturbed  and  modified  business  condi- 
tions the  world  over.  It  has  served  to  increase  tremendously 
the  demand  for  certain  products  of  the  United  States,  while 
cutting  off  the  sources  of  supply  of  many  articles  heretofore 
furnished  by  the  warring  countries.  I  think  I  shall  be  able  to 
demonstrate  conclusively  that  this  war  alone  is  responsible  for 
the  tremendous  increase  in  exports  during  the  past  two  years. 

For  the  purpose  of  making  this  demonstration  I  have  divided 
the  export  business  of  the  country  into  two  great  groups,  the 
first  including  those  general  classes  of  exports,  the  dem.ind  for 
and  consumption  of  which  is  not  diretctly  increased  by  the  war 
in  Europe.  In  this  class  I  have  included  agricultural  implements, 
animals,  carriages,  wagons,  cement,  coal,  cotton  cloths ,  earthen 
and  stone  ware,  electric  machines  and  appliances,  gasoline  en- 
gines and  steam  engines,  mill,  mining  and  other  machinery,  oils 
and  paints,  timber,  furniture  and  other  manufactures  of  wood, 
and  articles  of  general  classes  the  consumption  of  which  is  not 
materially  increased  by  the  demands  of  war.  In  the  aggregate 
this  class  includes  a  total  of  $745,973, 561  in  value  of  the  exports 
in  1913. 

In  the  second  class  I  have  included  those  articles  the  demand 
for  and  consumption  of  which  has  been  greatly  and  directly  in- 
creased by  the  war  abroad.  This  class  in;cludes  explosives,  fire- 
arms, certain  fabrications  of  steel  and  iron,  wearing  apparel  of 
wool,  automobiles  and  auto  tires,  wire  nails  and  spikes,  barb 
wire,  leather  boots  and  shoes,  harnesses,  beef,  bacon,  ham, 
butter,  cheese,  and  condensed  milk,  zinc,  cotton  knit  goods, 
horses,  mules,  grains,  and  so  forth,  exported  in  1913  to  the 
amount  of  $422,294,233. 

In  the  aggregate  the  two  groups  include  exports  amounting  in 
value  to  $1,168,267,794,  or  53  per  cent  of  the  total  exports  in  1913. 

I  have  excluded  from  the  groups  raw  cotton,  which  constituted 
about  26  per  cent  of  the  total  in  1913,  and  icertain  other  classes 
of  articles,  such  as  chemicals,  which,  owing  to  their  intrinsic 
character  and  unusual  trade  conditions,  I  thought  it  improper  to 
include  in  either  group. 

For  the  purposes  of  comparison  and  in  order  to  determine 
the  increase  or  decrease  in  the  tide  of  exportations  as  to  each 
group,  I  have  ascertained  and  compiled  in  a  table  the  total  ex- 
ports of  each  group  for  the  years  1913  and  1916.  At  the  time 
these  figures  were  compiled  I  did  not  have  the  detailed  exports 
for  the  fiscal  year  1916  for  the  months  of  May  and  June,  and  I 
therefore  ascertained  the  total  exports  for  that  year  on  the  basis 
of  the  preceding  five-sixths  of  a  year, 

231 


232        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

In  order  that  the  comparison  and  the  conclusions  to  be  drawn 
from  it  may  he  perfectly  clear,  I  should  state  'chat  the  figures 
are  for  the  fiscal  years,  and  while  the  beginning  of  these  years 
does  not  coi'ncide  with  the  beginning  of  the  present  Administra- 
tion, it  is  sufhciently  coincident  for  the  purposes  of  comparison. 

The  first  nine  months  of  the  year  1913  the  Government  was 
under  the  control  of  the  Republican  Party,  atid  during  the  last 
three  months  of  "chat  year  under  the  control  of  the  Democratic 
Party,. but  during  that  time  no  change  had  occurred  in  the  fiscal 
policy  of  the  Government  affecting  directly,  at  least,  the  business 
of  the  couTitry. 

During  the  first  three  months  of  the  fiscal  year  1914  the 
Democratic  Party  was  in  control  of  the  Government,  but  the 
Payne-Aldrich  Tariff  Bill  was  still  in  effect.  On  the  3d  day  of 
October,  1913,  the  Underwood  Tariff  Law  went  into  effect,  and 
was  in  effect  during  the  remaining  nine  months  of  that  year. 

The  .European  war  began  in  Augus'c,  1914,  and  affected  the 
exports  of  the  country  during  the  remainder  of  the  fiscal  year 

1915  and  1916. 

In  general  terms,  the  year  1913  may  be  considered  a  normal 
Republican  year,  1914  a  normal  Democratic  year,  and  1915  and 

1916  were  normal  except  as  they  were  affected  by  the  war  in 
Europe. 

With  this  explanation  attention  is  directed  to  the  two  groups 
of  exports  which  I  have  already  outlined,  namely:  Group  I, 
including  nonwar  materials;  and  Group  II,  including  war  ma- 
terials. 

In  1913,  a  Republican  year,  the  exports  of  Group  I,  nonwar 
materials,  amounted  to  $745,973,56i ;  and  Group  II,  war  ma- 
terials, to  $422,294,233. 

In  1914,  a  Democratic  year,  the  exports  included  in  Group  I, 
nonwar  materials,  had  fallen  to  $647,789,184;  and  Group  II, 
war  materials,  to  $346,045,051 — a  falling  off  in  the  exports  of 
Group  I  amounting  to  $98,184,377,  or  13. i  per  cent;  and  in 
Group  II,  war  materials,  $76,248,182,  or  18  per  cent. 

Nonwar  Exports 

In  1915  the  exports  of  Group  I,  non-war  materials,  continued 
to  fall  off  until  it  had  been  reduced  for  that  year  to  $473,593,164. 
In  other  words,  the  business  depression  resultant  upon  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Underwood  Tariff  Law  continued  to  show  its  effects 
in  the  expofcs  of  nonwar  materials  included  in  Group  I.  Now 
let  us  see  what  happened  in  Group  II,  war  materials.  In  1915 
the  exports  of  this  group  had  increased  until  it  represented  the 
enormous  sum  of  $1,126,093,109.  In  other  words,  while  the  ex- 
ports of  war  materials  fell  off  $273,383,397,  or  36.5  per 
cent,  as  compared  with  the  normal  Republican  year  1913,  the 
exports  of  war  materials  included  in  Group  II  increased  $683,- 
799,476,  or  154  per  cent,  as  compared  with  1913. 

Again  in  1916,  as  compared  with  1913,  the  exports  of  the  first 
group,  nonwar  materials,  had  fallen  off  to  $652,669,848,  while 
exports  of  Group  II,  war  materials,  had  increased  to  $1,910,- 
238,672. 

To  express  it  yet  more  clearly,  exports  of  nonwar  materials  as 
compared  with  1913,  a  normal  year,  fell  off  in  1916  $93,303»7i3,  or 
12.5  per  cent.,  while  Group  II,  war  materials,  increased  as  com- 
pared with  1913,  $1,487,944,439,  or  352  per  cent. 

In  other  words,  in  those  classes  of  exports  unaffected  by  the 
war  there  was  a  falling  off  in  1914,  1915,  and  1916,  while  in  Group 
II,  war  materials,  there  was  a  falling  off  in  1914  and  a;n  intrease 
in  1915  and  1916. 

What  demonstration  could  more  conclusively  prove  that  the 
present  prosperity  of  the  country,    uch  as  it  is,  is  due  solely  to 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         233 

increased  business  and  to  increased  employment  resulting  from 
the  abnormal  demand  for  war  materials? 

And  ye'c  this  fact  may  be  made  even  more  apparent  by  a  com- 
parison of  the  percentage  of  exports  represented  during  each  of 
these  fiscal  years  by  each  group.  For  illustration,  in  1913  Group 
I,  nonwar  materials,  represented  63.9  per  cent  of  the  exports  of 
that  year,  and  war  materials  36.1  per  cen'c.  In  the  normal 
Democratiic  year  which  followed,  1914,  these  proportions  were 
scarcely  changed,  Group  I  representing  65.1  per  tent  and  Group 
II  34.9  per  cent,  of  the  total. 

But  now,  coincident  with  'the  begii'nning  of  the  war  in  Europe, 
the  character  and  percentage  of  these  exports  change.  From 
65.1  per  cent  of  the  total  exports  in  1914,  Group  I,  nonwar  ma- 
terials, fell  in  1915  to  29.6  per  cent  while  Group  II,  war  ma- 
terials, increased  in  proportion,  from  34.9  per  cent  in  1914,  a 
normal  Democratiic  year,  to  70.4  per  cent  of  the  total  exports 
in  1915. 

This  change  is  even  more  marked  in  1916,  when  Group  I  rep- 
resented 25.4  per  cent  of  the  'cotal  exports,  and  Group  II  74.6 
per  cent. 

An  a'nalysis  of  these  changes  shows  that  while  in  the  normal 
years  both  of  Democratic  and  Republican  rule,  non-war  materials 
represented  approximately  two-thirds  of  'che  exports,  in  1915  and 
1916,  during  the  war  in  Europe,  nonwar  materials  represen'ced 
but  one-fourth  of  the  exports,  while  war  materials  represented 
three-fourths. 

We  may  carry  "che  analysis  and  the  comparison  yet  another 
step  in  our  demonstration  of  the  character  and  the  quality  of 
our  present  prosperity,  as  represented  by  the  exports  of  the 
country.  In  1913  we  had  a  favorable  balance  of  trade  of  $615,- 
498,124.  In  other  words,  we  sold  foreign  countries  $615,498,124 
more  of  goods  than  they  sold  us.  In  1914.  a  Democratiic  year, 
that  balance  of  trade  dropped  to  $435,7.s8,368.  In  1915  the  war 
in  Europe  had  increased  the  balance  of  trade  to  $1,042,008,725, 
but  if  from  'this  balance  of  trade  we  deduct  the  excess  of  ex- 
ports of  war  materials  in  1915  as  compared  with  1913,  instead  of 
having  a  balance  of  trade  of  $1,042,008,725  in  our  favor,  we  have 
a  balance  of  $358,208,249,  which  is  $257,289,875  less  than  it  was 
in  T913  under  the  Republican  Party. 

And  again  in  1916,  if  the  excess  or  exports  of  war  materials 
as  compared  with  1913  is  deducted  from  "che  balance  of  trade  of 
that  year,  instead  of  being  $1,947,994,112  it  will  be  found  to  be 
$458,999,673,  or  $156,498,451  less  than  it  was  in  1913. 

To  sum  up  the  whole  proposition,  if  the  tremendous  inlcreases 
in  exports  due  solely  and  wholly  to  'che  war  are  eliminated,  the 
eocports  of  the  country  during  the  past  three  years  of  Demo- 
cratic rule  have  been  in  every  instance  less  than  they  were  in 
the  preceding  Republican  year,  and  the  balance  of  trade  favor- 
able to  the  United  States  has  been  correspondingly  smaller. 

Increase  Due  to  War 

It  is  only  necessary  to  call  attention  to  the  tremendous  in- 
creases that  have  taken  place  in  the  exports  of  certain  classes 
of  articles  included  in  Group  II  and  used  very  extensively  by  the 
armies  in  Europe  tO'  demonstrate  the  falct  that  these  tremendous 
increases  are  due  to  the  war  alone  and  the  necessity  of  appro- 
priate legislation  to  meet  the  situation  that  will  result  when  the 
quantity  of  these  exports  again  becomes  normal. 

For  example,  the  exports  of  aeroplanes  and  aeroplane  parts, 
motorcycles,  automobiles  and  automobile  parts,  and  automobile 
tires  increased  from  $3,943,222  in  1913  to  $150,066,444  in  1916. 
The  expor'ts  of  this  class  of  articles  in  1913  represetited  1.4  per 
cent  of  the  total  exports  for  that  year  andi  in  1916  represented 
Ts.y  per  cent  of  the  total  exports  for  that  year. 


234 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


Exports  of  brass  and  articles  made  from  brass  in  1913 
amounted  to  $6,396,831  and  in  1916  $123,355,188.  In  1913  tijese 
exports  were  twenty-six  one-hundredths  of  i  per  cent  of'  the 
total  exports  for  that  year,  and  in  1916  they  were  3  per  cent  of 
the  total  exports  for  that  year. 

The  exports  of  horses  and  mules  increased  from  $4,693,897  in 
1913  to  $100,931,558  in  1916.  In  1913  they  were  nineteen  one- 
hundredths  of  I  per  cent  of  the  total  exports,  and  in  1916  they 
were  2.5  per  cent  of  the  total  exports. 

In  1913  the  exports  of  barley,  corn,  oats,  rice,  rye  and  rye 
flour,  wheat  and  wheat  flour  were  $199,118,256  and  in  1916  they 
were  $428,471,198.  In  1913  these  articles  constituted  8.2  per  cent, 
of  the  exports  for  that  year;  in  1916  they  constituted  16.6  per 
cent  of  the  exports  for  that  year. 

The  exports  of  leather,  boots  and  shoes,  harness  and  saddlery 
were  $28,414,836  in  1913  and  $88,387,158  in  1916.  In  1913  they 
constituted  i  per  cent  of  the  total  exports,  and  in  1916  they  were 
2.2  per  cent  of  the  total  exports. 

Fresh  and  canned  beef,  bacon,  hams  and  shoulders  were  ex- 
ported to  the  amount  of  $49,048,698  in  1913  and  $151,647,318  in 
T916.  In  1913  they  represented  2  per  cent  of  the  total  exports 
for  that  year;  in  1916,  Z-l  per  cent  of  the  total  exports  for  that 
yci^r. 

In  1913  the  exports  of  explosives  amounted  to  $3,850,806;  in 
1916  they  amounted  to  $399,852,192.  In  1913  they  represented 
eleven  one-hundredths  of  i  per  cent  of  the  total  exports  for  that 
year;  in  1916  they  represented  9.9  per  cent  of  the  total  exports 
for  that  year. 

The  significance  of  these  figures  is  not  alone  in  the  fact  that 
the  exports  of  these  materials  used  by  the  armies  of  Europe 
have  so  tremendously  increased,  but  lies  particularly  in  the  fact 
that  while  they  have  increased  they  represent  a  percentage  of 
the  total  exports  from  two  hundred  times  greater  in  1916  than 
they  did  in  1913. 

A  falling  off  in  these  exports  is  inevitable  at  the  end  of  the 
war,  and  an  increase  of  the  imports  is  just  as  inevitable.  Our 
Democratic  friends,  however,  refuse  to  see  this  fact  or  to  make 
any  suitable  provision  to  meet  it. 

f  Group  I. — Exports  of  nonwar  mnterials. 


1913 

1916 

GROUP    1-A. 

Abrasives: 

S809.720 

1.501.662 

r  '  746.748 

20,567,107 

1,314,874 

7,659,278 

4,805,594 

5,478,751 

1,177,199 

151,747 

605,725 

287.147 

782.154 

902.541 

1.439.330 

1,761.923 
7.983,215 
709,436 
799,700 
1,639,046 
5,822,107 
1,823,008 
1.783.249 

$1,439,592 

All  other    ... 

1.576.662 

221,022 

Mowers  and  reapers 

5.590.476 

■  (268.458 

Plows  and  cultivators   

3,903,650 

Thrashers 

1,565,394 

All  other  agricultural  implements  and  parts 

Cattle 

4.576,378 
2,677,290 

257,406 

Sheep 

211,128 

Babbitt  metal 

383.424 

Blacking 

741,408 

104.226 

Wagons 

1.110,282 

Cars: 

843,012 

Freight  and  other    .... 

21,351,044 

Bicycles,  etc.  .  .  t 

Wheelbarrows,  pushcarts,  and  trucks 

805,302 
285.138 

Celluloid  and  manufactures  of 

2,185.962 

Cement 

3.566.972 

2.572.680 

Watches.      

1.391,508 

70.591.261 

57.447.914 

REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK    -1916 


2::if. 


Group  I. — Exports  of  nonwar  materials — Continued. 


1913 


GROUP   I- 

Pig  iron 

Scrap 

Locks 

Hinges  and  other 

Coal: 

Anthracite 

Bituminous 

Coke 

("otton  cloth: 

Unbleached 

Bleached 

Colored 

Building  bricks 

Fire  brick 

Chinaware 

Earthern  and  stone  ware.  .  . 

Tiles   except  drain 

Tiles,  all  other 

Rlectric  dynatjios 


GROUP  i-c. 

Electric  fans 

Electric  lamp,  arc 

Electric  lamp,  incandescent.  . 

Electric  motors 

Telephones 

Telegraph  instruments 

Electric,  all  other 

Apples,  dried 

Apples,  green  and  lipe 

Apricots     

Prunes 

Raisins 

Fruits,  canned 

Furniture  of  metal 

Jewelry 

Bathtubs 

Adding  machines 

Air-compressing  machinery .  . 
Brewers'  machinery 


GROUP    1-0. 

Cash  register 

Cotton  gins 

Cream  separators 

iClevator  machinery 

I'lectric  locomotives 

Gas  stationary  engines    

Gas  auto  engines 

Gas  marine  engines 

Gas  stationary  engines 

Gas  traction  engines 

Steam  locomotives 

Steam  marine  engines 

Steam  stationary  engines .  .  .  . 

Steam  traction  engines 

All  other  engines,  steam 

All  other  engine  parts 

Mill  machinery 

Mining  machinery 


GROUP  I-E. 

Paper  mill  machinery 

Printing  pi  esses    

Pumps,  pump  machinery 

Refrigerating  machinery 

Sewing  machinery 

Shoe  machinery    

Sugar  mill  machinery    

Textile  machinery 

Typesetting  machines 

Windmills    

Sawmill  machinery .  .  , 

All  other  woodworking  machinery. 

All  other  machinery,  n.  e.  s 

Pipes  and  fittings 

Radiators,  etc . 

Steel  rails 

Railway  track  material 

Safes ' 

Scales  and  balances 


4.141,210 
1,435,4  26 
1,639,936 
4,670,.526 

24,523,800 

40,573,421 

3,318,437 

14,928,599 

3,161,526 

12,578,109 

785,696 

1,098,893 

135.768 

455,763 

921,535 

1,569,364 

2,773,407 


118,681,416 


358,781 

186,019 

394,692 

3,797,917 

1,371.546 

215,105 

17,447.061 

2,898.211 

7,898.634 

3,513,473 

6.655,870 

1,512,642 

5,599,373 

1,029,267 

1,467,942 

280,183 

1,252,168 

614,352 

618  247 


57,071,483 


$4,309,648 

261,941 

430,152 

1,659,309 

273,516 

412,024 

1,728,596 

1,586,926 

2,876.536 

5.177,495 

6,442,674 

60,608 

708,383 

1,343,346 

1,450,250 

3.766.112 

1.570.706 

10.041.432 


44.099,554 


1,203,442 

2,561,887 

4,023,650 

871,786 

11,573.746 

1.826.706 

2.889.055 

1,918,383 

1,653,640 

1,318,771 

859,902 

1,505,223 

22,564,291 

16.761,540 

700,881 

13,429,311 

2,806.242 

478.395 

1.184.685 


90.181,536 


4.536.762 
2. 215. 326 
1,416,096 
5,197.114 

18,303.822 

43.610,754 

3.760,950 

17,149,342 

5,523,594 

17.794,466 

267,930 

1,561.716 

231,984 

390.924 

267,180 

545  928 

1,427,352 


124,601,240 


358,044 

157,020 

1,209,246 

4,162,608 

944,046 

148,542 

12,822,798 

1,415,088 

6,513,558 

2,401,116 

4,266,092 

6,069.828 

7,753,872 

1,113,750 

1,110,582 

135,570 

981,852 

525,456 

25,134 


52,215.032 


$1,390,572 

71(742 

488.664 

1.495,194 

509.808 

348,342 

2,414,910 

2.386,524 

2,243,982 

2.872,542 

13.870,926 

57,648 

373,494 

1,015,016 

2,637,738 

6,635.580 

2.457.948 

7.386,824 


48,654,454 


916,800 
1,489,218 
4,335,168 

669,036 
5,353,524 
1.339.032 
6,542,172 
2,521.668 

705,162 
1.074.126 

354,252 

1,135,764 

30,518,280 

11,154,636 

204,012 
17,154,630 
4,963,122 

257.S74 
1,016;  124 


91,704,294 


236         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 
Group  I. — Exports  of  nonwar  materials — Continued. 


1913 

1916 

GROUP   I-F. 

Galvanised  iron 

7,652,956 

1,721,454 

9,239,105 

5.368.957 

2,146.192 

16.054.788 

1.177,353 

385,307 

1,605,940 

401,848 

3,170,233 

768,523 

647,451 

388,293 

1,513,672 

287,720 

17,359,145 

8.794,656 

6,089,778 

1,968,360 

10,878,216 

4,183,416 

1,456,038 

11,313,126 

I  .   I  692.358 

596,466 

1,627,104 

539,974 

2,978,718 

768,204 

220.392 

417.708 

1,610,304 

71,274 

8,108,274 

4,279,812 

Iron  sheet  and  plates 

Steel  plates .- 

Stoves  and  ranges 

Hammers  and  hatchets 

Saws 

Shovels  and  spades 

Lamps  etc. 

Motor  boats 

Piano  players 

Piano  players 

Turpentine 

78,733,593 

57,798,524 

GROUP    I-G. 

1,131,330 

15.225.798 

12.982.423 

7.750,767 

66,189,265 

29,574,410 

505,748 

785,907 

1,211,580 

1,267,860 

944,205 

436,799 

10,092,719 

386,877 

482,836 

319,786 

2,450,520 

1,351.226 

3,520.109 

337,338 

Cotton  seed  cake  meal .  . 

17  814  324 

11,951  790 

Crude  mineral  oils 

5  319  726 

50,309,790 

Lubricating  and  paraffin  oil 

34,504,344 

382,716 

All  other  dry  colors 

1  527  162 

1,311  192 

Varnish 

762,486 
1,727  544 

White  lead 

Paper  bags 

507  030 

9,021,528 

Boxes  and  cartons.  .  .  . 

646  614 

350,634 

Playing  cards 

377  178 

2,897,094 

Writing  paper  and  evelopes 

1,404,828 

All  other • 

4,292,796 

156,610.165 

145,446,214 

GROUP   I-H. 

Paraffin  and  paraffin  wax 

9,679,273 
391,634 

1.102,284 

1.427.695 
167.386 
609,967 
282,789 

1,176,680 
309,896 
125,818 
692,665 

3.095.029 
228.244 

$933,887 

9.516,618 

700,072 

455,649 
8,650,7^7 
2,580,286 

11,638,176 

Plaster 

207,780 
1.100,304 
1,488,918 

165  096 

Plated  ware 

Roofing  felt 

Grindstones 

Stone 

348,072 

37.698 

708  252 

Roofing  slate 

All  other  stone 

Hickory  timber 

49,206 

Oak  timber 

SO  070 

Walnut  timber 

102.672 

Another 

616  260 

Firewood 

160,536 

Timber: 

Hewn 

$246,318 

Sawed  pine 

3  343,500 

All  other  pine 

274,188 

Lumber: 

Cypress 

370,704 

Fir 

2,955,150 
1,081.956 

Gum 

42.126,619 

24,944,856 

Continued  on  next  page 

In  the  ballot-box  our  liberties  are  compounded.  See  to  it 
that  it  gives  true  expression  to  the  public  will.  Preserve  it 
from  pollution;  protect  and  defend  it  as  you  would  the  Ark 
of  the  Covenant,  for  it  has  been  purchased  by  the  priceless 
blood  of  countless  heroes  upon  the  battlefields  of  the  Re- 
public—Hon. C.  W.  Fairbanks,  at  Baldwin,  Kans.,  June  7, 
1901. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         237 

GROUP  I. — Exports  of  nonwar  materials — Continued. 


1913 

1916 

GROUP  I-J. 

Lumber: 

Oak                                                               

13,377.912 
1,661.396 
18.596,796 
1,086,503 
5,211,158 
1,719,274 
1,355,340 

619,837 
6,661,021 

479,969 
2,616,513 
1,366,649 

261,058 
3,037,943 
7,325,535 

346,258 
3.087,005 
1,598,442 
7,295,256 

4,919.820 

1.150.008 

Yellow  pitch  pine                               

9.043.074 

Yellow  shortleaf  pine 

Other  pine                                                  .    •  •  • 

88.614 
1,121,928 

Poplar 

1.087.716 

Redwood                                                        .... 

1,195,974 

1,343,208 

All  other                                                      .... 

3.707,094 

Railroad  ties                                                           .  •  . 

2.377.920 

Shooks,  boi 

1.894,416 

56,106 

Shooks.  all  other 

1,045,290 

Staves 

3,499,542 

Heading 

313.152 

All  other  staves 

3.276,366 

Doors,  sash,  and  blinds 

296,160 
3,081,078 

77,701,915 

39.497,466 

GROUP  I-K. 

Trimming,  molding,  etc. 

1,023.581 
767.317 
765,020 

7.620,101 

434,240 

Woodenware 

534,888 

1,739,106 

All  other , 

7,651.620 

10,176,019 

\  10.359.854 

RECAPITULATION,   GROUP  I. 
A 

70,591,261 
118,681,416 
57,071,483 
44,099,554 
90.181.536 
78.733.593 
156.610.165 
42,126,619 
77.701.915 
10.176,019 

57.447,914 

B 

124.601.240 

52.215.032 

J . 

48,654,454 

91,704.294 

F.     .  .                                                   

57,798,524 

G 

145,446.214 

II 

24,944,856 

J 

39,497,466 

F.    . 

10,359.854 

Total  Group  I 

745.973.561 
422.294,233 

652,669,848 

Total  Group  II 

1,910,238,672 

Grand  total 

1.168,267,794 

2,562,908,520 

1913 

Percentage  of  total  exports  in  Group  I. 

Per  cent. 
63.9 

1916. .  .  . 

25.4 

1913.  .  .  . 

Percentage  oj  total  exports  in  Group  II. 

36.1 

1916 

74.6 

Continued  on  next  page 

In  the  Latin  language  ambition  meant  a  candidate's  going 
about  to  solicit  office.  Of  such  a  quality  Mr.  Hughes  is  abso- 
lutely devoid.  It  is  one  thing  to  fill  an  office  and  another  thing 
to  get  an  office.  To  get  an  office  has  never  been  Mr.  Hughes' 
aim  or  desire.  His  opportunities  of  public  service  have  come 
to  him  unsought.  It  is  not  that  he  regards  himself  as  superior 
to  other  men  or  that  he  does  not  value  the  good  opinion  of 
his  fellow  citizens.  He  does  appreciate  the  confidence  and 
esteem  of  his  fellows.  But  if  they  want  him  for  public  service 
he  feels  that  the  call  should  come  from  them;  and  if  they 
do  not  want  him  he  does  not  desire  the  office;  so  that  in  any 
event  there  is  absolutely  nothing  for  him  to  do. — From  Jacob 
Gould  Schurman's  estimate  of  Governor  Hughes. 


Every  American  life  taken  by  Mexicans  should  be  charged 
to  the  Wilson  Administration. 


238 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


Group  II. — Exports  of  war  naterials. 


1913 

1916 

GROUP  11- A. 

$3,960,102 

733.795 

1.177,626 

5,219.205 

11.411.819 

28.800.544 

1,444.539 

13,206,247 

765.447 

1.210.384 

21.311 

89.036.428 

53,171.537 

81.750 

25,802 

749,072 

1.737.141 

24.275.793 

5,240.599 

^$77,950,608 
^     23,080,950 
29,994.654 
93,361,534 
21.106.764 
27  084  114 

Mules    .                             

Brass,  articles  made  from 

Barley 

Corn : 

Corn  meal 

1.523,974 
44  678  972 

Oats 

Rice. 

5,096,232 

14.829,536 

581,508 

227,272.920 

86.297,178 

2.566,074 

4  958  058 

Rye 

Rye  flour 

Wheat 

Wheat  flour 

Aero  parts  ...        

3.331.518 
58.678.956 

Automobiles: 

Passenger 

41  122  986 

Parts ... 

21.868.080 

242.317.161 

785.282.616 

GROUP  «II-B. 

Cartridge^ 

$2,657,106 

378.123 

815.577 
3.971,872 

925.562 
2,178.669 
5,335.128 
2.460.326 
3.943.220 
1.700.205 

518.133 
3.564.014 
2.521.550 

562.200 
5.767.043 
4,499,508 

$40,155,288 

147,897.720 

211.799.184 

15.979  164 

Gunpowder  .... 

All  other 

P'irearms 

2.801  730 

Wire  rods 

5.556.684 
33  722  886 

Billets,  ingots,  and  blooms 

Wearing  apparel,  wool 

22.610.064 

17.541,672 
2,552.520 

Nuts,  bolts,  and  washers 

Car  wheels .^ 

Castings 

740  892 

2,692,308 

6.378.948 

1,358.052 

16.521  450 

Nails  and  spikes,  wire , 

Railroad  spikes * 

Tin  plates,  terneplates,  and  taggers  tin 

Barbed  wire 

22,264.176 

41,798,336 

550,582.738 

GROUP  n-c. 

Wire,  all  other 

All  other  manufactures  of  steel  and  iron 

Leather: 

Sole 

6,198.962 
20,068,528 

8.804.955 

2,392,861 

11,255,708 

786,133 

2,175,179 

857,826 

902,149 

25,647,167 

21,641.386 

872.804 

441,186 

1,432,848 

14,269,878 

1,681,302 

924.234 

2.613.806 

6.211.724 

14,460,0368 
127,522.500 

27  460  194 

Upper  calf 

5.961,858 

Boots  and  shoes,  men's,  leather 

37,953.630 

Harness  and  saddlery 

4,971,750 

All  other  leather 

12  639  726 

Beef: 

Canned 

7  200  090 

Fresh 

26,210,502 

Bacon 

78,279,246 
39,957,480 

Hams  and  shoulders 

Butter 

3,978  006 

Cheese  

6  057  390 

Condensed  milk 

9,718  950 

Naptha  oil 

27,248,340 

Refined  sugar 

71,603,340 

Zinc,  bars,  plates,  and  sheets 

44,117,478 

Cotton  knit  goods 

19,515.324 

Cotton  wearing  apparel,  all  other 

10,117,478 

138.178,736 

574,373,318 

RECAPITULATION,  GROUP  II. 

A 

242,317,161 

41.798,336 

138,178,736 

785.282,616 
550.582.738 
574.373,318 

B 

C 

422,294,233 

1,910,238,672 

As  compared  with  1913,  exports,  decreased  or  increased. 


1916 

Per  cent. 

Group  I 

—    $93,303,713 
+  1.487,944,439 

—  12  5 

Group  II 

+  352 

REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         239 

HALF  A  BILLION  IN  MUNITIONS 

Figures  compiled  by  the  Department  of  Commerce  show  that 
the  American  exportations  of  ammunition  and  firearms  since  the 
1  eginning  of  the  European  War  have  been  in  excess  of  $45^,- 
924,011.  For  'the  three  years  prior  to  the  war  the  exportations 
aniuunted  to  $2,579,206. 

The  figures  cover  the  period  from  August  i,  1914,  through 
May  of  the  present  year.     The  figures  for  June  are  not  available. 

The  tremendous  increase  in  exports,  of  course,  is  not  confined 
to  ammunition  and  firearms.  Other  items  which  must  be  classed 
as  war  materials  are  horses,  automobiles  for  service  at  the 
front,  army  clothing,  medicines,  food,  barbed  wire  for  entangle- 
ments, copper,  brass,  steel,  cotton  for  making  gunco'cton  and  a 
thousand  and  one  other  articles  to  be  used  in  military  opera- 
tions. In  the  figures  presented,  however,  are  shown  the  expofta- 
hors  of  cartridges,  gunpowder,  othei»  explosives  and  firearms. 

Here  are  the  figures: 

,  Other 

(MK  Cartridges.       Ciuupowder.       Explosives.        Firearms. 

\ii'<i,st      $154,080  $16,821  $26,336  $208,644 

^tMiLinlu  r     421,982  65,465  187,510  201,556 

Or)  !l  .  r     1,452,740  -24,395  56,305  692,146 

\'ovetinl)er     1,231,235  ^3,027  78,062  1,194,510 

L'ecemijer     1,098,875  27,989  980,665  1,092,158 

191 5 —  .. 

Jctimary     1,381,970  129,617  1,039,961  2,156,757 

Fei)ruary    1,900,774  34,884  1,020,904  584,694 

March    !...      1,615,625  65,481  1,081,860  545, 7i6 

Apr]     2,648,667  417,919  2,863,014  464,913 

May      3,028,083  1,048,607  4^439,777  1,101,751 

Tune    2,467,378  3,234,549  5,911,186  914,118 

;.     2,t27,;6i  4,567.929  9,320,303  1,948,717 

■:^nist-      2.284,540  5,29'Mi8  6,967,046  693,413 

••temher     f.;.! -'.•!!  X.o.?''.  •  •  ■  X-'i^.MO  1.047,722 

I  iv'.olic-     :  .'1  i^,  ?.;i)  ;--,•>;  "•■.Ur  ^56.740 

^o>-,:,M,er      i.-';."7,^  "'.v,;.>      ■  -  r.:-^-'7  '.197, 768 

'■      .-eDiDer       :.■■'■. 7  m  'M.:Ml.;f^,.  .^,;..,<jO,2C)u  954,102 

')  •■  0  — 

■nary       •    :  i  ;    i.'T  =  •-  12,569,635  1,513,087 

!     1  i-iiirx      32,235,724  1,902,020 

'Ir.ch     29,159,515  1,568,370 

April     29,351,236  1,933,952 

M:i}     .S..-i)i  .;i:.  21,300,333  41,384,610  2,576,447 

Total,     22    months.  .  .$49,662,465      $149,067,503      $235,143,732     $25,050,311 
Total     : 458,924,01 1 

Here  are  the  figures  on  the  same  articles  for  the  three  years 
l)t'fore  the  war  : 

Other 
Cartridges.       ihinpowdei.       Explosives.        Firearms. 
i.,ii      $98,36  f  $46,554  $998  $373,054 

I 'I  '2  156,631  109,964  50.098        566,680 

19)3     296,960  43,410  100.269  7:^6,227 

Total    551,952  $199,928  $151,365        $1,675,961 

Total    for  three   years 2,579,206 


DEPARTMENT  OF  COMMERCE 

The  fundamental  idea  in  the  creation  of  the  Department  of 
Commerce  was  to  create  a  government  department  which  would 
co-operate  with  the  business  men  of  the  country  to  promote  the 
industries  of  the  United  States  and  to  help  in  every  way  to  de- 
velop business  and  commerce.  The  intention  of  those  who  pro- 
posed such  a  department  in  the  first  place  was  to  secure  co- 
operation between  government  and  business  so  that  the  great 
facilities  of  the  government  might  be  used  to  help  the  business 
men  of  the  country.  During  the  first  years  of  its  existence  the 
Department  of  Commerce  carried  into  effect  the  purpose  of  its 
foundation,  and  there  was  co-operation  between  business  and  this 
new  department  of  the  government.  Then  came  a  change. 
Mr.  Redfield  came  into  office  bubbling  w4th  enthusiasm,  and 
because  of  the  belief  that  he  understood  business,  the  business 
men  of  the  country  looked  on  his  appointment  with  something 


240        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

akin  to  satisfaction.  It  did  not  take  them  long  to  find  out 
that  Redfield  as  a  business  man  and  Redfield  as  a  member 
of  the  Cabinet  of  a  Democratic  President  were  entirely  two 
different  and  distinct  individuals.  Immediately  after  he  be- 
came the  head  of  the  Department  of  Commerce,  Secretary 
Redfield  gave  evidenc  of  the  fact  that  he  was  imbued  with 
the  idea  of  supporting  the  Administration,  defending  its 
course  and  exploiting  as  the  last  bit  of  wisdom  possible  its 
attitude  toward  business  generally. 

Underwood  Tariff  Destroys  Business 

The  Underwood  Tariff  Bill  went  into  effect  in  October,  1913, 
and'  Secretary  Redfield  immediately  (constituted  himself  the  chief 
defender  of  that  tariff.  He  refused  to  see  any  point  in  which  it 
was  weak,  and  insisted  that  no  law  ever  put  on  the  statute  books 
was  of  so  much  benefit  to  manufacturers.  During  the  first  few 
mon'chs  of  the  Underwood  Tariff  its  efficiency  as  i  destroyer 
of  business  was  demonstrated — a  fact  which  Mr.  Redfield  abso- 
lutely refused  to  acknowledge.  Complaints  were  received  from 
various  parts  of  the  country  and  from  many  manufacturers. 
These  were  ignored  at  first,  but  subsequently  the  pressure  became 
so  great  that  Mr.  Redfield  decided  'rhat  he  would  h'^ve  these  indus- 
tries investigated.  The  publicity  given  to  the  complaints  was  so 
great  that  the  Administration  could  not  afford  to  ignore  them 
longer,  therefore  investigations  were  ordered.*  These  investi- 
gators went  into  the  work  with  the  knowledge  that  the  Chief 
of  the  Department  of  Commerce  wanted  a  complete  endorse- 
ment of  the  Underwood  Tariff  Bill.  He  got  it.  It  is  true 
that  the  reports  would  have  been  exceedingly  humorous  if 
there  were  not  the  tragic  aspect  involved  of  a  department  of 
Government  subordinating  itself  to  politics,  and  in  the  face 
of  facts  absolutely  to  the  contrary,  reporting  that  the  tariff 
had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  conditions  complained 
of  by  manufacturers. 

The  lumber  industry  in  the  Northwest  was  hit  hard  by  the 
tariff.  Complaints  were  made  to  the  Department  of  Commerce 
and  detailed  facts  and  figures  showing  how  the  industrv  was  af- 
fected. Congressman  Humphrey,  of  Washington,  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  exposed  the  true  conditions  of  things  existing 
in  the  lumber  industry  and  showed  that  it  was  being  destroyed' 
by  the  Underwood  Tariff  Bill.  This  denunciation  compelled  the 
Department  of  Commerce  to  investigate.  A  special  agent  was 
sent  to  Washington  to  investigate  the  charges  and  he  reported 
that  there  was  no  truth  in  any  of  the  assertions  made  by  the 
lumbermen  or  by  Congressman  Humphrey.  There  was  included 
in  the  report  a  suggestion  that  many  of  the  mills  had  shut  down 
because  of  incompetent  management.  This  report  was  scathingly 
denounced  by  impartial  experts  wbo  understood  the  actual  situ- 
ation, but  it  stands  to-day  as  a  part  of  the  record  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce — -a  vindication  of  the  purpose  of  Secretary 
Redfield  to  support  his  party  and  defend  the  tariff. 

Pottery  Industry 

Another  investigation  conducted  by  the  Department  of  Com- 
merce was  that  of  the  pottery  industry.  This  report  stated  in 
plain  language  that  the  men  operating  the  pottery  industrv  of  the 
United  States  did  not  know  their  own  business;  that  the  tariff 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  depressed  condition  of  the  industry, 
and  that  a  reorganization  of  methods  would  accomplish  more 
than  a  change  in  the  tariff.  'For  example,  it  was  stated  that  "The 
potteries  of  the  United  States  are  without  adequate  knowledge 
of  the  cost  of  production  in  their  own  industry."  And  again. 
"Many  of  the  American  potteries  are  poorly  situated  Jind  the 
balance  are  badly  arranged,  owing  to  the  haphazard  character 
of  their  development.    There  arc  few  American  potteries  that 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         241 

have  thoroughly  modern  plants  equipped  throughout  with  up-to- 
date  machinery."  And  again,  "There  is  a  distinct  need  for  more 
scientific  methods  of  production  which  can  he  brought  abou't 
only  by  highly  skilled  instruction  and  more  scientific  research 
work." 

This  is  the  advice  and  consolation  which  was  given  by  the 
Department  of  Commerce  to  the  manufacturers  of  pottery  who 
saw  their  industries  being  destroyed  by  the  poor  business 
brought  about  by  the  Underwood  Tariff.  These  men  had 
been  in  business  for  many  years.  They  had  been  unusually 
successful  under  a  protective  system;  they  had  demonstrated 
their  ability  to  build  up  a  great  business.  They  had  turned 
out  a  product  second  to  none  in  the  world.  But  when  Mr. 
Redfield  investigates  them  and  the  facts  show  that  they 
cannot  maintain  their  plants  because  of  the  European  com- 
petition invited  by  the  Underwood  Tariff  Law,  they  are  told 
by  such  experts  in  business  as  the  investigators  for  Mr.  Red- 
field,  and  Mr.  Redfield  himself,  that  their  real  trouble  is  that 
they  do  not  know  anything  about  their  own  business. 

Montgomery    County    (Pa.),    Manufacturers 

The  Mlontgomery  County  Association  of  Alanufacturers,  in 
Pennsylvania,  in  July,  1914,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  President, 
pointing  out  that  as  a  result  of  the  conditions  existing,  and  di- 
rectly attributable  to  the  tariff,  their  district  was  industrially 
paralyzed.  This  letter  attracted  a  great  deal  of  public  attention 
'ctnd  its  receipt  at  the  White  House  was  acknowledged  by  the 
Secretary  to  the  President.  Nothing  further  was  done  at  that 
time  and  the  Association  in  December  addressed  a  second  letter 
to  the  President  appealing  to  him  to  do  something  to  help  the 
business  interests  of  the  country.  This  second  letter  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  announcement  that  the  Department  of  Commerce 
would  make  an  investigation.. 

This  investigation  was  made  by  a  Mr.  Barclay,  who  was  an- 
nounced to  be  an  expert  in  such  industries  as  existed  in  Mont- 
gomery County.  It  appears  that  Mr.  Barclay  was  an  investi- 
gator for  the  Tariff  Board;  but  there  is  no  recond  that  the 
Tariff  B'oard  regarded  Mr.  Barclay  as  one  of  its  experts,  or  that 
his  work  consisted  of  anything  more  than  the  collation  of 
figures,  and  in  the  cotton'  industry  alone.  But  aside  from  the 
fact  that  Barclay  might  have  been  an  expert  in  certain  lines,  it 
is  worth  noting  that  in  the  Montgomery  County  Association  of 
Manufacturers  there  are  from  fifteen  to  tw^enty  different  indus- 
tries, and  there  is  no  possible  question  that  he  is  not  an 
expert  in  each  of  these  industries.  He  was  given  every  facility 
to  see  conditions  in  Montgomery  County,  and  after  a  prelim- 
inary survey  the  manufacturers  were  requested  to  give  him  ex- 
tremely detailed  and  confidential  information  from  their  books, 
which  they  refused  to  do  unless  it  could  be  shown  to  them  that 
some  good  would  come  from  the  further  investigation.  They 
were  then  notified  that  the  investigator  would  make  his  report 
without  reference  to  this  detailed  information.  This  report  has 
excited  the  attention  of  manufacturers  throughout  the  country 
because  of  its  sweeping  statements  about  lack  of  proper  busi- 
ness methods  and  unintelligent  competition. 

In  his  communication  to  the  President  presenting  the  report 
Secretary  Redfield  commented  on  a  phrase  which  had  been  used 
in  the  second  letter  of  the  Association  to  the  President  "that 
women  who  sit  helpless  in  cold,  dismal,  little  rooms  and  their 
children  face  starvation,"  and  proceeded  to  show  in  his  letter 
from  figures  in  the  report  that  the  records  of  the  Associated 
Charities  did'  not  bear  out  that  statement.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
that  statement  was  quoted  in  the  letter,  having  been  used  in  an 
appeal  from  the  pulpits  in  Philadelphia  for  aid  to  take  care  of 
the  poor  during  the  severe  winter  weather. 


242         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

There  are  some  interesting  facts  in  connection  with  the  real 
situa'cion  in  Montgomery  County  which  are  so  obviously  easy 
lo  obtain  tli:it  tlu-  manufacturers  of  that  section  are  curious  to 
know  bow  they  could  have  been  overlooked,  if  they  were  over- 
looked, by  the  Agent  of  the  Department  of  Commerce.  Figures 
which  speak  for  themselves  have  been  submitted  by  one  of  the 
members  of  the  Montgomery  County  Association,  the  firm  of 
Rambo  and  Regar,  Inc.  The  figures  of  this  company  show  that 
during  the  year  1912  they  produced  517.767  dozen  of  hosiery 
and  in  the  year  1914  they  produced  399,882  dozen,  a  loss 
of  24.69  per  cent.  In  February  and  March  of  1912  the  produc- 
tion and  payroll  of  the  firm  were  small  because  of  their  inability 
to  get  help,  while  in  the  same  months  of  1914  help  was  plentiful 
and  the  concern  was  running  largely  on  stock.  The  loss  of 
24,^:9%  would  have  been  greater  in  1914,  except  for  the  fact 
that  the  company  ha:d  orders  received  on  account  of  the  war. 
This  firm  on  December  15,  1912,  employed  562  men,  working  55 
bours  per  week,  and  they  were  advertising  for  help.  On  Decem- 
ber 15,  1914,  the  firm  was  employing  about  401  men  of  which  100 
were  working  54  hours  per  week  and  the  balance  were  on  half 
time.  Further,  in  December,  1912,  this  firm  was  working  ex- 
clusively on  December  and  January  deliveries,  while  in  Decem- 
ber, 1914,  all  future  deliveries,  even  up  to  June,  1915,  had  been 
made  and  packed.  The  shipments  of  this  firm  during  the  year 
1912  amounted  to  542,216  dozen,  as  compared  with  367,185 
dozen  in  1914,  a  loss  of  32.28  per  cent. 

Hosiery  Trade 

Commenting  on  the  report  of  the  investigator  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce,  the  Hosiery  Manufacturers'  Legislative 
Committee  made  the  following  statement  concerning  the 
report: 

The  Underwood  Law  began  to  injure  the  hosiery  trade  in  March. 
1 914,  so  that  to  the  end  of  July,  19 14,  imports  of  hosiery  had  increased 
338,059  dozen  pairs  over  the  same  months  in  1913.  This  increase  may 
not  seem  important  to  Secretary  Redfield,  but  the  amount  is  sufificient 
to  supply  business  for  several  small  mills  for  a  year,  or  one  of  the 
largest    mills   for    a   number   of   months. 

The  report  states  that  very  little  hosiery  has  been  imported  since  the 
beginning  of  the  foreign  war,  when  as  a  matter  of  fact  from  August 
T  to  December  31,  i9i4»  352,658  dozen  pairs  of  hose  were  entered  at 
the  ports  of  New  York,  Boston,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore  and  Chicago, 
falling  but  161,939  pairs  below  the  imports  for  the  same  months  in  1913, 
and  as  at  least  75  per  cent  of  all  hosiery  imported  enters  at  the  above 
named  ports,  hosiery  manufacturers  fail  to  see  that  there  has  been  any 
material  reduction  in  imports  during  the  war  period.  Furthermore,  on 
July  31,  1 914,  tliere  were  in  bonded  warehouses  412,637  dozen  pairs  of 
hose,  making  in  all  765,295  dozen  pairs  of  foreign  made  hose  available 
for   trade   purposes  dviring  the  five  months   of  the  foreign   war. 

The  report  also  states  that  low  priced  hose  have  no  foreign  compe- 
tition, but  the  facts  are  that  foreign  fashioned  hose,  owing  to  the  low- 
value  at  which  they  are  imported,  compete  actively  with  the  seamless 
article,  and  home  manufacturers  of  fashioned  goods  also  compete  with 
the  seamless  grade  in  their  attempts  to  compete  with  the  foreign  fash- 
ioned hose,  and  to  make  this  situation  clearer,  will  quote  some  figures, 
showing  prices  at  which  hosiery  entered  in  January,  191 5,  compared 
with  prices  which  prevailed  in  September,  19 15,  the  last  month  under 
the  operation  of  the  Payne  Law.  In  January,  191 5.  hose  intended  to 
retail  for  25c.  per  pair  entered  this  country  at  from  loV^c.  to  13c.  per 
{lair,  and  it  should  be  noted  that  the  prices  quoted  include  duty,  and 
the  profit  of  the  foreign  manufacturer,  consequently  such  goods  can 
and  do  com[)ete  with  seamless  hose,  selling  here  at  15c.  per  pair,  and 
compete  with  all  goods  retailing  up  to  25c.  per  pair,  which  to  our  way 
of  thinking  proves  conclusively  that  hosiery  manufacturers  in  Mont- 
iromery  County  are  affected  by  the  tariflf,  and  here  it  may  be  pertinent 
to  say  that  the  reduction  in  the  value  of  foreign  hosiery  has  not  de- 
creased  the    retail   price   of   such  goods   in   this  country   one  penny. 

The  statement  that  there  have  been  few  imports  since  the  war  began 
would  be  nuite  amusing  to  New  York  importers  oi  hosiery,  especially 
Lord  &  Taylor,  who  imported  190  cases  in  January  and  145  cases  in 
Feliruary,  and  it  may  be  a  surprise  to  the  pu1)iic  to  know  that  fifty- 
three  firms  imported,  at  the  port  of  New  York.  857  cases  and  555 
packages  of  hosiery  in  the  month  of  February,  and  that  438  cases  have 
entered  the  port  of  New  York  during  the  first  eight  days  in  March. 
Should  this  proportion  continue  through  the  month  the  imports  will  be 
js  heavy   a«   in    anv    month    during    recent    years 


KEPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         243 


It  is  true  that  imports  decreased  from  1908  to  19 14,  which  is  due 
entirely  to  a  protective  tariff,  which  enabled  our  hosiery  mills  to  run 
full  time,  giving  employment  at  rates  of  wages  much  higher  than  is  paid 
in  any  other  textile  industry,  and  it  is  absolutely  impossible  to  pay 
such  wages  and  compete  with  foreign  goods  at  prices  made  possible  by 
the  Underwood  Tariff  Law.  To  illustrate,  the  same  foreign  goods  that 
entered  this  country  in  1912  at  $1.79  per  dozen  pairs,  now  enter  this 
market  at  $1.26  per  dozen  pairs,  and  such  goods  cannot  be  produced  by 
American  manufacturers  of  hosiery  without  profit  for  less  than  $1.60  per 
dozen  pairs,  consequently  if  American  manufacturers  of  hosiery  compete 
with  foreign  manufacturers,  American  hosiery  operatives  must  be  pre- 
pared to  accept  the  Eixropean  scale  of  wages. 

One  concern  in  the  Mbntgomery  County  Association  of  Manu- 
facturers which  was  investigated  by  Barclay  was  the  Norristown 
Woolen  Company.  He  seated  to  certain  manufacturers  at  the 
time  he  was  there  that  this  concern  was  working  day  and  night, 
but  his  attention  was  'called  to  the  fact  tha'c  the  time  the  letter 
was  written  the  concern  was  idle,  but  having  received  a  war 
order  the  plant  was  opened  and  for  several  weeks  was  busy 
on  this  order,  shutting  down  thereafter  and  being  idle  for 
several  months.  It  is  not  known  whether  the  investigator 
took  into  consideration  the  actual  condition,  or  merely  the 
condition  as  it  existed  at  the  moment  of  his  visit. 

One  of  the  suggestions  for  any  depressed  condition  which  ex- 
isted which  was  offered  by  the  investigator  was  that  the  manu- 
facturers should  stop  v^at  is  known  as  cancellations,  or  the 
right  of  a  customer  to  cancel  or  refuse  his  order  before  actual 
delivery.  The  Association  answered  this  suggestion  by  inviting 
the  Secretary  of  Commerce  to  tell  them  how  this  practice  might 
be  stopped,  in  view  of  the  fact  chat  it  obtained  throughout  the 
entire  trade.  The  Association,  however,  was  mostly  concerned 
with  what  appeared  to  be  the  deliberate  purpose  of  the  investi- 
gator to.  show  that  the  tariff  could  have  absolutely  nothing  to  do 
with  conditions  existing,  and  the  question  has  been  raised  as  to 
what  mav  be  expected  under  the  condition  which  now  exists. 

The  Underwood  Tariff  represents  the  Administration's  idea  of 
what  is  beneficial  to  the  country.  The  Department  of  Commerce 
is  headed  by  a  Cabinet  officer  who  is  in  complete  sympathy  with 
this  idea  of  che  tariff.  Complaints  of  manufacturers  and  busi- 
ness men  that  the  tariff  is  responsible  for  depression  in  business 
are  submitted  to  the  Secretary  of  Commerce,  and  he  sends  an 
investigator  to  determine  wha'c  is  the  actual  situation.  This  in- 
vestigator knows  the  attitude  of  the  Administration  toward  the 
tariff,  the  attitude  of  the  head  of  his  department  'towards  the 
tariff  and  the  necessity,  for  political  reasons,  of  supporting  the 
position  of  the  Administration.  An  investigator  who  would 
have  the  temerity  to  make  a  report  showing  that  the  tariff  was 
responsible  for  depressed  conditions  would  undoubtedly  give 
evidence  of  a  lack  of  ambition  to  hold  his  position. 

This  is  the  condition  confronting  the  manufacturers  in  all 
investigations,  and  thus  far  the  verdict  has  been  tha'c  the  tariff 
has  nothing  to  do  with  the  case,  but  that  business  men  are  in- 
competen'c.  Of  course  the  mystery  of  it  is  how  business  in  the 
United  States  can  have  managed  to  flourish  up  to  this  period, 
and  how  great  enterprises  can  have  been  promoted  and  brought 
to  success  under  the  incompetencv  of  che  business  man,  as  it  is 
being  exploited  and  shown  by  the  Department  of  Commerce. 

Lumber  Industry 

There  will  be  found  in  the  Congressional  Record  of  February 
21,  1914,  a  statemen'c  of  Congressman  Flumphrey,  of  Washing- 
ton, on  the  report  of  the  special  agents  of  the  Department  of 
Commerce,  which  had  been  sent  to  Washington  to  invescigate 
the  shingle  and  lumber  industry  in  that  State.    It  is  as  follows : 

Oh,  they  sent  a  couple  of  cheap  detectives  out  there.  (Laughter.) 
Oh,  you  need  not  laugh,  I  will  put  the  distinguished  Democrat,  the 
Hon.    A.    Mitchell    Palmer,    back    of    that    proposition.      They    come    here 


244         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

with  a  report  based  almost  entirely  on  anonymous  evidence,  and  if  the 
gentleman  from  Alabama  had  read  the  evidence  he  would  have  been 
ashamed  to  submit  that  report.  I  hope  the  gentleman  from  Alabama 
will  be  here  when  I  read  some  of  the  evidence  that  was  submitted.  It 
is  practically  all  based  upon  anonymous  evidence,  as  I  have  said.  They 
did  not  find  any  one  whose  names  they  dared  to  give.  It  is  about  the 
same  kind  of  evidence  that  a  man  uses  to  impeach  the  character  of  his 
neighbor  when  he  sends  anonymous  letters.  And  not  only  that,  but  the 
detailed  report  itself  contains  statements  that  contradict  every  material 
statement  the  distinguished  Secretary  of  Commerce  makes  in  that  letter. 
I  do  not  want  any  better  answer  to  it  than  that  report.  I  will  put  it 
in  the  record  when  the  time  comes. 

Manufacturers  who  appeal  to  the  Adminis'cration  for  a  revision 
of  the  tariff  will  do  well  to  state  that  they  do  not  care  for  an 
investigation  by  'the  Department  of  Commerce,  because  they 
may  value  their  reputation  as  business  men  sufficiently  well  to 
desire  not  to  be  branded  as  incompetent  by  some  "expert" 
sent  out  by  the  Department  of  Commerce  with  the  implied 
threat,  at  least  in  his  own  mind,  that  failure  to  uphold  the 
tariff  will  mean  serious  results  for  himself. 

These  are  only  a  few  of  the  developments  during  the  past 
two  or  three  years,  which  have  put  manufacturers  and  business 
men  on  notice  that  they  cannot  expect  any  help  from  the  De- 
partment of  Commerce  unless,  indeed,  as  a  result  of  that  help 
there  will  develop  something  to  emphasize  Mr.  Redfield's  idea 
that  the  Underwood  Tariff  Law  is  the  greatest  that  has  ever 
been  written  on  the  statute  books  of  the  United  States.  The 
Department  of  Commerce  has  degenerated^  into  a  mere  annex 
to  the  White  House,  designed  to  promote  the  political  fortunes 
of  the  President  and  to  cover  up  the  facts  and  figures  illumi- 
nating the  failure  of  the  Underwood  Tariff  Law.  The  business 
man  of  the  country  is  entitled  to  the  cooperation  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce.  Thus  far  he  has  met  with  antagonism  only 
— a  blanket  verdict  has  been  rendered  against  all  who  do  not 
approve  of  the  Underwood  Tariff,  that  they  are  incompetent  as 
business  men  and  poor  citizens. 


Montgomery  County  Letter 

The  second  letter  of  the  Manufacturers'  Association  of 
Montgomery  County,  Pa.,  to  President  Wilson,  was  as 
follows: 

Hon.  Woodrow  Wilson,  President  of  United  States,  Washington,  D.  C. : 
Dear  Sir — Under  date  of  July  17,  1914,  the  Manufacturers'  Association 
of  Montgomery  County,  Norristown,  Pa.,  through  its  president  and 
secretary,  addressed  to  you  a  letter  setting  forth  "the  existing  business 
conditions  of  those  manufacturers  and  other  industries  which  make  up 
the  Manufacturers'  Association  of  Montgomery  County,  Pa,"  and  ap- 
pealed to  you  as  the  leader  of  the  political  party  in  power  to  give  that  relief 
which  alone  would  save  the  business  of  the  country  from  disaster. 

Your  secretary  courteously  acknowledged  receipt  of  this  letter,  but 
the  only  means  we  have  of  knowing  that  it  came  before  you  is  the  notice 
which  appeared  in  the  public  press  at  that  time  attributing  to  you  a 
statement  that  it  was  your  belief  that  the  letter  addressed  to  you  did  not 
set  forth  the  real  conditions  of  the  industries  of  the  Schuylkill  Valley. 
You  were  further  reported  to  have  stated  that  in  every  direction  unmis- 
takable evidence  of  better  and  even  prosperous  times  were  at  hand.  If 
you  believed  this  to  be  so  then,  of  course,  the  relief  for  which  we  pi'ayed 
was  already   in   sight  and  no  attention  to  our  appeal   was  necessary. 

"Good  Times  Happily  Predicted  Have  Not  Arrived." 
We  now  address  to  you  this  second  letter  for  the  one  specific  purpose 
of  informing  you  that  the  good  times  so  happily  predicted  at  Washington 
have  not  arrived.  On  the  contrary,  the  forecasts  made  to  you  in  our 
first  letter  have  materialized  to  the  extent  of  being  an  unusual  public 
calamity.  We  are  aware  that  the  language  of  tliis  letter  is  strong  and 
direct.  For  this  we  have  no  apology.  We  mean  that  it  shall  be  so. 
Situations  like  the  one  before  us  demand  heroic  treatment  and  heroic 
treatment  cannot  be  applied  through  the  weakness  of  circumlocution. 
We  say  to  you  again,  that  we  write  you  in  this  way  because  the  tariflf 
law  of  the  Democratic  Party  now  in  power  has  brought  this  country  face 
to    face    with    business    calamity. 

The  purpose  of  the  relief  we  asked  in  that  letter  was  to  avoid  that 
which  we  therein  stated  would  come  to  pass,  viz. :  that  women  should 
sit  helpless  in  cold,  dismal  little  rooms  and  their  children   face  starvation. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        245 

We  stand  upon  this  appeal  and  feel  that  in  the  presence  of  a  Nation 
of    humanitarian    instincts    we    stand    upon    solid    ground. 

Let  all  who  will  sneer  at  the  suggestion  that  the  business  men  of  this 
country  do  feel  for  the  woe  and  suffering  of  their  employes.  Neverthe- 
less, the  broad,  clear  fact  stands  out  that  in  our  former  letter  the  Busi- 
ness Men's  Association  of  Montgomery  County  based  their  appeal  on 
humanitarian  grounds.  We  called  for  help  to  avoid  that  which  has  now 
happened,  and  we  called  for  it  from  Washington  because  it  was  only 
from  Washington  that  this  help  could  come.  Only  at  Washington  and 
only  under  your  direction  can  the  tariff  which  now  paralyzes  the  indus- 
tries of  this  country  be  so  amended  as  to  give  them  that  protection 
which  will  lift  this  depression.  Read  our  former  letter,  please,  and  re- 
fresh your  mind  as  to  what  our  appeal  was. 

"Destructive    Importations    Have    Not    Ceased." 

It  is  upon  that  appeal   that  we  still  stand. 

It  will  not  meet  the  situation  to  answer  us  by  saying  that  the  war 
has  interfered  with  importations,  and,  therefore,  we  do  not  suffer  from 
foreign  competition.  In  the  first  place,  importations  have  not  ceased. 
That  fallacy  might  as  well  be  exploded  here  as  to  be  reserved  for  further 
discussion.  Destructive  importations  have  not  ceased.  In  the  second 
place,  the  war  has  placed  some  business  at  our  disposal,  and  to  this 
extent  helped  us,  but  despite  this  fact,  so  great  has  been  the  blow 
against  our  industries  by  the  present  tariff  law  that  even  with  the  help 
of  such  "war  orders"  as  have  reached  us  our  industries  as  a  whole  lie 
crippled    or    idle. 

We  place  this  question  squarely  before  you:  Why  do  you  not  make 
your  theories  successfully  work  or  give  us  those  that  will?  The  business 
world  is  asking  just  that  question  and  we  now  bring  it  to  you  direct. 
You  must  accept  the  responsibility  for  the  conditions  which  we  now 
face.  Had  your  theories,  which  have  been  enacted  into  laws  by  a 
docile  Congress,  brought  forth  peace  and  plenty  in  the  land,  you  would 
have  accepted  the  universal  gladness  as  a  part  of  your  reward  and  the 
business  men  of  this  country  would  have  given  you  ungrudging  praise. 

Since,  then,  these  theories  have  brought  depression  upon  the  indus- 
tries of  our  land  and  idleness  for  vast  hosts  of  the  working  class,  upon 
whom  shall  we  place  the  responsibility  for  that  result?  It  must  come  to 
you.  It  rightly  belongs  there.  From  that  responsibility  you  cannot  es- 
cape and  somebody  ought  to  be  brave  and  patriotic  enough  to  squarely 
say  so. 

We  are  not  without  the  facts  to  prove  what  we  say.  Here  is  one 
fact.     We  take  it  from  a  Philadelphia  newspaper  of  December   12: 

"From  the  pulpits  of  every  church  in  Philadelphia  will  go  forth  the 
appeal  of  the  poor  to  the  rich,  the  call  for  humanity  to  humanity. 
Thousands  of  men  in  this  city  cannot  obtain  employment.  Their  wives 
sit  hopelessly  in  cold,  dismal  little  rooms  and  their  children  face  starva- 
tion." 

Here  is  another  fact.  We  take  it  from  another  newspaper  of  the 
•ame  date: 

"The  virtually  unanimous  passage  by  Councils  (Philadelphia)  of  the 
bill  apropriating  $50,000  for  the  relief  of  the  city's  unemployed  will  meet 
with  hearty  approval  of  the  general  public.  Extraordinary  conditions 
call  for  extraordinary  relief,  and  it  has  been  very  thoroughly  demon- 
strated that  the  present  need  for  home  relief  is  Extraordinarily  Great, 
too  great  for  the  Permanent  Charitable  Organizations  to  Handle  Effec- 
tively. The  city's  action  must  be  understood  as  supplementing  and  not 
replacing  private   charitable   endeavor." 

Should  it  still  be  said  that  the  facts  submitted  above  prove  only  that 
the  depression  lies  in  the  Schuylkill  Valley  and  that  we  present  an 
isolated  and  local  circumstance,  we  lay  down  as  our  answer  this  fact: 
The  National  Association  of  Wool  Manufacturers,  Boston,  Mass.,  has 
issued  a  table  showing  that  in  that  great  industry,  on  December  i,  19 14, 
more  than  one-third  of  all  this  vast  machinery  was  idle;  and  that  table 
shows  that  the  depression  is  greater  now  than  it  was  September  i  last ; 
and  that  table  shows  that  the  depression  in  that  industry  was  greater  on 
September  i  than  it  was  June  i  last.  That  table  shows  that  this  depres- 
sion throughout  the  country  is  deepening  and  spreading  until  now  we 
are  face  to  face  with  that  condition  which,  in  our  former  letter,  we  told 
you  was  nothing  less   than    frightening. 

"State    of   One    Large   and    Staple    Industry    Reflects    General    Condition" 

Should  it  be  still  maintained  that  we  have  set  forth  the  condition  of 
but  one  industry,  our  answer  is  that  the  state  of  any  one  large  and 
staple  industry  in  this  country  always  reflects  a  general  condition.  That 
single  great  industry  only  suffers  in  so  far  as  other  industries  which  feed 
upon  it  suffer,  also.  But  in  the  light  of  wrecks  all  about  us  in  the  iron 
and  steel  mills,  we  submit  that  we  need  not  argue  this  phase  of  our  case 
beyond  the  point  of  calling  attention  to  outstanding  facts.  They  are  so 
plain  and  convincing  that  a  wayfaring  man,  even  though  he  be  a  partisan 
opponent,  may  see. 

The  purpose  of  this  second  letter  thus  addressed  to  you  is  the  same 
as  the  purpose  of  our  first  letter.  The  purpose  of  that  letter  was  an 
appeal  to  you  to  heed  the  call  to  Washington  of  the  business  world  to 
give  us  relief.     We  have  been  asked  what  we  expected  to  accomplish  in  the 


246         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

writing  of  that  first  letter?  Our  answer,  made  now  in  the  light  of  ex- 
perience and  free  from  partisanship  and  the  passion  of  an  approaching 
election,    is   clear  and   unmistakable. 

We  assure  you  that  we  write  this  letter  from  no  critical  attitude  and 
that  it  is  presented  in  a  spirit  that  is  from  all  political  passion.  Un- 
fortunately, our  last  letter  came  to  you  in  the  midst  of  a  heated  political 
campaign,  and  for  that  reason  you  may  have  gained  the  impression,  as 
others  did,  that  it  was  written  for  political  purposes.  No  such  suspicion 
can  attach  to  this  communication.  The  election  is  over.  We  are  not  in 
the  midst  of  a  campaign  or  even  approaching  one.  There  can  be  no 
questioning  the  fact  now  that  we  write  to  you  as  distressed  and  shackled 
business  men,   as  disheartened   employers  of  labor. 

We  have  no  desire  to  lay  before  you  disastrous  conditions  for  which 
there  is  no  remedy  and  thus  to  merely  annoy  you.  We  lay  these  con- 
ditions before  you  for  the  very  good  and  solid  reason  that  you  can 
correct  them.  We  dare  believe  that  in  the  presence  of  the  want  and 
hunger  that  now  stalks  abroad  in  this  land  patriotism  demands  a  remedy, 
even  though  the  cost  of  that  remedy  may  involve  such  humiliation  as 
goes  with  a  confession  of  experimental  failures.  What  if  this  shall  be 
the  price  to  be  paid  for  the  prosperity  of  the  nation?  Shall  the  servants 
of  the  people  hesitate  to  pay  it?  Indeed,  your  petitioners  hold  that  in 
paying  that  price  the  altar  of  such  a  sacrifice  will  glow  with  true 
patriotism  and  flash  with  great  statesmanship.  If  we  demand  a  sacrifice 
we  offer  an  opportunity.  If  we  call  for  a  confession  of  failure  we  present, 
through  that  confession,  the  way   to  honorable  and  enduring  success. 

"Hope    That    This    Second    Appeal    Will    Not    Be    in    Vain" 

It  may  be  that  this  letter  will  no  more  move  our  President  than  did 
our  former  letter.  We  trust  it  will.  If,  however,  his  ears  are  closed  to 
our  appeal ;  if  the  wasted  energies  of  our  industrial  leaders,  the  idle 
hands  of  a  vast  multitude  of  willing  workers  and  even  the  cry  of  hunger 
are  of  no  avail,  then  we  at  least  may  be  held  blameless.  We  have  asked 
for  bread.  If  a  stone  is  the  peop  e's  portion  the  bitterness  will  surely  be 
intensified  when  they  reflect  that  they  might  have  had  bread.  But  we 
will  hope  that  this  second  appeal  will  not  be  in  vain,  for  we  have  now 
laid  before  you  concrete  evidence  that  the  cry  of  hunger  is  in  the  land. 
With  that  cry  ringing  in  the  ears  of  our  President  and  the  Congress 
about  him,  we  dare  believe  that  that  for  which  we  prayed  in  our  former 
letter  shall  not  be  denied  us  now. 

It  ought  to  go  on  record  that  the  business  men  of  this  country  have 
met  the  new  laws  enacted  in  the  spirit  of  honorable  citizenship.  They 
have  met  them  with  a  determined  purpose  to  wrest  success  and  pros- 
perity under  their  dominance.  If  their  faith  in  some  cases  was  weak 
their  work  at  least  was  sincere  and  determined.  That  they  have  failed 
is  not  their  fault.  Success  was  not  possible.  The  new  theories  have, 
under  practical  pressure,  col'apsed.  The  business  men  of  the  country  now 
issue  a  clarion  call  for  a  chance  to  live  and  a  chance  to  live  without  the 
remedy  involved  in  a  reduction  of  pay  to  their  employes,  which  foreign 
competition   will   shortly  necessarily   demand  in   drastic   measure. 

Sincerely   yours,  C.    F.    WILLIAMS, 

President   Manufacturers'   Association   of  Montgomery   Countv. 

W.  W.  FINN, 

Secretary. 

It  is  often  urged  that  the  war  in  Europe  is  responsible  for 
the  failure  of  the  Underwood  law  to  produce  the  needed  reve- 
nues. During  the  first  nine  months  of  calendar  year,  1913, 
our  total  imports  were  valued  at  $1,327,000,000;  for  the  same 
period  in  1914,  during  two  of  which  months  war  existed,  they 
totaled  $1,410,000,000;  and  during  the  same  nine  months  in 
1915  their  total  value  was  $1,302,000,000,  or  only  $25,000,000 
less  than  for  the  same  period  in  1913.  But  while  we  collected 
for  the  nine  months  in  1913  duties  amounting  to  $242,624,000 
in  1915  the  duties  collected  totaled  only  $148,225,000  or  almost 
$100,000,000  less.  The  deficit  in  our  revenues  should  not  be 
attributed  to  the  war,  but  must  be  charged  to  the  legislation 
which  reduced  our  revenue  from  tariff  duties. 


British  chambers  of  commerce  are  congratulating  that 
country  on  the  fact  that  although  many  thousands  of  workers 
have  been  drawn  from  industry,  yet  Britain  increased  her  ex- 
ports $230,000,000  in  1915  as  compared  with  1914.  The  ex- 
ports for  December  increased  30  per  cent,  though  there  were 
1,500,000  more  men  in  the  army  and  navy  than  the  year  before. 
Yet  there  are  some  people  in  this  country  so  stupid  as  to  be- 
lieve that  we  have  nothing  to  fear  from  competition  with 
Great  Britain  when  the  soldiers  return  to  industrial  pursuits 
of  peace. 


The  Rt  Hon,  Sir  Josephus,  RC3. 

(NORTH  CAROLINA  BOY) 
OUR  FIRST  LORD  OF  THE  ADMIRALTY 

NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW 
(April,  1915) 

By  the  Editor 

H'e  could  make  shift  to  live  under  a  debauchee  or  a  tyrant,  but 
to  be  ruled  by  a  busybody  is  more  than  human  nature  can  bear. 
— .Thomas   Babington   MACAfiLAv. 

Whatever  may  l)e  said  of  a  derogatory  value  respecting 
Secretary  Daniels's  official  activities,  it  is  but  just  and  fair 
to  proclaim  that  he  has  not  been  idle.  "An  industrious  ass," 
was  the  late  David  Dudley  Field's  characterization  of  a  per- 
tinacious attorney;  but  Josephus  is  more  than  industrious; 
he  is  indefatigable.  No  subject  is  too  small  to  enlist  his  at- 
tention, none  is  too  large  to  daunt  his  fearless  spirit  in  form- 
ing the  judgment  of  assurance.  Acting  from  the  outset  upon 
his  firm  conviction  that  whatever  had  been  was  wrong,  he 
demonstrated  his  mettle  immediately  upon  his  installation  by 
summarily  removing  Philip  Andrews,  Chief  of  the  Bureau 
of  Navigation,  depriving  him  of  the  title  of  Rear  Admiral 
which  attaches  to  the  important  post,  and  denjang  to  him 
the  rank  of  Captain,  for  which  he  had  already  passed  his 
examinations.  Simultaneously  he  forbade  the  promotion, 
which  would  have  been  granted  in  ordinary  course,  of  Cap- 
tain Tempiin  M.  Potts,  who  had  been  serving  as  aide  for 
personnel,  to  the  grade  of  Rear  Admiral.  Insufficient  service 
at  sea  was  the  ground  assigned  for  these  orders,  despite  the 
fact  that  both  officers,  who  are  universally  recognized  as 
among  the  most  capable  and  efficient  in  the  Navy,  had  been 
detailed  by  Secretary  Me3'er,  irrespective  of  their  own 
wishes,  to  office  duty.  That  they  should  have  fallen  'as  vic- 
tims of  our  First  Lord's  disapprobation  of  his  predecessor 
was  regarded  by  some  as  an  unmerited  hardship,  but  the 
obvious  purpose  of  showing  who  was  "monarch  of  the  seas" 
was  duly  and  most  etfectively  accomplished.  We  mention 
the  incident,  not  because  of  its  singularity,  but  rather  as  the 
first  of  many  which  have  tended  to  cpnsternation  among  of- 
ficers and  demoralization  of  the  service,  as  noted  at  the  time 
by  the  friendly  Springfield   Republican   in   these  words: 

That  there  has  been  discontent  in  the  Xa.y  at  Secretary  Daniels's 
administration  has  been  apparent  for  some  time.  Yet  while  discipline 
requires  that  it  shou  d  be  restrained,  it  must  be  frankly  said  that  there 
have  been  suggestions  of  some  reasonable  ground  for  dissatisfaction. 
The  matter,  however,  is  not  yet  entirely  clear,  and  in  justice  to  Sec- 
retary Daniels,  judgment  may  be  suspended  until  it  is.  While  he  was 
doubtless  within  the  letter  of  the  law  in  blocking  the  promotion  of 
Captain  Potts  last  summer,  no  satisfactory  explanation  has  ever  been 
given  of  his  permitting  the  promotion  of  others  who  apparently  stood 
upon  precisely  the  same  footing  with  Captain  Potts,  except  that  they 
had  never  given  evidence  of  equal  efficiency  so  far  as  their  records  were 
open  to  the  pul)lic.  That  it  would  have  been  better  for  the  Department 
if  Secretary  Daniels  had  talked  less  is  scarcely  to  be  doubted.  Stories 
came  to  this  office  months  ago  of  the  disturbing  effects  upon  the  discipline 
of  one  or  more  ships'  crews  which  had  followed  some  of  his  oratorical 
efforts ;  it  was  added  that  the  captains  of  the  Navy  disliked  to  see  him 
come  aboard. 

"Putting  to  one  side  the  wrongs  inflicted  upon  Captain 
Potts  and  Commander  Andrews,"  the  Herald  added,  "the 
baleful  effect  of  the  incident  is  reacting  in  a  most  unfor- 
tunate manner  on  the  Navy.  Intensified  as  this  surely  is  by 
other  curious  and  melancholy  reports  concerning  the  theories 
and  intentions  of  the  Navy  Department,  the  zeal  and  energy 
of  the  whole  service  are  in  way  to  be  seriously  impaired.     Its 


248         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

feeling  of  deep  unrest  is  unmistakable;  its  resentment  is  un- 
doubted. *  *  *  The  officers  have  sincerely  believed,  as  the 
Herald  has  reported,  that  Mr.  Daniels  is  temperamentally 
and  mentally  incapable  of  administering  the  service  for  the 
main  purpose  for  which  the  Navy  is  intended,  namely,  battle 
efficiency  for  the  protection  of  the  country." 

All  this  may  be  and  probably  is  true,  but  the  discerning 
reader  can  hardly  fail  to  place  the  responsibility  where  it  be- 
longs— upon  the  shoulders  of  our  First  Lord's  famous  ex- 
emplar, Sir  Josephus   Porter,  K.  C.   B.,  of  "Pinafore"  fame. 

Clearly  it  is  a  matter  of  viewpoint.  The  Navy  regards  itself 
as  a  fighting  machine  created  for  one  purpose,  namely,  to 
serve  as  the  first  line  of  defense  in  case  of  war;  whereas, 
observes   the   Sun   most  aptly: 

Mr.  Daniels,  on  the  other  hand,  if  the  conviction  existing  in  the  Navy 
is  well  founded,  does  not  proceed  with  such  ideas  as  the  fundamental 
bases  of  his  policies  of  administration.  The  Navy  believes  that  he  con- 
siders the  service  a  great  but  probably  for  the  moment  necessary  evil, 
the  direction  of  which  political  fortune  has  thrust  into  his  hands.  The 
Navy  considers  him  unwilling  to  devote  himself  to  the  single  idea  of 
achieving  the  maximum  preparedness  for  the  most  efficient  defense  of 
the  nation  and  believes  that  he  is  trying  to  make  the  Navy  serve  other 
purposes.  Instead  of  regarding  it  as  a  wonderfully  complex  human 
machine,  he  is  treating  the  service  as  a  field  for  the  application  of  his 
political  principles,  as  an  aggregation  of  individuals  for  whose  mental  and 
moral  welfare,   instead   of  efficiency,  he  has  been   made   responsible. 

It  was  in  pursuance  of  this  policy  of  achieving  reformation 
through  edict  that  our  First  Lord  proclaimed  his  famous 
order  forbidding  "the  use  or  introduction  of  alcoholic  liquors 
on  board  any  naval  vessel  or  within  any  yard  or  station." 
Inasmuch  as  no  complaint  of  excessive  indulgence  was  in- 
stanced as  a  reason  for  this  action,  it  was  but  natural,  per- 
haps, that  the  officers  should  have  regarded  the  ukase  not 
only  as  conveying  an  unmerited  implication  and  a  direct 
reflection  upon  their  conduct  as  gentlemen,  but  also  as  based 
upon  the  Secretary's  personal  theory  rather  than  upon  prac- 
tice in  the  service.  Quite  probably,  too,  they  suspected  that 
their  First  Lord's  disingenuous  statement  of  belief  that  "ex- 
perience has  demonstrated  that  a  uniform  rule  should  prevail 
in  the  Navy  for  all  who  enlist  in  the  service,  from  the  highest 
rank  to  the  youngest  enlisted  man  or  officer  who  comes  into 
the  service,"  was  calculated  to  create  a  false  impression.  In 
any  case,  Admiral  Dewey  lost  no  time  in  saying  for  publica- 
tion: 

It  does  not  seem  to  be  generally  understood  that,  until  this  new  order 
of  Secretary  Daniels's,  beer  and  light  wines  were  allowed  enlisted  men 
on  special  occasions. 

When  they  visited  vessels  of  other  nations,  especially  of  the  French 
Navy,  clarets  and  beer  were  served.  When  they  played  host  in  return, 
wines  and  beers  were  served.  Now  the  only  beverage  they  may  offer  is 
distilled  water.  So  the  invitations  probably  will  have  to  be  declined,  since 
the  hospitality  may  not  be  returned  in  kind. 

The  Admiral  "carefully  refrained  from  commenting  upon 
the  wisdom  of  the  order,"  but  put  his  finger  upon  the  real 
cause  of  resentment  when  he  added  significantly,  "It  should 
be  understood  that  the  naval  officers  consider  that  such  an 
order  comes  directly  from  the  President,  who  also  is  their 
commander — and  it  will  be  obeyed  without  a  whimper  or 
murmur   of  complaint." 

What  the  naval  officers  could  not  understand  was  why  the 
Commander-in-chief  should  sanction  prohibition  in  the  Navy 
and  not  in  the  Army.  If  it  were  essential  or  desirable  for  the 
one,  why  not  for  other?  It  was  the  discrimination  implying 
comparative  recreancy,  not  the  order  itself,  that  hurt— and  for 
this  clearly  it  was  the  President,  not  the  Secretary,  who  was 
responsible.  The  sole  but  sententious  comment  of  Secretary 
Garrison  upon  the  act  of  his  colleague  was  that  he  was  striv- 
ing to  emulate  the  example  of  the  man  who  acquired  a  for- 
tune by  minding  his  own  business.     But  incidentally  he  put 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         249 

forth  no  edict  forbidding  his  subordinates  to  do  what  nobody 
had  accused  them  of  doing  and  reflecting,  at  least  by  way  of 
comparison,  upon  their  characters  and  their  conduct.  So 
perhaps  it  is  not  a  cause  of  wonderment  that  the  officers  of 
the  Army  swear  by  and  the  officers  of  the  Navy  swear  at 
their  respective  chiefs.  Nevertheless,  as  we  have  hinted, 
while  feeling  that  the  First  Lord  would  have  been  more  con- 
sistent both  as  an  official  and  as  a  Democrat  if  he  had  adhered 
to  his  declaration  to  the  midshipmen  at  Annapolis  in  June, 
1913,  that  "it  is  not  in  your  province  or  mine  to  fix  a  standard 
for  others,  but  each  for  himself  must  make  a  regimen  for 
himself  that  makes  him  the  master  of  himself  and  the  dic- 
tator to  habit,  forbidding  any  habit  to  dictate  to  hirn,"  we 
cannot  share  the  common  indignation  at  his  action  in  this 
matter.  The  obligation  to  co-ordinate  the  various  depart- 
ments when  dissonant  proposals  create  disaffection  and 
jeopardize  efficiency  rests  upon  the  Chief  Magistrate,  who 
alone  holds  the  power  to  reconcile  such  differences. 

The  most  striking  illustration  of  our  First  Lord's  paternal- 
istic doctrine  is,  of  course,  the  turning  of  battle-ships  into 
primary  school-houses.  To  what  extent,  if  any,  this  proceed- 
ing conflicts  with  the  performance  of  the  fundarnental  func- 
tions of  a  navy  is  a  question  upon  which  little  information 
is  obtainable  except  from  the  Secretary's  own  exuberant  re- 
ports. That  opportunity  to  obtain  suitable  educational  train- 
ing should  be  accorded  enlisted  men  is  generally  conceded; 
the  point  is  whether  study  and  teaching  should  be  made 
compulsory.  Apparently  not  only  the  officers,  but  a  large 
majority  of  the  men,  think  not;  so  much  at  least  was  evi- 
denced by  the  loud  cheers  which  greeted  announcement  of 
a  prolonged  "recess"  upon  the  ships  which  went  to  Vera 
Cruz,  and  by  the  hisses  which  greeted  the  presentation  of  our 
First  Lord's  likeness  upon  a  moving-picture  screen  while 
the  vessels  lay  at  anchor  in  that  troubled  port.  But  it  would 
seem  ungracious  to  deprive  a  true  reformer  of  the  gratifi- 
cation which  he  derives  from  exemplification  of  his  favorite 
idea,  so  long  at  least  as  the  real  work  of  the  Navy  is  not 
seriously  impaired.  What,  perhaps  is  even  more  to  the  point 
is  that  no  change  is  possible  while  the  present  monarch  rules 
the  sea. 

Having  learned  from  Sir  Josephus  that  a  sailor  is  "any 
man's  equal"  (except  his  own),  it  was  inevitable  that  our 
conscientious  First  Lord  should  proceed  forthwith  to  "democ- 
ratize" the  Navy.  To  signify  his  intention  in  an  unmistakable 
way,  therefore,  he  sent  for  an  enlisted  man  about  the  time 
when  he  put  Captain  Potts  and  Commander  Andrews  in 
their  places,  shook  his  hand  cordially,  directed  him  to  inform 
his  comrades  that  the  great  heart  of  their  chief  beat  loudly 
in  sympathy  with  such  splendid  fellows,  and  then,  calling  in 
the  newspaper  correspondents,  heralded  his  performance  to 
the  masses.  Simultaneously  he  reduced  the  standard  of  ex- 
aminations for  positions  carrying  officers'  commissions  to  the 
presumed  level  of  enlisted  men's  capacities  and  ordered  that 
ten  vacancies  in  the  pay  corps  be  filled  by  noble  tars,  to  the 
exclusion  of  a  number  of  young  men  who  had  been  studying 
in  preparation. 

The  leveling  of  ranks,  in  a  word,  became  and  continues  to 
be  our  First  Lord's  obsession.  With  this  purpose  in  mind  he 
put  forth  a  proposal  that  officers  and  men  should  mess  to- 
gether, but  was  finally  dissuaded  from  issuing  the  order  when 
he  discovered,  so  it  was  said,  that  colored  bluejackets  would 
necessarily  be  included — a  circumstance  not  likely  to  win  ap- 
probation from  Southern  Democrats.  While  it  is  but  fair  to 
add  that  the  Secretary  himself  denounced  this  rumor  as  false 
and  "an  insult"  to  his  "intelligence,"  the  fact  remains  that  no 
other  reason  for  withholding  the  remarkable  decree  has  yet 
appeared  in  print,  although  the  subject  came  before  the 
Senate  on  August  2nd,  when  Mr.  Gallinger  declared  that  the 


250         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 191ti 

Secretary  actually  issued  the  order  but  "rescinded  it,  ad- 
mitting that  it  was  not  correct."  Senator  Kern  thereupon 
made   this   happy   explanation: 

I  understood  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  is  opposed  to  caste  in  the 
Navy.  The  declarations  were  to  the  effect  that  where  a  common  sailor 
and  seaman  of  any  kind  had  worked  himself  up  and  Vjecome  capable  of 
becoming  an  officer  of  the  Navy  it  did  not  lie  in  the  face  of  any  of  these 
perfumed  officers  of  the  Navy  to  object  to  him  because  he  had  been  a 
common  sailor,  and  because-  they  did  not  feel  like  sitting  at  the  same  mess. 
1   have  heard  the  Secretary   of  the  Navy   express  that   kind  of  a  sentiment. 

Unfortunately  the  distinguished  Democratic  leader  failed 
to  enlighten  the  Senate  as  to  whether  the  term  "perfumed 
officers"  was  the  Secretary's  or  his  own. 

But  alas  for  beneficent  intentions!  However  greatly 
pleased  the  worthy  sailors  may  have  been  by  the  "taking 
down"  of  their  officers,  and  whatever  may  have  been  the 
effect  of  such  snubbing  upon  the  discipline  of  the  crews,  ap- 
preciation of  the  First  Lord's  good  works  in  their  behalf 
disappeared  overnight  when  his  most  particular  ^activities 
conflicted  with  their  own  inclinations.  Whether  in  his  heart 
of  hearts  our  First  Lord  considers  the  use  of  tobacco  in- 
jurious, to  health  and  consequently  deserving  of  the  ban  put 
upon  wine  and  beer  is  not  and  probably  never  will  be  known 
so  long  as  the  noxious  weed  continues  to  be  the  staple 
product  of  North  Carolina.  In  any  case,  no  forbidding  edict 
has  yet  been  promulgated.  But  mind  you — you  who  know 
naught  of  such  things — there  are  brands  and  brands  of  to- 
bacco, and  some  like  one  and  some  another. 

Now,  the  bluejackets  pay  for  what  they  use  with  their  own 
well-earned  dimes  and  nickels,  but  it  has  been  the  custom  of 
the  Department  to  make  the  purchases.  Imagine,  then,  the 
horror  of  Josephus  when,  in  the  course  of  a  painstaking  in- 
vestigation into  minute  but  vital  details,  he  discovered  that 
the  most  popular  brands  were  manufactured  by  a  trust! 
Inevitably  and  immediately  further  purchases  of  these  brands 
were  forbidden  and  a  peremptory  order  was  .issued  compelling 
the  buying  of  goods  meeting  certain  specifications  from  the 
lowest  bidder. 

Thus  was  upheld  with  a  firm  hand  the  great  Democratic 
doctrine  of  free  and  full  competition,  but  the  enforcement 
necessarily  imposed  upon  the  sailormen  "something  just  as 
good"  for  what  they  really  wanted,  and  what  they  thought 
they  ought  to  be  permitted  to  have,  since  they  were  paying 
for  it  with  their  own  money.  Being  concerned  less  by  politi- 
cal principles  and  Trust  depredations  than  by  their  prefer- 
ences for  particular  brands"  of  tobacco,  the  sturdy  bluejackets 
revolted  and  the  canteen  receipts  went  up  in  a  smoke  of  dis- 
content. Looking  after  their  interests  was  well  enough  so 
long  as  only  officers'  privileges  were  curtailed,  but  this  was 
different.     Perhaps  that  is  why  they  hissed  at  Vera   Cruz. 

The  Democratic  National  platform,  conformably  to  custom, 
denounced  "the  profligate  waste  of  money  wrung  from  the 
people  by  oppressive  taxation"  and  demanded  "a  return  to 
that  simplicity  and  economy  which  befits  a  democratic  gov- 
ernment." We  are  not  now  concerned  with  the  general 
relation  of  practice  and  profession  of  the  administration 
with  respect  to  this  pledge;  it  suffices  the  present  purpose 
to  note  that  of  all  branches  of  the  Government  the  Navy 
Department  offered  the  widest  opportunity  for  the  saving  of 
enormous  sums.  The  mere  fact  that  our  inferior  navy  had 
cost  half  a  billion  dollars  more  than  that  of  Germany  was  in 
itself  sufficiently  startling,  but  was  really  but  one  of  many  in- 
dications of  the  gross  extravagance  and  utter  wastefulness 
which  had  resulted  from  making  the  Departmfint  a  mere 
tender  to  politics. 

Instances  without  number  confronted  the  nevy  Secretary 
as    a    consequence    of    his    predecessor's    grappling    of    the 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         251 

problem  in  the  last  two  years  of  his  administration.  Among 
them  were  the  expenditures  of  nearly  $11,000,000  at  Ports- 
mouth, only  seventy  miles  from  the  big  navy-yard  at  Boston; 
of  $5,000,000  at  Charleston,  including  $1,250,000  for  a  dry-dock 
unavailable  for  battle-ships;  of  $2,275,000  for  a  naval  base  at 
Port  Royal,  which  proved  useless  and  was  abandoned;  of 
$35,000,000  at  Mare  Island,  where  insufficient  depth  of  water 
prevents  the  berthing  of  modern  battle-ships;  of  $2,000,000 
one  hundred  miles  up  the  river  from  New  Orleans  for  no  prac- 
tical purpose  whatever;  of  $12,000,000  at  Pensacola,  with 
wholly  insignificant  output;  and  so  on,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
useless  construction  in  outlying  possessions,  fetching  the  total 
cost  of  navy-yards  on  June  30,  1910,  up  to  $320,600,000,  of 
which  fully  one-half  and  probably  much  more  was  absolute 
waste. 

Secretary  Meyer  was  slow  in  attackhig  this  colossal  abuse, 
but  in  1910,  when  he  began  to  feel  sure  of  his  ground,  he  did 
recommend  the  abandonment  of  and  practically  close  the 
stations  at  New  Orleans,  Pensacola,  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico, 
New  London,  Sackett's  Harbor,  Culebra,  and  Cavite,  none 
of  which  was  of  the  first  class  or  of  material  value.  Here 
at  least  was  the  beginning  of  a  notable  reform. 

It  was  also  the  ending,  at  least  for  the  time;  for,  be  it 
noted,  our  First  Lord  is  primarily  a  politician  of  the  Jackson 
type,  not  only  willing,  but  eager  to  meet  the  cravings  of  all 
"deserving  Democrats."  His  policy  was  clearly  defined  be- 
fore he  took  his  place.  "It  is  suggested,"  wrote  the  inspired 
Raleigh  correspondent  of  the  Charlotte  Observer  upon  the 
eve  of  the  newly  appointed  Secretary's  departure  for  Wash- 
ington, "that  under  Secretary  Daniels's  administration  the  old 
Charlotte  navy-yard  will  be  rehabilitated.  This  would  furnish 
jobs  to  quite  a  squad  of  patriots,  and  Mr.  Daniels  is  agreeable 
to  the  idea." 

The  First  Lord  demonstrated  his  agreeableness  forthwith 
by  reopening  the  yards  at  New  Orleans  and  Pensacola  and 
by  utilizing  opportunities  generally  to  feed  the  "deserving" 
from  the  public  crib.  In  the  words  of  the  Springfield  Re- 
publican: 

The  simple  truth  of  the  matter  is  that  Mr.  Daniels,  who  is  eloquent  as 
0  his  efforts  to  restrain  alleged  combinations  of  armor  manufacturers  and 
ship  builders,  and  is  to  be  praised  in  so  far  as  he  has  actua  ly  done  so, 
has  surrendered  body  and  soul  to  the  combination  of  log-rolling  politicians 
which   costs   the    Treasury    infinitely    more   than   any   trust   he   has   defied. 

Navy  yards  supply  jobs  for  the  faithful ;  that  is  the  essence  of  the 
whole  thing,  and  there  are  unpleasant  reports  of  what  political  influence 
is  accomplishing.  Such  minor  savings  as  Mr.  Daniels  may  effect  now 
will  be  mere  pittances  beside  the  additional  costs  with  which  the  budgets 
of  his  successors  will  be  burdened  as  a  result  of  his  policy  of  scattering 
work  that  ought  to  be  concentrated  at  points  located  with  the  best  regard 
to   economy   and   military  efficiency. 

If  Mr.  Daniels  has  any  reason  to  doubt  the  figures  and  the  significant 
comparisons  with  other  navies,  he  might,  instead  of  taking  time  to  be 
photographed  in  dramatic  poses  with  his  hands  upon  the  shoulders  of 
marines  and  blueiackets,  have  them  checked  up.  It  was  unfortunate  for 
the  reform  Mr.  Meyer  began  that  the  yards  and  stations  he  closed  were 
chiefly  in  the  South ;  Imt  there  is  no  more  question  that  they  were  the 
least  useful  than  that  the  best  located  and,  in  the  opinion  of  many 
experts,  the  only  properly  located  yard  on  the  Atlantic  Coast  to-day  is 
that  at  Norfolk.  Va.  l 

It  was  upon  Mr.  Daniels  that  the  duty  rested  of  carrying  on  the  reform 
that  Mr.  Meyer  had  begun;  instead  he  has  turned  back  the  hands  of  the 
clock.  Conditions  are  drifting  back  into  a  worse  state  than  when  Mr. 
Meyer  took  hold,   and   Mr.    I])aniels   is   responsible. 

That  the  drift  is  to  continue,  morever,  may  be  readily  de- 
duced from  the  declaration  in  the  Secretary's  annual  report 
that  "construction  of  ships  in  navy-y&rds  justifies  an  en- 
larcremcjit  of  that  policy,"  supplemented  by  ihe  complacent 
observation  that  "during  the  past  year  the  Department  au- 
thorized new  construction  work  at  navy-yards  which  hitherto 
have  not  been  so  engaged,  and  there  is  at  the  present  time 
a  greater  volume  of  new  ship-building  work  in  progress  and 
niitborized    at    navy-yards,    also    a    greater    number    of    navy- 


252        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

yards    so    employed    in    new    construction,    than    ever    before 
in  the  history  of  the  new  navy." 

All  this  is  bad  enough  in  all  conscience,  but  worse  is  yet  to 
come.  Our  First  Lord  believes  in  punishing  his  enemies  as 
well  as  in  rewarding  his  friends.  When  the  unarmed  citi- 
zenry of  New  Hampshire  failed  to  respond  to  his  fervid  ora- 
torical appeals  at  the  Congressional  elections  last  year,  an 
order  forthcame  promptly,  according  to  the  Boston  Trans- 
cript, that  "ships  that  hitherto  repaired  at  the  Portsmouth 
navy-yard  be  transferred  to  Pensacola  and  other  Southern 
yards,  some  of  which  are  now  being  equipped  at  large  ex- 
pense to  the  Government  to  do  repair  work,"  thus  evidencing, 
the  Transcript  pathetically  concluded,  that  Portsmouth  "has 
already  begun  to  feel  the  effects  of  Secretary  Daniels's  dis- 
pleasure over  the  defeat  of  the  Democratic  ticket  in  New 
Hampshire."  Vengeance  was  our  First  Lord's,  and  promptly 
did  he  repay.  For  waste  and  extravagance  he  had  ample 
precedents  in  the  administration  of  his  predecessors,  but  we 
venture  to  assert  that  so  brazen  an  act  as  this  is  without 
parallel  in  our  political  annals. 

The  country  fortunately  is  rich  and  can  withstand  wasteful- 
ness in  the  future  as  it  has  withstood  it  in  the  past;  it  is 
sound  politically  and  can  outlive  the  effect  of  spasmodic 
efforts  on  the  part  of  a  professed  spoilsman  to  set  back  the 
clock;  it  is  immune,  even  to  the  vagaries  of  a  bucolic  states- 
man in  the  administration  of  a  great  department.  But  recent 
events  have  brought  very  sharply  to  public  attention  the  need, 
of  both  efficiency  and  preparedness  in  the  first  line  of  our 
national  defense.  Upon  that  point  there  is  no  diversity  of 
opinion. 

What,  then,  is  the  present  situation?  Our  First  Lord  is 
more  than  satisfied;  he  is  proud.  "The  get-away  of  the  fleet" 
to  Vera  Cruz  and  the  subjection  by  that  mighty  force  of  a 
feeble  garrison  he  regards  as  "signal  proof"  of  all  that  can  be 
desired.  His  judgment  is  sustained,  moreover,  by  remark- 
able authority.  Speaking  to  the  Navy  League  in  New  York 
City  on  April  i6th,  he  cited  the  Honorable  John  Lind  as  one 
who  had  stirred  his  "pride  and  admiration." 

"For  weary  months,"  he  spoke,  "this  grim  and  patriotic 
Norse  philosopher  has  lived  in  Mexico,  most  of  the  time 
being  in  close  touch  with  Admiral  Fletcher  and  the  splendid 
men  with  him.  Upon  the  day  of  his  return  he  called  at  the 
Navy  Department  to  express  his  pleasure  of  being  well 
cared  for  on  his  trip  up  on  the  Mayflower.  *I  have  never 
before,'  he  said  to  me,  'had  the  opportunity  of  seeing  much  of 
the  Navy.  In  my  Minnesota  home  your  ships  and  sailors  do 
not  come,  but  during  my  stay  in  Mexico  it  was  my  happiness 
to  see  much  of  Admiral  Fletcher,  the  officers,  and  the  sailors, 
and  I  want  to  tell  you,  Mr.  Secretary,  that  they  are  the  finest 
body  of  men  I  have  known.'  He  grew  more  enthusiastic 
in  his  praise,  and  I  remarked  that  America  had  few  men  as 
wise  as  Admiral  Fletcher.  'Yes;  he  is  a  wise  man  of  sound 
judgment,  and,  better  than  that,  he  is  a  patriot,  loyal  to  the 
core  to  his  country.'  Now,  John  Lind  is  the  sort  of  American 
who  pays  no  compliments.  He  would  not  privately  give  this 
warm  praise  if  he  had  not  taken  the  quality  of  our  sailors 
and  found  them  sturdy  and  sound." 

Evidence  such  as  this  few  would  have  the  hardihood  to 
attempt  to  controvert.  But,  oddly  enough,  there  were  those 
to  whom  even  the  testimony  of  the  grim  Norse  philosopher 
was  unconvincing,  as  suggested  by  the  Army  and  Navy 
Journal  in  these  words: 

We  are  not  surprised  to  learn  that  the  House  Committee  on  Naval 
Affairs  intends  to  make  an  inquiry  into  the  management  of  the  Navy  by 
Mr.  Daniels  at  the  coming  session.  Some  of  the  members  of  that  com- 
mittee have  been  so  long  associated  with  it  and  their  interest  in  and 
their  study  of  the  Navy  for  years  have  been  so  great  that  they  may 
consider  themselves  as  knowing  more  about  the  service  than  the  head  of 
the  department  himself. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         258 


Furthermore,  such  members  have  developed  a  pride  in  and  love  for 
the  institution,  and  may  naturally  be  expected  to  resent  the  introduction 
of  any  schemes  that  would  impair  its  efficiency  and  make  it  the  plaything 
of  an  irrational  utopianism.  These  members  know  that  on  account  of  the 
prominence  given  to  navies  by  the  present  war  the  size  and  efficiency  of 
our  own  Navy  should  reasonably  be  among  the  leading  questions  brought 
before  the  coming  session. 

Members  of  the  committee  believe  further  that  the  time  has  arrived  to 
ascertain  what  injury,  if  any,  has  been  wrought  in  the  service  by  the 
effort  to  make  it  something  else  than  a  great  fighting  machine,  and  to 
combine  with  such  a  military  organization  the  conveniences  and  benefits 
of  an  educational  system. 

The  committee  is  doing  wisely  to  bring  this  latter  matter  to  the  attention 
of  Congress  before  any  further  deterioration  in  the  Navy  shall  develop. 
It  is  easier  to  start  a  big  institution  down  hill  than  it  is  to  start  it  up 
again,  and  no  time  should  be  lost  in  discovering  to  what  extent  the 
philanthropic  features  grafted  upon  the  Navy  have  interfered  and  are 
interfering  with  its  primary  business  of  being  ready  to  fight. 

Among  the  first  witnesses  called  by  the  committee  was 
Rear-Admiral  Bradley  A.  Fiske,  who  served  on  the  York- 
town  at  Valparaiso  in  the  critical  times  following  the  Balti- 
more Incident;  who  was  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  In  1894  when  the 
fleet  cleared  for  action  to  enforce  neutral  rights;  whom  Ad- 
miral Dewey  commended  for  "heroic  conduct"  at  the  battle 
of  Manila;  who  took  part  In  the  bombardments  of  Faranaque, 
Malabon,  and  San  Fernando  during  the  Philippine  insurrec- 
tion; who  has  been  commander  of  the  Minneapolis,  Ark- 
ansas, and  Tennessee,  and  of  a  division  of  the  Atlantic  fleet, 
and  a  member  of  the  General  Board.  And  this  distinguished 
officer  informed  the  committee  and  the  country  bluntly  that 
the  United  States  has  only  one  mine-laying  ship,  with  a  very 
limited  capacity;  that  from  want  of  practice  the  gunnery  of 
the  fleet  has  fallen  off  until  It  is  inferior  to  that  of  at  least 
one  other  sea  power;  that  the  personnel  Is  not  sufficiently 
drilled;  that  as  there  is  no  general  staff,  although  the  British. 
German,  Japanese,  French,  Russian,  Austrian,  and  even  the 
Argentine  navies  have  such  an  organization,  the  United 
States  would  go  to  war  in  a  haphazard  way;  that  "we  have 
no  plan  of  battle  approach  and  we  have  no  plan  of  torpedo 
attack";  that  In  mine-sweepers  as  well  as  mine-layers,  in  aero- 
nautical equipment,  submarines,  and  "all  the  auxiliaries"  we 
are  deplorably  deficient;  that,  having  no  naval  reserve  worth 
the  name,  we  could  not  properly  man  our  ships  for  hostilities, 
and  that  five  years  of  methodical  preparation  would  be  re- 
quired to  "bring  our  Navy  up  to  the  standard  of  efficiency  of 
one  of  the  great  European  navies." 

"There  can  be  no  question,"  said  Rear-Admiral  Austin  M. 
Knight,  president  of  the  Naval  War  College,  to  the  members 
of  the  Efficiency  Society  on  January  25th,  "that  the  existing 
organization  of  the  Navy  Department  is  Inadequate  and 
would  break  down  under  the  strain  of  war.  We  have  a 
Navy,  and  a  good  one,  but  we  will  all  agree  that  It  must  not 
only  be  good,  but  It  must  also  be  at  its  highest  point  of 
efficiency,  and  this  is  not  Its  present  condition.  I  do  not  hold 
that  It  Is  altogether  Inefficient,  but  I  do  think  that  it  could  be 
much  better.     Three  things  that  we  lack  are: 

"First — Absolute  harmony  In  all  the  branches  of  the  fleet. 

"Second — The  absolutely  necessary  facilities  for  the  care 
and  preservation  of  the  ships,  such  as  dry-docks  and  support- 
ing ships. 

"Third — We  need  a  more  efficient  organization  of  the 
personnel. 

"The  thing  that  is  most  radically  wrong  Is  the  fact  that 
the  Navy  Department  takes  no  ac/:ount  of  the  relation  of  the 
Navy  to  war.  War  is  one  thing  for  which  no  arrangement  is 
made." 

That  these  outspoken  views  express  the  consesus  of  opinion 
of  the  entire  body  of  naval  officers  from  Admiral  Dewey  to 
the  youngest  captain  there  can  be  no  question,  but  thus  far 
there  has  been  no  indication  that  our  First  Lord  is  not  still 
of  the  same  opinion  evolved  from  the  deep  philosophy  and 


254         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

expert  observation  of  the  Honorable  John  Lind.  Be  it  said, 
however,  to  his  credit,  that  when  the  Congress,  aroused  by 
the  indignation  of  the  country,  made  provision  for  four  new 
battle-ships,  he  felicitated  both  the  President  and  the  people. 
Indeed,  he  went  further  and  smugly  took  to  himself  the  honor, 
regardless  of  the  fact  that  Congress  had  rejected  his  own  pro- 
posal of  two  dreadnoughts  and  had  adopted  the  recommenda- 
tion of  the  General  Board  for  the  construction  of  twice  that 
nurqber. 

It  is  no  pleasing  duty  to  depict  the  failings  in  comprehen- 
sion and  judgment  of  a  high  official  charged  with  heavy 
burdens  and  grave  responsibilities,  although  in  this  instance 
the  task  is  rendered  less  distasteful  by  his  own  love  of  lime- 
light naively  revealed  in  a  speech  in  San  Francisco  on  August 
2nd,  when  he  said: 

All  newspaper  men  will  tell  you  Lincoln  and  Woodrow  Wilson  have 
been  the  two  greatest  Presidents  this  country  has  ever  hgd,  because  each 
went  into  the  editorial  sanctum  to  secure  a  managing  editor  for  the  Navy. 
I  think  the  finest  compliment  ever  paid  me  was  that  made  by  another 
newspaper  man,  Secretary  of  the  Interior  Franklin  K.  Lane,  of  California, 
when  he  said  to  me,  "You  are  a  born  headline  artist." 

Nor  can  one  fail  to  appreciate  the  blessed  sense  of  gentle 
humor  as  bearing  upon  accurate  self-understanding  which 
was  evinced  in  an  after-dinner  speech  thus  reported  by  the 
New  York  Evening  Post: 

"1  had  been  a  worker  in  a  vineyard  for  a  long  time,"  the  .Secretary  said, 
"and  had  never  sought  or  expected  any  preferment  from  the  party  organ- 
ization. I  was  just  a  good  working  Democrat.  When  Mr.  Bryan  began 
!o  emerge  as  a  public  man  and  as  a  Democratic  leader  I  got  interested  in 
him  and  became  one  of  his  champions  and  supporters.  I  became  an  ardent 
free  silver  man  and  a  believer  in  unlimited  coinage  at  the  ratio  of  1 6  to  i. 
When  it  was  time  to  select  de  egates  to  the  Democratic  National  Con- 
vention at  Chicago  in  1896  there  was  a  fellow  in  my  town  who  wanted  to 
be  sent  as  a  delegate  mighty  badly.  He  went  around  to  the  State  Chair- 
man to  see  what  he  could  do. 

"  'Jim,'  he  said,  'I — I  want  to  be  sent  as  one  of  the  delegates  to 
Chicago.' 

"  'Well,'  said  the  Chairman,  'how  do  you  stand  on  free  silver?' 

"  'Oh,  well,  I  guess — I — reckon  I  believe  in  it  all  right,  but  I  ain't  no 
damn  fool  about  it.' 

"  'Well.'  answered  the   Chairman,   'you   can't  go.' 

"So  they  sent  me,"  concluded  Danie  s. 

Here  in  ordinary  times  we  should  be  content  to  leave  our 
First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty.  Attainment  of  perfection  in  the 
personnel  of  a  Government  cannot  be  demanded  with  reason 
or  expected  in  practice,  and  exceptional  consideration  must 
be  accorded  an  Administration  compelled  by  circumstances 
to  draw  its  responsible  officials  from  the  ranks  of  the  inex- 
perienced. In  all  fairness,  moreover,  due  allowance  should 
be  made  for  the  delinquencies  of  one  thus  chosen  if  he  be 
zealous  in  the  performance  of  unfamiliar  tasks.  For  his  pains- 
taking application,  then,  Mr.  Daniels  is  entitled  to  a  full 
meed  of  credit,  but  there,  unhappily,  favorable  recop-nition 
ends.  Of  all  the  Secretaries  of  the  Navy  from  Benjamin 
Stoddert  to  George  von  L.  Meyer,  he  has  proved  himself 
unquestionably  the  least  competent.  If  he  has  done  a  single 
useful  act,  barring  his  boasted  saving  at  the  spigot  while 
wasting  at  the  bung-hole,  the  instance  has  yet  to  be  revealed. 
If  he  has  failed  to  utilize  an  opportunity  to  discredit  both  the 
department  and  the  Administration,  the  omission  is  not 
apparent. 

It  is,  indeed,  a  question  whether  the  most  important  and 
most  popular  arm  of  the  service  itself  has  not  suffered 
seriously  in  public  estimation  both  at  home  and  abroad  in 
consequence  of  his  persistent  blundering  and  insatiable  crav- 
ing for  notoriety.  To  smile  at  the  childish  vanity  which 
prompts  the  wearing  of  a  naval  cap  with  a  civilian's  costume — 
and  such  a  costume! — is  easy  and  natural,  but  however  un- 
important  in    seeming,    if    is   not   a   laughing   matter.      If   the 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK~-1916     '    255 

head  of  the  Navy  can  thus  not  only  disregard  a  universal 
custom,  but  also  flout  a  strict  and  specific  naval  regulation, 
what  is  there  to  be  said  of  his  example  to  officers  and  men? 
And  how  can  be  gauged  the  effect  upon  a  body,  supposed  to 
be  disciplined  to  the  highest  point,  of  the  unbecoming  com- 
portment of  a  Secretary  of  the  Navy  whose  visits  are  awaited 
by  captains  with  trepidation  and  whose  likeness  is  hissed 
by  enlisted  men?  But  it  is  as  unnecessary  as  it  is  disagreeable 
to  dwell  further  upon  the  demoralization  inevitably  wrought 
by  a  chief  who  is  regarded  by  his  subordinates  as  "temper- 
amentally and  mentally  incapable  of  administering  the 
service." 

Yet  more  serious  at  this  critical  time,  when  at  any  moment 
the  Navy  may  be  called  upon  to  perform  a  vitally  important 
service,  is  the  effect  of  vagarious  misdirection  upon  the 
public  mind.  Whether  or  not  Mr.  Edward  S.  Martin,  a  keen 
and  competent  observer,  is  correct  in  estimating  that  not  more 
than  six  persons  out  of  our  hundred  millions  of  people  would 
fail  to  heave  a  sigh  of  relief  at  the  withdrawal  or  removal  of 
Mr.  Daniels  from  his  present  post,  there  is  not  a  shadow  of 
doubt  that  he  has  forfeited  the  confidence  of  the  country. 
His  repeated  declarations,  notably  at  the  recent  launching 
of  the  Pennsylvania,  that  the  Navy  is  fully  prepared  for  battle, 
in  the  face  of  testimony  to  the  contrary  by  every  admiral 
who  has  been  questioned,  and  of  the  bold  but  patriotic  as- 
sertion of  the  President  of  the  War  College  that  "war  is  one 
thing  for  which  no  arrangement  is  made,"  have  come  to  be 
regarded  as  no  more  than  the  puerile  chatter  of  an  incompe- 
tent official  fatuously  attempting  self-justification.  These 
words,  though  not  so  intended,  sound  bitter,  but,  alas!  they 
are  true — only  too  sadly  true  at  a  time  such  as  this,  when 
palliation   or   silence   would  be   little   short  of  criminal,  ^ 

Occasional  tolerant  reference  is  made  to  Secretary  Daniels's 
"amiability,"  and  none  would  deny  the  normal  kindliness  of 
a  nature  which  impels  endeavors  in  the  interest  of  fellow- 
beings,  even  though  such  striving  be  without  the  scope  of 
official  duty.  But  a  genial  disposition  is  not  invariably  allied 
with  either  comprehension  or  judgment.  Puppies  are  friendly 
enough,  but  one  would  hardly  set  them  to  the  work  of  a 
ferret.  And  Mr.  Daniels  is  not,  as  is  so  commonly  re- 
marked, merely  a  misfit.  A  round  peg  in  a  square  hole  is 
inadequate  as  an  expression  of  a  condition  when  it  is  quite 
obvious  that,  if  the  hole  were  round,  the  peg  would  be  square. 
The  simple  truth  in  this  case,  moreover,  demonstrated  over 
and  over  again,  is  that  back  of  self-conscious  easy-going  there 
lurks  that  inexorable  obduracy  which  so  often  characterizes 
and  dominates  a  narrow  and  shallow  mentality. 

It  is  idle,  then,  to  murmur  ineffectually.  "How  long,  O  Lord, 
how  long!"  Naught  remains  but  to  minimize  so  far  as  pos- 
sible the  dismay  which  attends  the  probability  of  being  com- 
pelled in  1916  to  meet  the  cry: 

"A  vote  for  Wilson  is  a  vote  for  Daniels" — iu>  Uss  than  for 
Mr.    Bryan   himself. 


ELECTION    OF   WILSON    MEANS   FOUR   YEAR'S 
MORE  OF  DANIELS 

Inquiry  at  Washington  shows  that  the  reappointment  of 
Josephus  Daniels  to  preside  over  the  development  of  the 
navy  through  the  four  most  critical  years  of  its  history  is  a 
certainty  if  the  present  Administration  has  the  appointing 
power.  From  an  Administration  point  of  view  the  Sec- 
retary has  been  a  success  except  that  he  has  made  himself 
the  object  of  the  most  convincing  storm  of  criticism  that  has 
centered  on  any  Cabinet  officer  in  recent  years.  He  has  been 
compelled  to  change  his  1914  recommendation  against  in- 
creasing the  personnel  of  the  navy  and  to  alter  his  policy  at 
other  points  so  that  a  fair  paper  defence   can  be  drawn  up 


256         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

to  show  that  he  is  not  a  reactionary  on  national  defence. 
It  is  pointed  out  in  this  connection  that,  according  to  the 
President's  own  statement,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  has 
his  complete  confidence.  The  President,  apparently  referring 
to  the  Secretary's  methods,  policies  and  administrative  abil- 
ities, has  said  that  he  trusts  him  absolutely.  And  the  Pres- 
ident himself  has  called  the  Secretary  one  of  his  intimate  ad- 
visers. 

To  Remain  if  Wilson  Wins 

Hence,  those  who  have  gauged  the  situation,  including  Re- 
publican and  Democratic  leaders  in  Congress,  have  no  doubt 
that  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  is  secure  in  the  tenure  of  his 
office  if  the  present  Administration  is  returned  to  power. 
They  regard  the  Daniels  appointment  as  good  as  announced 
if  the  President  is  reelected. 

This  means  that  the  executive  who  has  created  rebellion 
on  the  part  of  officers  and  men  of  the  navy,  used  his  power 
and  authority  to  gag  officers  and  keep  the  true  state  of  the 
navy  from  becoming  known,  delayed  the  building  of  ships  for 
more  than  a  year  after  authorization,  opposed  the  creation 
of  an  efficient  General  Staff,  checkmated  the  effort  of  such 
naval  experts  as  Admiral  Bradley  A.  Fiske  in  developing  war 
plans,  rejected  wholesale  the  recommendations  of  experts  as 
to  steps  for  getting  the  navy  ready  for  war,  injected  favor- 
itism into  the  service  and  failed  to  make  any  adequate  effort 
to  recruit  the  personnel  up  to  a  standard  required  for  the 
efficiency  of  ships  in  commission,  has  a  fair  prospect — 
whether  deserved  by  his  record  of  service  or  not — of  domi- 
nating the  navy  for  another  four  years,  when  the  inspiration 
of  leadership  of  statesmanship  quality  is  the  first  essential 
to   its   upbuilding. 

Naval  officers  estimated  two  years  ago  that  it  would  take 
five  years  to  get  the  navy  ready  for  war.  The  fact  that  the 
Secretary  has  had  the  benefit  of  the  lessons  of  the  European 
war  has  caused  this  estimate  to  be  changed  in  no  way. 

The  same  men  who  made  this  estimate  almost  two  years 
ago  say  now  that  it  would  take  five  years  to  get  the  navy 
ready  for  war.  So  that  the  Secretary's  responsibility  for  the 
deplorable  conditions  in  the  navy  may  be  summed  up  as  a 
failure  to  improve  and  build  up  in  accord  with  the  oppor- 
tunities within  his  grasp.  Congress  and  the  country  being 
willing  to  pay  the  price.  What  the  Secretary  has  been  doing 
is  more  like  sabotage,  putting  sand  and  jamming  wrenches 
into  the  delicate  gear  of  the  navy  organization. 

Big  Dollar  and  Cents  Loss 

Represented  in  dollars  and  cents  the  loss  of  efficiency  under 
the  present  Secretary  would  be  enormous.  By  competent  ex- 
perts the  loss  of  efficiency  in  the  navy  because  of  bad  man- 
agement is  rated  as  25  per  cent.  The  method  may  not  be  a 
very  good  one  for  computing  the  condition  of  the  navy,  but 
it  is  a  fair  one  for  computing  the  relation  of  the  Daniels  ad- 
ministration to  the  state  of  the  existing  navy  under  Daniels. 
It  is  an  estimate  that  the  layman  can  understand.  It  is  not  a 
casual  estimate  by  a  layman,  but  the  result  of  careful  consider- 
ation by  a  world  renowned  naval  authority  familiar  with  every 
deficiency  and  requirement  of  the  organization. 


In  a  few  months  I  shall  be  called  upon  in  the  discharge  of 
my  official  duties  to  review  the  record  that  this  Democratic 
Congress  shall  have  made  in  its  authorization  of  the  expendi- 
tures of  the  public  moneys.  Whenever  I  think  of  the  hor- 
rible mess  that  I  shall  be  called  xipon  to  present  to  the  country 
on  behalf  of  the  Democratic  party,  I  am  tempted  to  quit  my 
place. — Representative  Fitzgerald  (Dem,),  of  New  York,  in 
the  House,  April  10,  1914. 


Labor 


k  COMPARISON  OF  THE  ATTITUDE  AND  ACTION 
OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  AND  *  DEMOCRATIC 
PARTIES  RESPECTIVELY  WITH  REFERENCE 
TO  LABOR  AND  LABOR  QUESTIONS 

State  Labor  Legislation 

The  bulk  of  the  labor  legislation  in  this  country  is  of  such 
a  character  as  to  be  strictly  within  the  province  of  the  indi- 
vidual States,  the  powers  of  the  Federal  Government  being 
restricted  in  this  respect  to  employment  in  the  Government 
Service  and  in  interstate  commerce,  and  to  seamen,  immigra- 
tion, etc.  We  must,  therefore,  draw  our  conclusions  con- 
cerning the  attitude  of  the  two  parties  toward  the  people  by 
the  character  of  the  protective  and  other  social  legislation 
enacted  in  the  Republican  and  the  Democratic  States,  re- 
spectively. An  analysis  of  the  legislation  of  these  two 
groups  of  States  shows  that  the  Republican  States  have,  in 
almost  every  case,  exceeded  the  Democratic  States  in  making 
provision  for  the  benefit  of  the  wage  workers. 

Accident  Insurance 

Hardships  have  often  resulted  to  wageworkers  carrying 
accident  policies,  because  when  they  changed  their  occupa- 
tions to  more  hazardous  ones  after  making  the  insurance 
contracts  they  forfeited  the  right  to  the  insurance,  or  at  most 
received  a  rebate  on  the  premium  paid.  Eighteen  States  have 
remedied  this  condition  by  enacting^  laws  requiring  each  ac- 
cident policy  to  contain  a  provision  to  the  effect  that  if  an 
insured  person  changes  his  occupation  to  one  more  hazard- 
ous he  shall  not  thereby  forfeit  his  right  to  insurance,  but 
shall  receive  an  amount  equal  to  that  which  the  sum  paid  by 
him  in  premiums  would  have  purchased  in  the  more  hazard- 
ous employment.  Of  these  eighteen  States  twelve  are  Repub- 
lican and  six  are  Democratic. 

Reporting  of  Accidents 

Twenty-three  States  have  enacted  laws  requiring  employers 
to  report  accidents  in  industrial  establishments  which  result 
in  death  or  disability.  Of  these  fifteen  are  Republican  and 
eight  are  Democratic,  the  latter  including  Indiana,  Maine, 
Nebraska,  and  Ohio,  when  under  Democratic  control. 

Twenty-eight  States  require  similar  reports  concerning  ac- 
cidents to  employees  on  railways.  Of  these  eighteen  are 
Republican  and  ten  are  Democratic. 

Workmen's  Compensation 

The  old  rule  of  employer's  liability  which,  until  a  few 
years  ago,  applied  in  all  the  States  of  the  Union  requires  an 
employee  injured  by  accident  during  his  employment  to  bring 
suit  and  prove  negligence  on  the  part  of  his  employer  in 
order  to  recover  damages  from  the  latter.  This  rule,  which 
works  hardship  upon  workmen,  especially  those  engaged 
in  hazardous  employments,  was  changed  many  years  ago 
in  nearly  all  the  other  civilized  countries  of  the  world  by 
the  enactment  of  workmen's  compensation  laws.  In  the 
United  States  there  has  been  a  movement  during  recent  years 
to  substitute  for  this  old  rule  a  system  of  compensation  or 
insurance  by  means  of  which  persons  suffering  from  the  con- 
sequences of  industrial  accidents  shall  receive  an  equitable 
relief  for  themselves,  or,  in  case  of  fatal  injuries,  for  those 
dependent    upon    them.      Such    a   system   provides   a   definite 

357 


258         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

sum  as  compensation  for  injuries  without  involving  a  suit  at 
law  and  without  reference  to  the  negligence  of  the  employer. 
Twenty  States  have  enacted  such  laws,  of  which  fourteen  are 
Republican   and   six  are   Democratic. 

Nine  other  States  have  appointed  commissions  to  inves- 
tigate the  subject  of  such  relief  with  the  view  of  considering 
the  enactment  of  such  legislation.  Of  these  seven  are  ,Re- 
publican  and  two  are  Democratic. 

Child  Labor 

No  form  of  labor  legislation  has  occupied  public  attention 
so  much  in  recent  years  as  the  regulation  of  the  employment 
of  children.  Through  the  activities  of  the  National  Child 
Labor  Committee  and  other  organizations,  all  the  States  of 
the  Union  have  enacted  child  labor  laws,  the  last  to  fall  into 
line  being  some  of  the  Southern  States  and  one  Democratic 
Western  State. 

Forty  States  have  enacted  laws  limiting  the  hours  of  labor 
of  children  or  young  persons,  of  which  twenty-two  are  Re- 
publican and  eighteen   Democratic. 

Thirty-nine  States  have  laws  prohibiting  the  employment 
of  children  or  young  persons  in  hazardous  occupations,  such 
as  operating  dangerous  machinery,  cleaning  machinery  in 
motion,  etc.,  of  which  twenty-one  are  Republican  and  eight- 
een are  Democratic  States. 

Fifteen  States  prohibit  the  employment  of  young  persons 
in  bar  rooms,  of  which  eleven  are  Republican  and  four  are 
Democratic. 

Thirteen  States  regulate  or  restrict  the  employment  of 
children  in  street  trades,  of  which  seven  are  Republican  and 
six    are    Democratic. 

Twenty-six  States  have  laws  relating  to  the  employment 
of  illiterate  children,  of  which  fourteen  are  Republican  and 
twelve  are  Democratic. 

Thirty-eight  States  prohibit  the  employment  of  young  per- 
sons at  night  work,  of  which  States  twenty-one  are  Repub- 
lican and  seventeen  are  Democratic. 

Factories  and  Workshops 

Among  the  most  important  objects  of  legislation  for  the 
protection  of  wage-workers  are  provisions  for  the  health  and 
safety   of   employees. 

Sweatshops:  There  is  nothing  which  tends  more  to  degrade 
human  beings  or  to  menace  the  health  of  a  community  than 
the  crowding  of  persons  into  filthy  workshops,  where  they 
are  often  compelled  to  work,  eat  and  sleep  and  where  the 
hours  of  labor  are  so  long  that  the  victims,  who  are  usually 
foreigners,  are  shut  out  from  all  opportunities  for  education 
or  improvement  of  any  kind.  Fourteen  States  have  enacted 
laws  for  the  regulation  and  inspection  of  sweatshops  and 
prohibiting  the  evil  features  of  the  same;  of  these  ten  are 
Republican  and  four  are  Democratic,  one  of  the  latter  being 
now  Republican. 

Bakeries:  The  sanitary  condition  of  bakeries  is  a  matter 
of  vital  importance  not  only  to  the  employees,  but  to  the 
millions  of  consumers,  whose  health  is  menaced  by  uncleanly 
and  disease  breeding  conditions  that  often  exist  there.  Six- 
teen States  have  enacted  laws  for  the  inspection  and  regula- 
tion of  bakeries,  of  which  thirteen  are  Republican  and  three 
are  Democratic. 

Ventilation  and  Sanitation:  Twenty-six  States  have  made 
provision  for  the  proper  ventilation  of  factories  and  work- 
shops and  have  prescribed  regulations  for  the  enforcement 
of  other  sanitary  measures  in  places  where  people  are  em- 
ployed. Of  these  eighteen  are  Republican  and  eight  are 
Democratic  Statts. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         259 

Cellars  and  Basements:  The  use  of  damp,  ill-ventilated 
cellars  and  basements  as  places  of  employment  is  often  the 
cause  of  disease  and  death  not  only  to  the  employees,  but 
also  to  the  consumers  of  goods  manufactured  there.  Fifteen 
States  have  enacted  laws  regulating  or  prohibiting  the  use  of 
cellars  and  basements  for  workshops.  Of  these  twelve  are 
Republican  and  three  are  Democratic  States. 

Fire-escapes:  It  is  needless  to  comment  upon  the  neces- 
sity of  having  fire-escapes  on  factories  as  a  protection  to 
emplo3^ees.  Forty  States  have  enacted  laws  requiring  fire- 
escapes  on  factories  and  other  places  where  persons  are  em- 
ployed. Of  these  twenty-four  are  Republican  and  sixteen 
are  Democratic  States. 

Hours  of  Labor 

For  many  years  the  labor  organizations  have  been  striving 
for  an  eight-hour  day  in  all  industries,  and  with  this  end  in 
view  have  been  endeavoring  to  secure  legislation  prohibiting 
labor  on  Government  works  and  on  public  contracts  for  more 
than  eight  hours  per  day,  and  placing  similar  limitations  upon 
the  hours  of  labor  in  certain  occupations  where  long  continu- 
ous work  is  injurious  to  health.  Forty  States  have  enacted 
laws  providing  for  an  eight-hour  day  in  certain  occupations, 
of  which  twenty-five  are  Republican  and  fifteen  are  Demo- 
cratic. Twenty-six  States  have  laws  limiting  the  hours  of 
labor  on  public  works,  usually  to  eight  per  day.  Of  these 
States  sixteen  are  Republican  and  ten  are  Democratic. 
Ten  States  have  enacted  laws  limiting  the  hours  of  labor  on 
street  railways,  of  which  States  seven  are  Republican  and 
three  are  Democratic.  Eleven  States  have  laws  requiring 
employers  to  allow  their  employees  time  for  meals.  Of  these 
eight  are  Republican  and  three  are  Democratic  States. 

Protection  of  Members  of  Labor  Organizations 

Eighteen  States  have  enacted  laws,  that  are  now  in  force, 
which  prohibit  employers  from  discharging  persons  on  ac- 
count of  membership  in  labor  organizations  or  from  com- 
pelling persons  to  agree  not  to  become  members  of  labor 
organizations  as  a  condition  of  securing  employment  or 
continuing  in  their  employ.  Of  these  States  eleven  are  Re- 
publican and  seven  are  Democratic,  the  latter  including  one 
State   now   Republican. 

Nine  States  have  laws  making  it  a  misdemeanor  to  counter- 
feit, forge  or  alter  cards  of  membership  in  labor  organ- 
izations with  the  intent  to  defraud.  Of  these  six  are 
Republican  and  three  are  Democratic  States. 

Occupational  Diseases 

In  recent  years  much  attention  has  been  given  to  the 
subject  of  occupational  diseases,  that  is,  diseases  due  di- 
rectly to  the  handling  of  poisons  such  as  lead,  phosphorus, 
arsenic,  mercury  and  other  chemicals,  or  to  working  in  the 
presence  of  poisonous  fumes,  dust,  etc.  During  the  year  191 1 
eight  States  enacted  laws  dealing  with  this  subject,  in  some 
cases  requiring  physicians  to  report  all  such  diseases,  in  some 
requiring  periodical  examinations  of  persons  employed  in 
such  industries,  and  in  some  cases  prescribing  preventative 
measures.     Of  these  States  all  are  Republican. 

Wage  Payments 

In  order  to  insure  the  prompt  payment  of  workingmen's 
wages  in  cash  when  due,  thirty-two  States  have  enacted  laws 
requiring  employers  to  pay  wages  at  stated  intervals,  that  is, 
weekly  or  fortnightly,  and  in   some  instances  prohibiting  a 


260        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

longer  period  than  one  month  between  pay  days.     Of  these 
twenty  are  Republican  and  twelve  are  Democratic  States. 

Safety  of  Employees 

Thousands  of  people  are  maimed  or  killed  each  year  in 
factories,  workshops  and  on  buildings  because  employers 
do  not  take  the  precaution  of  placing  guards  on  danger- 
ous machinery  or  adequate  scaffolding  on  buildings  under 
construction.  Twenty-six  States  have  enacted  laws  requiring 
employers  to  reduce  the  liability  to  injury  by  having  proper 
guards  placed  on  all  dangerous  machinery.  Of  these  States 
eighteen  are  Republican  and  eight  are  Democratic. 

Nineteen  States  have  laws  requiring  adequate  protection 
on  the  scaffolding  and  staging,  wherever  buildings  are  con- 
structed, repaired  or  painted,  so  as  to  prevent  employees, 
as  far  as  possible,  from  falling.  Of  these  eleven  are  Re- 
publican and  eight  Democratic  States. 


Woman  Labor 

The  protection  of  women  who  are  compelled  to  earn  their 
living  by  working  in  factories,  shops  and  stores  is  regarded 
in  every  .civilized  country  as  one  of  the  most  important  ob- 
jects of  labor,  legislation. 

Barrooms:  Twelve  States  prohibit  the  employment  of 
women  in  barrooms.  Eight  of  these  are  Republican  and  four 
are  Democratic  States. 

Hours  of  Labor:  Twenty-eight  States  have  placed  a  limit 
upon  the  number  of  hours  per  day  or  per  w^eek  that  women 
may  be  employed.  Twenty  of  these  are  Republican  and  eight 
are  Democratic  States. 

Night  Work:  Ten  States  have  laws  prohibiting  women 
from  working  at  night.  Seven  of  these  are  Republican  and 
three  Democratic  States. 

Seats  for  Females:  One  of  the  greatest  hardships  for 
women  who  are  employed  is  for  them  to  be  compelled  to 
stand  all  day  while  at  work.  Forty  States  have  enacted  laws 
requiring  employers  of  labor  in  shops  or  stores  to  provide 
seats  for  female  employees.  Of  these  twenty-eight  are  Re- 
publican and  twelve  are  Democratic  States. 

Railway  Labor  Wages 

A  careful  study  of  the  wages  of  railway  employees  in  the 
United  States  and  the  principal  foreign  countries  based  en- 
tirely upon  official  statistics,  published  by  the  respective 
governments,  was  recently  made  by  the  Bureau  of  Railway 
Economics.  While  this  Bureau  is  not  a  governmental  or 
official  organization,  its  figures  and  statements  are  largely 
based  upon  official  reports  and  publications,  and  the  accuracy 
of  statement  or  fairness  of  conclusion  has  never,  so  far  as  is 
known,  been  called  in  question.  The  study  throws  some 
important  light  upon  the  difference  between  the  treatment 
accorded  railway  workers  in  our  country  and  in  the  foreign 
countries  where  the  railways  are  either  owned  by  the  gov- 
ernments, or  are  perhaps  controlled  in  a  larger  measure 
than  they  are  in  the  United  States.  This  study  is  particularly 
important  when  we  consider  that  the  railways  in  this  country 
employ  over  one  and  one-half  million  persons,  and  if  we  count 
their  families  and  dependents  at,  say,  three  for  each  em- 
ployee, we  may  assume  that  at  least  six  millions  of  our 
people  are  dependent  upon  railway  wages.  Furthermore,  as 
all  the  governments  mentioned  officially  collect  the  wage 
statistics  of  their  railways,  the  wage  data  are  perhaps  more 
complete  and  reliable  than  those  of  any  other  industry. 


i 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         261 

Railway  Wages  in  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain 
Compared 

Going  into  detail  we  find  from  this  report  that  the  wages 
of  the  principal  railway  occupations  which  were  comparable 
in  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  were  as  follows  in 
the  latest  year  for  which  the  statistical  data  were  available: 

The  returns  in  each  case  are  given  as  actual  earnings,  ex- 
cept that  uniform,  housing  and  minor  allowances,  which 
averaged  about  ten  cents  per  man  per  week  in  the  United 
Kingdom,  are  not  included.  The  British  returns  have  been 
reduced  to  a  per  diem  basis  by  dividing  the  weekly  earnings 
by   six: 

Average  Daily  Earnings 

United  United 
States.         Kingdom. 

All    occupations    (except    officers    and    clerks) $2.19  $1,048 

Station    men    other    than    agents 1.82  0.90 

Enginemen 4.45  1.86 

Firemen     2.64  i.i  i 

Conductors      3.81  1.23 

Other     trainmen     2.60  1.25 

Machinists      2.95  1.285 

Carpenters    2.40  1.285 

Other     shopmen     2.12  0.88 

Trackmen     (other    than    section     foremen) 1.45  0.89 

Switch    tenders,    crossing    tenders    and    watchmen..  1.78  1.07 

"All    other    employes    and    laborers" i.97  0.99 

The  average  daily  earnings  of  railway  employees  amounted 
to  $2.19  in  the  United  States  and  $1,048  in  the  United  King- 
dom, the  earnings  for  the  United  States  being  109  per  cent 
greater  than  for  the  United  Kingdom.  If  the  value  of  all 
extra  allowances  for  uniform,  housing,  etc.,  be  added  to  the 
English  earnings,  the  American  compensation  is  still  the 
greater  by  about  100  per  cent.  Roughly  the  American  rail- 
way employee  was  paid  twice  as  much  per  day  as  the  English 
railway    employee. 

For  the  separate  occupation  classes,  the  pay  received  in 
the  United  States  is  higher  than  the  pay  of  the  correspond- 
ing classes  in  the  United  Kingdom  by  the  following  per- 
centages: 

Per  Cent. 

Conductors      209.8 

Enginemen      ^ i39-2 

Firemen      137-8 

Machinists      1 29.6 

"Other     trainmen"      108.0 

"Other    station    men" 102.2 

"All     other     employes" 90-o 

Switch    tenders,    crossing    tenders    and    watchmen 66.4 

Trackmen    (other    than    section    foremen) 62.9 

Wages  and  Cost  of  Living  in  United  States  and  United 
Kingdom 

In  the  most  recent  comparative  study  of  the  wages  and  cost 
of  living  in  the  United  Kingdom  and  the  United  States 
made  by  the  British  Board  of  Trade  and  published  as  an 
official  document  a  comparison  is  made  between  the  wages 
paid  in  the  United  States  and  in  the  United  Kingdom  in  the 
building,  engineering  and'  printing  trades,  and  the  light 
which  that  report  throws  on  the.  relative  positions  of  the 
American  and  the  British  v/orkmen  in  these  industries  is 
significant. 

In  making  the  comparison  the  British  Government  selected 
these  occupations  because  "it  was  necessary  to  choose  occupa- 
tions that  were  followed  most  universally"  and  because  they 
"represent  in  both  countries  those  which  rank  among  the 
more  highly  organized  and  the  more  highly  skilled."  The 
following  table  is  reproduced  from  the  British  Report,  the 
only  changes  made  being  the  conversion  from  British  to 
United  States  money: 


262 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


Predominant  Weekly  Wages  of  Adult  Males  in  Certain  Oc- 
cupations in  England  and  Wales  and  in  the  United  States 

[The  money  values  have  been  converted  from  shillings  and  pence  to 
dollars ;  otherwise  the  taljle  is  reproduced  as  in  the  original  British 
publication.] 


Predominating  range  of  weekly 
wages. 

Ratio  of  mean  pre- 
dominant  wage 
in    the    United 

Occupation. 

England  and 
Wales. 

United  States. 

States  to  mean 
predomi  nant 
wage  in  England 
a  nd   Wales, 
taken  as  100. 

Building  trades:  a 

$9.12-  $9.85 
9.04-     9.57 

1     8.80-     9.57 

8.88-  10.14 
8.60-     9.67 
7.66-     9.12 

5.92-     6  57 

j     7.79-     8.76 

7.79-     8.76 
8.27-     9.25 
4.38-     5.35 

6.81-     8.03 

$26.77-$30  42 
23.42-   26.77 

16.73-  21.90 

24.33-  29  00 
21.29-  27.37 
15.82-  20.68 

12.17-  16.73 

15.41-  18.13 

16.47-  20.76 
18.13-  22.30 
9.12-  10.65 

16.73-  19.77 

301 
270 



Stone  masons 

1      285 
)  210 

Joiners 

/  210 

280 

266 

217 

Hodcarrier.s  and  Brick- 
layers' laborers 

Engineering  trades: 

Fitters 

231 

Turners 

203 

Smiths 

225 

Patternmakers 

231 
203 

Printing  trades: 

Hand  compositors  (job 
work) 

246 

Arithmetic  means:  b 

The  building  trades. .  . 

243 

The  engineering  trades 

213 

All  above  occupations. 



232 

a  The  wages  stated  for  the  building  trades  are  for  a  full  week  in 
summer   in    both   countries. 

b  In  arriving  at  the  trade  and  general  index  numbers,  bricklayers  and 
stonemasons  have  been  regarded  as  one  occupation  and  carpeiiters  and 
joiners  and  fitters  and  turners  as  two,    respectively. 

In  commenting  on  this  table  the  British  Report  says: 

It  will  be  seen  that  in  the  building  trades  the  mean  of  the  pre- 
dominant range  in  the  United  -States  is  in  no  case  less  than  double  that 
of  the  corresponding  English  grade  of  wage-earner.  For  the  whole  group 
the  rate  is  243  :  100.  In  the  engineering  trades  the  index  numbers  are 
in  no  case  less  than  double  the  Eng  ish  figure,  and  the  combined  ratio 
is  213  :  100.  For  the  compositors  the  ratio  is  246  :  100,  as  compared 
with  2-1,2  :  100  for  all  occupations  included  in  the  table.  It  will  be  re- 
membered that  each  of  these  ratios  is  subject  to  slight  modification  in 
view  of  the   different  dates  to  which  the  returns  relate.' 


The  report  of  this  British  investigation  shows  that  in  the 
three  trades  indicated  the  average  wages  of  the  American 
wageworker  were  higher  than  those  of  the  English  wage- 
worker  by  130  per  cent,  and  that  his  hours  of  work  per  week 
were  fewer  by  4  per  cent.  It  is  also  shown  that  while  the 
American  wageworker  with  his  higher  wages  pays  more  for 
rent,  food  and  some  other  commodities  than  the  British 
worker,  the  difference  is  not  nearly  as  great  as  that  between 
their  wages,  and  the  American,  while  being  better  housed, 
better  clothed  and  better  fed,  still  has  a  much  greater  mai'gin 
of  increase  over  his  expenditures  than  his  British  neighbor. 
This  margin,  says  the  report  of  the  British  Board  of  Trade, 
"makes  possible  a  command  of  the  necessaries  and  con- 
veniences of  life  in  the  United  States  that  is  both  nominally 
and  really  greater  than  that  enjoyed  by  the  corresponding 
class  in  this  country  (England)." 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK--1916         262 

Summarized  Statement  by  the  London  Times  of  British  Board 
of  Trade  Report  on  Comparative  Wage  and  Living  Con- 
ditions in  United  Kingdom  and  United  States: 

There  has  recently  been  issued  by  the  board  of  trade  an 
exhaustive  report  upon  an  inquiry  made  regarding  rents  and 
the  prices  of  the  necessaries  of  life  and  the  rates  of  wages 
prevailing  in  the  principal  industrial  towns  of  the  United 
States.  The  report  itself  is  prefaced  by  a  summary  by 
Mr.  G.  R.  Askwith,  in  which  it  is  pointed  out  that  in  the 
towns  investigated  the  rent  levels  vary  greatly,  but  the  New 
York  level  on  the  whole  exceeds  that  of  the  other  towns  to 
a  far  less  extent  than  the  London  level  exceeds  that  of  the 
English  provincial  towns.  It  appears  that  the  ratio  of  weekly 
wages  for  certain  occupations  in  the  United  States  and  Eng- 
land and  Wales,  respectively,  is  243  to  100  in  the  building 
trades,  213  to  100  in  the  engineering  trades,  246  to  100  in  the 
printing  trades,  and  232  to  100  in  all  the  trades  together. 
Allowing  for  a  slight  advance  in  wages  in  England  between 
October,  1905,  when  the  English  figures  were  taken,  and 
February,  1909,  when  the  American  figures  were  taken,  the 
ratio  is  reduced  to  230  to  100. 

The  weekly  hours  of  labor  were  found  to  be  11  per  cent 
shorter  in  the  building  trades  in  the  United  States  than  in 
England  and  Wales,  and  7  per  cent  shorter  in  the  printing 
trades,  but  6  per  cent  longer  in  the  engineering  trades,  the 
ratio  in  all  occupations  being  96  to  100. 

As  regards  rents,  the  American  workman  pays  on  the  whole 
a  little  more  than  twice  as  much  as  the  English  workman  for 
the  same  amount  of  house  accommodation,  the  actual  ratio 
being  207  to  100,  the  minimum  of  the  predominant  range  of 
rents  for  the  United  States  towns  as  a  whole  exceeding  by 
from  50  to  77  per  cent  the  maximum  of  the  range  for  towns 
in  England  and  Wales  for  dwellings  containing  the  same 
number    of    rooms. 

Extracts  from  Letters  of  Samuel  Gompers,  President  of  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor,  Referring  to  Housing 
Conditions  Abroad: 
The  housing  of  the  wageworkers  of  the  various  European 
countries  as  compared  with  that  of  the  same  class  in  Amer- 
ica would,  in  order  to  bring  out  the  full  truth,  require  a  long 
and  faithful  study.  When  the  facts  were  ascertained  the  real 
point  remaining  would  be  how  to  present  them  in  order  to 
create  an  exact  impression  of  the  truth.  Besides,  in  making 
comparisons,  a  difficulty  would  be  in  fixing  an  American  stan- 
dard. Conditions  exist  in  a  few  American  cities,  such  as 
New  York  and  Pittsburgh,  representing  neither  European 
nor  American  standards,  but  what  are  created  through  the 
transition  of  the  most  helpless  of  our  newly  arrived  immi- 
grants from  a  state,  perhaps,  more  miserable  than  that  in 
which  they  lived  in  their  native  countries  to  a  level  equal  to 
the  financially  lowest  that  is  permanent  among  the  Amer- 
ican-born citizens.  Looking  at  the  housing  problem  wisely, 
the  greatest  fact  in  favor  of  America  is  space.  The  working- 
man  in  the  country  towns  and  in  the  cities  smaller  than  those 
in  which  the  foreign  population  is  congested  can  rent  or  per- 
haps buy  a  separate  home.  In  general,  Europe  does  not  give 
this  opportunity.  For  example,  Bremen  is  the  only  consider- 
able city  in  Germany  which  has  small  single-family  houses 
adapted  to  the  needs  of  working  people.  Only  the  big  tene- 
ment house,  except  in  rare  cases,  is  to  be  found  in  other 
cities.  The  wage  earner  in  them  is  regarded  as  permanently 
a  rent  payer,  an  animal  in  a  stall  in  a  five,  six,  or  seven-story 
stable.  No;  not  one  animal  in  one  stall — not  so  good  as  that — 
whole  families  or  a  herd  of  lodgers  live  in  one  of  the  stalls. 

In  no  city  in  Europe  did  I  find  rents  any  cheaper,  wages 


264         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

considered,  than  they  run  in  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  Louis- 
ville, or  in  the  New  England  towns  not  having  a  boom,  or 
even  in  many  cities  of  the  Mississippi  Basin.  What  strikes 
the  American  is  how  little  the  European  renting  wageworker 
gets  for  his  money.  Very  seldom  indeed  has  he  a  bit  of 
garden;  he  takes  a  poor  water  service  for  granted;  his  rooms 
are  fewer  and  smaller  than  is  ordinarily  the  case  of  an  Amer- 
ican house.  The  rent  payer  is  usually  a  rent  payer  for  life. 
No  institution  of  the  proportion  of  the  American  building 
and  loan  association  exists  in  any  European  country.  The 
movement  of  large  masses  from  the  position  of  rent  payers 
to  that  of  householders  has  been  characteristic  of  America. 
European  philanthropists,  statesmen,  and  cooperators  are 
at  the  present  time  endeavoring  to  establish  the  necessary 
methods  to  bring  about  the  same  results. 


The  European  working  classes,  however,  neither  hire  ser- 
vants nor  buy  articles  of  luxury  except  in  rare  cases.  The 
struggle  for  a  barely  decent  living  is  ever  before  them.  Their 
necessary  annual  family  "budget"  comprises  plain  and  cheap 
food,  which,  on  the  average,  takes  40  to  65  per  cent  of  the 
entire  outlay,  quarters  in  either  an  "industrial"  or  "slum"  dis- 
trict requiring  20  to  35  per  cent,  and  clothing  10  per  cent  or 
more.  These  percentages  must  be  indefinite,  depending  as 
they  do  upon  the  size  of  the  family,  on  earnings,  and  on  cli- 
mate, and  even  the  government.  Mentally  contemplating 
the  many  cities  I  visited  and,  having  in  mind  the  conversa- 
tions I  had  with  workingmen  who  had  lived  both  in  Europe 
and  America,  I  believe  I  may  assert  that  whether  the  cost 
of  living  in  Europe  or  America  is  greater  to  the  workingman 
depends  entirely  on  the  standard  of  living  he  adopts  while  in 
America.  If  he  voluntarily  lives  the  life  of  self-denial  in  this 
country  that  he  compulsorily  lived  in  his  native  land,  his  out- 
lay of  money  will  remain  about  the  same.  Even  then  he 
will  hardly  be  able  to  escape  gaining  something  from  the 
superior  supply  of  the  good  things  in  life  in  America. 

If  I  am  called  on  to  name  one  of  the  good  things  which 
is  conspicuous,  I  reply:  "Our  common  schools  for  the  work- 
ers' children,"  and  as  I  write  the  words  I  hear  again  the  en- 
thusiastic sentiments  on  this  point  uttered  in  my  presence  by 
Italians,  Bohemians,  Austrians,  and  Irishmen.  "To  think," 
they  say,  "your  country  gives  even  the  schoolbooks  free." 

Living  is  cheap  to  the  wageworker  in  Europe  only  because 
he  does  without  what  in  America  soon  becomes  a  necessity 
to  him — food  in  good  quantity  and  quality,  presentable  clothes 
among  his  aspiring  fellow  workmen  and  their  families,  and 
a  comfortably  furnished  home  in  quarters  responding  to  his 
awakened  desires  for  equality  with  his  American  neighbors, 
and  in  general  a  larger  and  freer  life. 

A  statement  showing  the  condition  of  wages  paid  labor 
on  railroads  in  this  country  and  in  Europe  illustrates  the 
condition  of  our  standard  of  pay  and  theirs.  The  wages 
paid  in  1913,  the  last  year  for  which  statistics  are  available 
to  laborers  on  railroads  in  this  country  averaged  $14.56  per 
week.  In  Canada,  just  across  the  border,  railroad  employees 
received  $12.46  per  week.  In  the  United  Kingdom  they  re- 
ceived $5.36  per  week.  In  Germany  they  received  %7.77  per 
week,  and  in  France  an  average  of  $4.05  per  week  to  all  the 
employees  on  all  the  railroads  in  France. 

Germany  has  Government-owned  railroads.  Ninety-five 
per  cent  of  her  roads  are  Government-owned,  and  it  costs 
more  money  to  build  her  roads  under  Government  control 
than  it  costs  to  build  and  equip  the  finest  equipped  railroads 
in  the  world — the  railroads  in  the  United  States. 

And  yet  our  railroads  carried  a  ton  of  freight  a  mile  for 
seventy-two  one-hundredths  of  a  cent,  while  in  Germany  the 
charge  is  1.42  cents  per  ton  per  mile. 


The  Dominant  South 

The  large  Democratic  majority  of  the  Sixty-third  Congress 
was  controlled  by  the  Southern  members.  Representative 
Rogers  of  Massachusetts  gave  at  its  close^  the^  following  ex- 
position of  the  sectionalism  shown  in  legislation: 

The  Tariff 

Can  it  be  said  that  the  schedules  of  the  recent  tariff  act 
in  all  respects  reflect  that  sense  of  fairness,  that  moderation 
toward  all  sections  of  the  country  which  we  of  New  England 
have  a  right  to  expect  and  demand  in  our  legislation?  I 
prefer  not  to  answer  this  question  directly,  but  to  put  before 
you  a  few  specific  instances  out  of  many  which  might  be  cited 
which  seem  to  me  to  have  a  bearing  upon  this  problem.  The 
numbers  following  the  commodities  mentioned  refer  to  the 
paragraphs  of  the  tariff  act. 

Wheat  and  wheat  flour  (644),  corn  or  maize  (465),  corn 
meal  (466),  all  flour  except  rice  (435,  589,  590  and  644),  and 
fish  (483),  are  articles  of  food  in  general  use,  are  all_  raised 
primarily  in  the  North,  and  all  come  in  duty  free.  Rice  and 
rice  flour  (193);  lemons,  limes,  oranges  and  grapefruit  (220); 
peanuts  (225);  and  pineapples  (222),  are  also  articles  of  food 
in  general  use,  are  all  raised  primarily  in  the  South,  but  are 
all  protected. 

Wool  of  the  sheep  (650),  raised  mainly  in  the  North,  comes 
in  free  of  duty;  hair  of  the  Angora  goat  (305),  raised  almost 
wholly  in  Texas,  is  protected. 

Rags  or  sacks  of  jute  (281),  used  mainly  in  the  North,  are, 
on  the  other  hand,  subject  to  a  duty,  while  bagging  for  cotton 
(408),  used  almost  altogether  in  the  South,  is  free. 

Band  iron  for  cotton  ties,  used  in  the  South  for  baling  cot- 
ton (509),  comes  in  duty  free.  All  other  hoop,  band,  or  scroll 
iron,  and  barrel  hoops  of  iron  or  steel  (107),  used  in  the 
manufactures  of  the  North,  are  subject  to  a  duty. 

Smooth  wire  (114)  and  wire  rods  (113),  the  raw  material 
manufactured  in  the  factories  of  the  North,  are  dutiable, 
v/hile,  curiously  enough,  the  finished  product,  such  as  wire 
nails  (554),  barbed  wire,  galvanized  wire  fencing,  and  baling 
wire  (645),  used  largely  in  the  South,  come  in  free.  A  mem- 
ber of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  discussing  these  very 
paragraphs,  said  in  the  course  of  the  debate  on  the  bill: 

Perhaps  the  most  peculiar  of  the  political  classifications  is  that  which 
puts  smooth  wire  on  the  dutiable  list,  but  when  it  is  further  developed 
by  being  twisted  and  barbed  to  make  barb  wire  it  is  made  free,  as  another 
bid  for  the  farmer's  vote.  Is  it  any  wonder  that  a  bill  containing  such 
provisions  is  framed  in  secret  caucus  and  behind  closed  doors? 

The  instances  above  cited  are  by  no  means  exhaustive. 
There  are  similar  ones  to  be  found  in  the  cotton  schedule 
and  in  almost  every  other  schedule  of  the  bill.  Is  it  not  an 
almost  hopeless  strain  upon  our  credulity  to  assume  that  all 
these  inequalities,  are  merely  coincidences  rather  than  the 
result  of  careful  calculation  and  design? 

River  and  Harbor  Appropriations 

Under  this  heading  I  desire  to  make  a  rough  tabulation  of 
the  amount  which  Massachusetts  will  contribute  to  the  re- 
sources of  our  National  Treasury,  as  compared  with  the  share 
borne  by  the  States  of  Florida  and  Texas.  I  do  not  take 
these  two  States  because  they  are,  to  my  knowledge,  at  least, 
exceptional,  but  because  I  think  they  are  fairly  representative 
of  great  States  to  which  liberal  appropriations  for  rivers  and 
harbors  have  in  recent  years  been  made. 

The  income  of  the  United  States  Government  will  be  de- 

265 


266         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

rived,  when  the  income  tax  is  fully  in  operation,  from  three 
great  sources:  Customs  duties,  internal  revenue,  and  the  in- 
come tax.  Florida  will  probably  pay  about  one-eleventh  of 
the  amount  paid  by  Massachusetts  to  the  income  tax,  or  about 
$550,000.  For  the  vear  ending  June  30,  last,  its  customs  re- 
ceipts amounted  to  about  two  and  one-half  million  dollars  and 
its  internal  revenue  receipts  to  about  one  and  one-half  mil- 
lion dollars.  Thus,  its  total  contribution,  assuming  the  same 
general  customs  and  internal-revenue  returns  in  the  future  as 
in  the  past,*  will  be  about  four  and  one-half  million  dollars. 

The  contribution  of  Texas  to  the  income  tax  will  be  about 
one-half  that  of  Massachusetts,  or  $3,000,000;  its  customs  re- 
ceipts, about  $4,000,000;  and  its  internal  revenue  receipts, 
about  $75,000;  a  total  of  a  little  over  $7,000,000. 

Massachusetts'  share  of  the  income  tax  will  be,  as  we  have 
seen,  about  ?6,oco,ooo;  its  customs  receipts,  $25,000,000;  and 
its  internal  revenue  receipts,  $7,000,000;  a  total  of  $38,000,000. 
Of  course,  it  may  be  argued  that  the  customs  receipts  col- 
lected at  Massachusetts  ports  are  not  wholly  attributable  to 
State  consumption,  and  that  is  true;  but  doubtless  the  same 
condition  prevails  with  regard  to  the  two  Southern  States 
cited — to  a  considerable  extent  at  least — and  it  is  not  prob- 
able that  the  disparity  is  of  sufficient  consequence  materially 
to  affect  the  comparison. 

How  did  these  three  States  fare  in  river  and  harbor  appro- 
priations during  the  Sixty-second  Congress,  which  was  under 
Democratic  control?  Massachusetts'  rivers  and  harbors  re- 
ceived $884,442;  Florida's  rivers  and  harbors  received  $2,550,- 
000;  and  Texas'  rivers  and  harbors  received  $5,198,000;  and 
this  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  Massachusetts  will  contribute  to 
the  Treasury  of  the  Nation  about  eight  and  one-half  times  as 
much  as  Florida  and  about  five  and  one-half  times  as  much 
as  Texas.  Stated  in  another  way,  Massachusetts  received  26 
cents  per  capita;  Texas,  $1.33  per  capita;  and  Florida,  $3.38 
per  capita.  Still  again,  Massachusetts  received  one-fifth  of  a 
mill  per  dollar  of  developed  resources;  Texas,  2  mills  per 
dollar  of  developed  resources;  and  Florida,  7  miles  per  dollar 
of  developed  resources. 

Perhaps  it  will  be  argued  by  some  uninformed  person  that 
this  disparity  is  due  to  the  fact  that  Texas,  for  example,  has 
great  rivers  of  deep  potential  draft  which  are  crying  aloud 
for  development,  while  Massachusetts,  an  older  State,  has 
received  her  millions  in  the  past,  so  that  all  her  rivers  are 
now  developed.  I  am  informed  by  an  expert  on  this  subject 
that  the  fact  is  that  in  the  history  of  the  nation  Massachu- 
setts has  received  for  her  rivers  and  harbors  $19,000,000,  while 
Texas  has  already  received  $37,000,000. 

We  who  live  on  the  banks  of  the  Merrimac  River  and  who 
hope  to  see  the  wonderful  possibilities  of  that  stream  devel- 
oped, so  that  the  readily  obtained  18-foot  channel  may  bring 
our  coal,  lumber  and  foodstuffs  to  our  doors  were  obliged 
to  content  ourselves  in  the  Sixty-second  Congress  with  an 
appropriation  for  the  whole  course  of  the  river  of  $10,000. 
The  treatment  of  the  Connecticut  River  has  also  been  wholly 
inadequate. 

Let  us  turn  to  two  rivers  in  the  State  of  Texas — the  Trin- 
ity and  the  Brazos — to  see  what  treatment  was  accorded 
them. 

I  quote  from  the  report  of  the  Chief  of  Engineers  of  the 
United  States  Army  for  1913,  pages  824-830,  passim: 

Boats  drawing  6  fret  of  water  can  be  brought  from  the  ocean  to  the 
mouth  of  this  (the  Trinity)  river.  The  river  above  tidal  action  is  a 
narrow  stream  with  a  low  water  depth  insufficient  for  even  light  draught 
navigation.  Snagging  operations  were  carried  on  by  means  of  one  snag 
boat  and  tv  0  quarter  boars.  The  expenditures  made  in  cleaning  the  river 
have  resulted  in  no  increased  depth,  but  the  removal  of  snags  and  drifts 
nas   improved    the   drainage  condition.     Owirg   to   the   fact   that   the  river 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         267 

is  not  yet  navigable  to  Dallas  (a  city  of  92,000  people,  511  miles  from  the 
sea),  the  on  y  place  at  which  it  can  come  into  active  competition  with 
the  railroads,  no  effect  on  freight  rates  has  been  produced. 

If  this  language  did  not  occur  in  a  serious  Government  re- 
port one  might  be  excused  for  thinking  the  description  a 
bit  of  sarcasm.  Yet  the  same  report  tells  us  that  the  amount 
expended  to  last  June  already  exceeded  one  and  one-half  rnil- 
lion  dollars.  Nearly  $400,000  was  spent  on  the  river  during 
the  year  ending  June  30  last,  and  $710,000  was  appropriated 
for  the  work  by  the  Sixty-second  Cbngress. 

Let  us  turn  to  the  Brazos  River  (see  pp.  792-798,  passim, 
of  the  same  report).    The  report  says: 

A  navigable  channel  of  4  feet  exists  only  when  the  river  is  at  a  stage 
of  about  four  feet,  or  possibly  four  mouths  per  year  in  intermittent  periods. 
No  advantage  has  heen  taken  of  the  improvement  above  Columbia,  35 
miles  above  the  sea.  The  operations  during  the  year  consisted  in  the  re- 
moving of  obstructions  by  snagging  and  the  cutting  of  trees  on  banks 
between  mile  103  and  mile  154.  No  work  was  done  in  the  nature  of  jetty 
construction  or  repairs,  and  the  work  of  that  nature  that  has  been  done 
has  either  been  obliterated  or  is  of  no  further  use.  No  commerce  of  any 
note  has  been  developed,  nor  can  any  be  expected  until  the  Brazos  River 
is  improved  from  its  mouth  up  to  Waco,  a  city  of  26,000  people  424 
miles  from  the  sea,  or  until  the  territory  about  the  lower  portion  is  given 
over  more  to  agriculture  than  it  is  now.  The  improvement  has  so  far 
caused  no  effect  on  freight  rates  and  no  effect  is  looked  for  until  the  river 
is  improved  throughout.  Amount  required  to  be  appropriated  for  comple- 
tion of  existing  project,  indefinite. 

Over  a  million  and  a  half  dollars  has  already  been  expended 
on  this  so-called  river;  $730,000  was  appropriated  for  it  by  the 
Sixty-second  Congress,  and  $275,000  was  expended  during 
the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30  last. 

Instead  of  a  teeming  population  of  several  hundred  thou- 
sand which  lines  the  banks  of  the  Merrimac  River  from  its 
mouth  to  Lowell,  some  twenty-five  or  thirty  miles  above,  we 
find  as  the  principal  characteristics  of  these  creeks  of  Texas 
snags,  stumps,  and  overhanging  trees.  No  industries  are 
reflected  in  their  waters,  no  commerce  awaits  the  opening  up 
of  the  4-foot  or  6-foot  channel.  If  it  were  not  for  the  gen- 
erosity of  a  complacent  Congress,  these  rivers  would  go  on 
in  their  primeval  obscurity  to  the  end  of  time;  but  the  fer- 
tile brain  of  the  able  Texas  delegation  in  Congress  has  dis- 
covered here  an  opportunity  for  the  expenditure  of  public 
money,  and  we  in  Massachusetts  must  pay  the  piper. 

Public  Buildings 

In  two  public  buildings  appropriation  bills  passed  by  the 
Democratic  Sixty-second  Congress  ten  Massachusetts  proj- 
ects carried  a  total  appropriation  of  about  $1,000,000. 

Oklahoma,  less  than  half  as  large  in  population  and  but 
one-eighth  the  size  in  developed  resources,  also  had  ten  proj- 
ects carrying  about  an  equal  amount.  Alabama,  with  but 
two-thirds  the  population  of  Massachusetts  and  with  about 
one-fifth  of  its  developed  resources,  received  almost  half 
again  as  much.  Tennessee,  with  about  two-thirds  of  the  pop- 
ulation and  one-fifth  of  the  developed  resources,  also  received 
a  considerably  larger  appropriation.  The  South  as  a  whole 
was  given  money  for  224  projects,  carrying  appropriations  of 
eleven  and  one-quarter  millions  of  dollars.  New  England  as 
a  whole  was  given  monej'-  for  thirty-three  projects,  carrying 
appropriations  of  about  $3,000,000.  It  is,  perhaps,  not  neces- 
sary to  pursue  this  illustration  further;  and  it  is  difficult  to 
account  for  the  result  except  in  one  way.  It  certainly  can 
not  be  said  that  the  States  of  the  South  are  growing  so 
much  faster  that  they  need  additional  help  either  for  their 
rivers  and  harbors  or  for  public  buildings  out  of  all  propor- 
tion to  their  actual  size.  The  1910  census  discloses  that  Mas- 
sachusetts increased  20  per  cent  in  population  during  the  ten 
years  preceding;  Rhode   Island,  26.6;  and   Connecticut,  22.7. 


268         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Only  four  of  the  fifteen  Southern  States  increased  more  than 
Massachusetts,  and  most  of  them  much  less,  during  the  same 
period.  Nor  can  it  be  said  that  the  people  of  the  South  are 
so  much  thriftier  than  Massachusetts.  Massachusetts'  sav- 
ings deposits  average  $246  per  capita,  and  New  England's 
%2^y.    The  Southern  States  average  $9.89  per  capita. 

Agricultural  Extensions 

On  the  nineteenth  of  January  of  1914  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives passed  the  Lever  agricultural  extension  bill. 
When  this  bill  becomes  fully  operative  each  State  will  re- 
ceive $10,000  a  year  from  the  Nation,  and  in  addition  the 
sum  of  $3,000,000  yearly  will  be  allotted  among  the  several 
States  in  the  proportion  which  their  rural  population  bears 
to  the  total  rural  population  of  the  United  States  as  deter- 
mined by  the  next  preceding  Federal  census.  So  far  as  Mas- 
sachusetts is  concerned  there  is  a  "joker"  concealed  in  this 
language:  The  Census  Bureau  defines  as  "urban  population" 
that  which  resides  "in  cities  and  other  incorporated  places  of 
2,500  inhabitants  or  more,  including  the  New  England  towns 
of  that  population."  Only  the  portion  of  the  population 
which  is  not  "urban"  under  this  definition  is  to  be  treated  as 
"rural,"  and  hence  is  legally  permitted  to  receive  assistance 
under  this  bill.  We  all  know  that  in  New  England  there  are 
mapy  towns  of  which  the  population  is  almost  wholly  given 
over  to  agriculture  or  other  rural  pursuits,  and  yet  which 
have  a  population,  taking  the  town  as  a  unit,  of  well  over 
2,500  people.  Take  the  fifth  district  of  Massachusetts,  which 
I  represent.  The  following  towns — Andover,  Methuen, 
Ayer,  Billerica,  Chelmsford,  Concord,  Dracut,  Hudson,  May- 
nard,  Pepperell,  Reading,  Tewkesbury  and  Westford — as 
well  as  the  cities  of  Lowell  and  Woburn,  all  have  a  popula- 
tion of  more  than  2,500,  and  hence,  although  in  very  large 
measure  "rural"  in  any  true  sense  of  that  word,  are  abso- 
lutely excluded  in  the  computation  prescribed  by  the  bill. 
Indeed,  out  of  the  209,000  people  in  the  fifth  district,  189,000, 
or  over  90  per  c'ent,  are  so  excluded. 

The  table  prepared  by  the  authors  of  the  bill  shows  that 
of  the  $3,000,000  less  than  one-half  of  i  per  cent  or  $14,700, 
will  go  to  Massachusetts.  Yet  probably  Massachusetts  will 
contribute,  through  income  tax,  customs  and  internal  rev- 
enues, from  $150,000  to  $200,000  of  the  total  $3,000,000.  In 
other  words,  this  provision  of  the  bill  is  actually  costing 
Massachusetts  somewhere  between  $135,000  and  $185,000. 
We  like  to  be  philanthropic  and  charitable,  but  can  it  be 
expected  that  we  shall  be  especially  enthusiastic  over  such 
legislation  as  this? 

But  7  per  cent  of  the  total  population  of  Massachusetts  is 
"rural"  under  the  arbitrary  definition  adopted  by  the  census; 
but  3  per  cent  of  Rhode  Island  is  thus  "rural,"  and  but  10 
per  cent  of  Connecticut.  Yet  the  Southern  States  range  from 
70  to  88  per  cent  "rural,"  and  grow  fat  accordingly  under 
this  bill.  South  Carolina,  the  home  of  Mr.  Lever,  the  author 
of  the  bill,  for  example,  has  a  "rural"  population  of  85  per 
cent.  It  is  not  surprising  that  he  is  cordial  about  the  pro- 
posed plan. 

There  is  a  further  argument,  so  far  as  Massachusetts  and 
the  fifth  district  of  Massachusetts  are  concerned,  against  the 
Lever  bill.  Its  avowed  purpose  is  the  desirable  one  of  "dif- 
fusing among  the  people  of  the  United  States  useful  and  prac- 
tical information  on  subjects  relating  to  agriculture  and  home 
economics."  This  is,  of  course,  laudable;  but  there  are  also 
large  industrial  interests  in  Massachusetts  which  are  not  con- 
nected with  farms  but  yet  which  are  in  need  of  instruction  in 
domestic  economy.  Massachusetts  has  a  very  large  mill  pop- 
ulation, where  the  need  of  domestic  economy  in  managing  the 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         269 

home  is  acute.  Yet  there  is  absolutely  no  provision  for  these 
people  in  the  Lever  bill.  Why  should  it  not  be  so  applied 
as  to  do  justice  to  all  classes  in  the  community?  Even  the 
10  per  cent  of  the  fifth  district  people  who  live  in  towns 
within  the  purview  of  the  bill  may  largely,  as  individuals, 
find  themselves  outside  its  scope  because  not  engaged  in  the 
sort  of  occupation  which  entitles  them  to  apply;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  very  many  people  making  up  the  90  per  cent 
excluded  ought,  except  on  this  arbitrary  distinction,  to  be 
welcomed  and  aided  among  the  first. 

It  is  perhaps  to  be  expected  that  the  older,  more  densely 
populated  and  wealthier  States  should  contribute  to  the  Lever 
bill  more  than  they  receive;  but  it  does  seem  as  if  the  dis- 
crepancy in  this  particular  case  was  out  of  all  reason  and, 
being  in  the  first  place  founded  upon  an  absurd  premise, 
ought  not  to  be  tolerated. 

Rural  Post  Roads 

House  bill  11686,  which  passed  the  House  in  1914,  carries 
a  provision  for  the  expenditure  for  rural  post  roads  of  $25,- 
000,000  a  year.  One-half  of  this  amount  is  distributed  among 
the  several  States  in  the  proportion  which  the  total  number 
of  miles  of  rural  post  roads  in  use  in  each  State  bears  to 
the  total  number  in  all  the  States.  It  is  a  pork  barrel  meas- 
ure of  the  most  extreme  kind,  with  the  South  the  distributor 
and  consumer  of  the  pork. 

We  saw  that  in  the  case  of  the  agricultural  extension  bill. 
Massachusetts,  contributing  6  or  7  per  cent  of  the  revenues 
of  the  United  States,  is  to  receive  back  less  than  one-half  of 
I  per  cent.  Under  this  bill  it  will  receive  two-thirds  of  i  per 
cent,  or  $78,000,  out  of  the  twelve  and  one-half  million  dollars, 
but  will  turn  into  the  Treasury  nearly  a  million  dollars  for 
the  fund.  No  one  claims  that  Massachusetts  roads  are  what 
they  should  be,  but  everyone  knows  that  they  are  vastly 
better  than  in  most  parts  of  the  country.  Furthermore, 
while,  of  course,  road  improving  will  properly  be  one  of  our 
great  tasks  of  the  future,  yet  it  is  equally  true  that  the  road 
making  of  Massachusetts  is  largely  a  thin^  of  the  past,  while 
in  the  States  of  the  South  it  is  largely  a  thing  of  the  future. 
And  yet  Massachusetts  is  to  pay  its  own  way,  and  that  of 
some  of  the  other  States  as  well.  Massachusetts,  which  has 
tried  throughout  its  history  to  do  its  full  duty  in  connection 
with  roads,  is  for  its  pains  to  have  to  bear  a  huge  share  of 
the  burden  of  the  States  which  have  been  less  public  spirited 
in  this  respect.  Under  this  bill,  for  example,  out  of  the 
twelve  and  one-half  million  dollars  Alabama  gets  $286,000; 
Georgia,  $415,000;  Virginia,  $308,000;  Tennessee,  $407,000; 
South  Carolina,  $207,000;  Oklahoma,  $346,000;  North  Caro- 
lina, $358,000;  Missouri,  $568,000;  Mississippi,  $227,000;  Ken- 
tucky, $270,000;  Texas,  $593,000,  and  so  forth. 

The  Explanation 

The  question  has  occasionally  been  asked  me,  Why  does 
the  South  so  dominate  the  counsels  of  the  Democratic  Party 
in  Congress?  Is  it  not  a  fact  that  the  fifteen  Southern  States 
have  but  132  members  in  the  House  of  Representatives  as 
against  167  members  contributed  by  the  northern  and  west- 
ern Democracy? 

The  explanation  is  simple.  Long  service  in  the  House 
means  chairmanships,  and  chairmanships  mean  a  power  out 
of  all  proportion  to  the  numerical  strength  of  those  wielding 
it.  There  are  fifty-eight  committees  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives. Of  these  twentj^-six  may  be  disregarded  for  our 
purpose  as  not  especially  important  along  legislative  lines. 
Of  the  thirty-two  remaining  chairmanships — all  of  important 
committees — thirty-one  are  held  by  Representatives  from  the 


270        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

following  Southern  States:  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Soirth 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Oklahoma,  Texas,  Ark- 
ansas, Tennessee,  Missouri  and  Kentucky.  The  only  excep- 
tion is  Mr.  Fitzgerald,  of  New  York,  chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Appropriations.  These  twelve  Southern  States 
represent  but  15  per  cent  of  the  developed  resources  of  the 
United  States,  but  23  per  cent  of  the  area,  but  28  per  cent 
of  the  population,  and  but  28  per  cent  of  the  membership  of 
the  House;  yet  these  thirty-one  men  have  a  power  of  enact- 
ing or  of  preventing  legislation  which  is  almost  supreme  and 
which  it  is  difficult  to  overemphasize. 

How  did  these  thirty-two  men  gain  their  appointment  as 
chairmen?  Was  it  by  reason  of  signal  ability  or  of  pre- 
eminent public  service  in  Congress  or  elsewhere?  Not  at 
all.  Their  elevation  is  almost  wholly  due  to  the  fact  that 
they  w(?re  senior  in  point  of  service.  Of  the  thirty-two  men, 
one  has  served  12  terms  in  Congress,  two  have  served  10 
terms,  seven  have  served  9  terms,  four  have  served  8  terms, 
five  have  served  7  terms,  three  have  served  6  terms,  two 
have  served  five  terms,  five  have  served  4  terms,  and  three 
have  served  3  terms,  making  a  total  of  219  terms,  or  an 
average  of  about  7  terms  per  man.  Perhaps  I  may  add  in 
passing  that  8  of  the  other  26  chairmen  of  the  committees 
which  I  have  designated  as  minor  are  also  Southerners. 

The  145  members  of  Congress  from  the  fifteen  Southern 
States  have  served  an  average  of  3.13  terms  prior  to  the 
Sixty-third  Congress  the  305  Representatives  from  the  North- 
eastern States  of  the  Union  have  served  an  average  of  1.38 
terms  prior  to  the  Sixty-third  Congress.  Thus  the  Southern 
members  have  served  almost  two  and  one-half  times  as  long, 
on  an  average,  as  the  men  from  the  Northeastern  States.  As 
I  indicated  at  the  outset,  this  fact  is  responsible  for  chairman- 
ships, and  chairmanships  are  largely  responsible  for  the  power 
wielded  by  the  South.  Thus,  of  the  132  Southern  Democrats, 
40,  or  about  30  per  cent,  are  chairmen  of  committees,  while  of 
the  167  Northern  and  Western  Democrats,  but  18,  or  a  little 
over  10  per  cent  are  chairmen  of  committees.  The  Philadel- 
phia North  American,  then  the  leading  Progressive  Party 
organ  of  the  United  States,  referring  in  a  general  way  to 
the  conditions  here  outlined,  said  on  January  21,  1914: 

Since  the  issue  is  put  before  us,  it  may  be  well  to  state  the  reasons  why 
we  do  not  favor  the  election  of  Democratic  candidates  to  Congress. 

With  only  here  and  there  an  exception,  the  representatives  of  that 
party  differ  from  us  respecting  vital  economic  policies.  We  reject  their 
view  of  the  tariff;  we  believe  in  true  protection;  they  do  not,  but  advo- 
cate a  tariff  for  revenue  only,  of,  in  many  cases,  something  more  akin  to 
free   trade. 

\\(e  dissent  from  their  position  upon  the  control  of  money  and  credit ; 
they  are  for  odging  that  control  in  the  hands  of  the  bankers;  we  hold 
that  it  should  be  a  public  matter — that  the  power  is  one  which  should 
never  be   surrendered   to   private   interests. 

We  believe  in  the  "new  nationalism,"  as  against  their  worn-out  doctrine 
of  State  rights.  We  believe  in  the  sovereignty  of  the  nation  as  a  whole 
respecting  all  matters  essentially  of  national  concern  ;  they-  believe  in  the 
sovereignty  of  the  several  States — a  doctrine  which  has  done  much  to 
make  impotent  public  control  of  far-reaching  evils,  and  to  create  "twi- 
light zones"  wherein  powerful  interests  have  operated  with  impunity 
against   the   pub  ic   interest. 

For  these  reasons  we  look  with  apprehension  upon  the  rapid  concen- 
tration of  the  control  of  the  Governmental  machinery  in  the  hands  of 
the  Southern  Democracy.  We  beleve,  further,  that  they  are  actuated  by 
patriotic  motives,  while  many  of  tlieir  Northern  colleagues  are  but 
soldiers  of  fortune.  But  on  political  and  economic  questions  they  hold 
views  and  strong  convictions  diametrically  oppo  ed  to  those  which  we 
share,  and  perilous,  we  believe,  to   the  interests  of  the  nation. 

They  are,  many  of  them,  the  sons  and  grand  ons  of  the  old  aristocratic 
rulers  of  the  South ;  they  have  inherited,  and  sincerely  hold,  a  sympa- 
thetic attitude   toward   p  utocracy  and   special  privilege. 

Readers  of  this  paper  know  better  than  to  suspect  us,  in  this,  of 
sectional  prejudice.  We  are  not  discussing  the  war,  but  the  economic 
issues  which  caused  it.  That  conflict  was  the  result  of  adherence  to 
principles  economically  wrong,  yet  still  exhibited  by  the  potent  leaders  of 
the   South.     It  is   for  this   reason  that  we   regard  with   genuine  alarm  the 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        271 

possibility  of  this  Government's  passing  into  complete  control  of  these 
men,  however  pure  in  motive  and  honest  in  conviction  they  may  be. 

Any  one  who  imagines  that  we  express  a  far-fetched  view  should  con- 
sider the  evidences  that  it  is  widely  shared  throughout  the  nation,  even 
though  it  is  seldom  formulated  in  words.  Surely  it  is  significant  that  all 
po.itical  writers  and  competent  observers  agree  on  one  point:  The  Demo- 
cratic Party  is  not  growing ;  during  the  first  year  of  a  triumphant  Demo- 
cratic Administration  the  party  is,  if  anything,  losing  in  strength.  The 
party  is  not  attracting  the  recruits  that  might  have  been  expected  to  flock 
to   its  standard.      Every   bye-election   emphasizes  this   condition. 

The  reason  for  it  is  that  the  people  of  this  Nation  are.  progressive  and 
that  they  are  distrustful  of  the  growing  domination  of  the  Democratic 
Party  by  its  Southern  leaders,  who,  able  as  they  are,  hold  a  political  and 
economic  philosophy  which  has  not  changed  for  50  years  and  is  com- 
pletely at  variance  with  the  spirit  of  the  times. 

It  mu.st  not  be  overlooked  that  the  southern  conception  of 
the  obligations  resting  upon  the  voters  and  upon  the  candi- 
dates for  and  holders  of  public  ofifice  is  materially  and  strik- 
ingly difYerent  from  that  entertained  in  the  North.  For 
example,  in  South  Carolina  it  is  provided  that  "the  managers 
at  the  primary  election  shall  require  every  voter  in  a  Demo- 
cratic primary  election  to  pledge  himself  to  abide  the  results 
of  the  primary  and  to  support  the  nominees  of  the  party, 
and  to  take  the  following  oath  and  pledge,  namely:  'I  do 
solemnly  *  *  *  pledge  myself  to  support  the  nominees 
of  this  primary.'  "  The  result  of  this  provision  obviously  is 
that  every  voter  in  a  South  Carolina  Democratic  primary, 
which  is  the  only  primary  held  in  the  State,  even  including 
the  unsuccessful  candidates,  is  shackled  beyond  hope  of  es- 
cape to  the  successful  nominee;  is  bound  to  support  such 
nominee,  and  can  not  properly  seek  even  to  contest  a  nom- 
ination improperly  gained.  T  need  not  dwell  upon  the  dif- 
ference between  this  point  of  view  and  that  of  Massachu- 
setts, where  the  fullest  independence  of  thought  and  action  is 
permitted — yes,  even  encouraged — both  by  law  and  by  cus- 
tom. And  this  is  not  all.  Every  South  Carolina  candidate 
for  the  United  States  Senate  or  for  the  United  States  House 
of  Representatives  is  legally  obligated  to  take  the  following 
additional  pledge:  "I  will  support  the  political  principles  and 
policies  of  the  Democratic  Party  during  the  term  of  office 
for  which  I  may  be  elected,  and  work  in  accord  with  my 
Democratic  associates  in  Congress  on  all  party  questions." 
We  members  of  this  House,  before  taking  our  seats,  have 
each  taken  the  following  oath:  "I  do  solemnly  swear  that 
I  will  support  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  against  all  enemies,  foreign  and  domestic;  that  I  will 
bear  true  faith  and  allegiance  to  the  same;  that  I  take  this 
obligation  freely,  without  any  mental  reservation  or  purpose 
of  evasion;  and  that  I  will  well  and  faithfully  discharge  the 
duties  of  the  office  on  which  I  am  about  to  enter."  Yet  the 
South  Carolinian  oath  squarely  and  unblushingly  puts  party 
above  country.  If  the  two  obligations  conflict,  which  will  the 
South  Carolinian  in  Congress  choose  to  break,  for  choose  he 
must?  Can  it  be  truly  said  that  in  taking  the  required  oath 
in  this  House  April  7  last  the  South  Carolinian  members  did 
so  "without  any  mental  reservation  or  purpose  of  evasion"? 

While  I  am  upon  this  subject  perhaps  I  may  be  pardoned 
for  a  brief  digression  while  I  refer  to  another  provision  of 
South  Carolina  law  which  would  be  amusing  if  it  were  not 
tragic.  Every  negro  offering  to  vote  in  the  primary  must, 
besides  fulfilling  all  other  requirements  imposed  upon  the 
whites,  produce  written  certificates  of  ten  reputable  white 
Democratic  voters  "who  shall  swear  that  they  know  of  their 
own  knowledge  that  the  applicant  or  voter  voted  for  General 
Hampton  in  1876  and  has  voted  the  Democratic  ticket  con- 
tinuously since."  O,  glorious  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  which  decrees  that  the  right  of  citizens  of  the  |Jnited 
States  to  vote  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  on  account 
of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 


272        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Such  is  the  condition  which  confronts  us.  As  I  have  more 
than  once  pointed  out,  it  is  even  less  pleasant  for  Democratic 
members  of  Congress  representing  the  Northern  States  than 
for  us  Republican  members.  For  they  a're  tied  hand  and 
foot  by  caucus  action  dictated  by  the  Southerners  who  con- 
trol their  party.  The  Northern  members  of  Congress  of  the 
Democratic  faith  are,  I  believe,  as  patriotic  as  the  Repub- 
lican members,  and  yet,  through  party  exigency,  they  are 
repeatedly  forced  to  surrender  their  preferences,  to  vote 
against  their  convictions  and  to  swallow  medicine  which 
they  know  will  be  detrimental  to  the  best  interests  of  those 
they  serve.  This  is  a  time  of  keen  striving  for  business  su- 
premacy. We  can  not  perhaps  criticise  the  Southern  Rep- 
resentatives for  seeking  to  gain  the  lion's  share  for  their 
people.  But  on  what  ground,  conditions  being  as  they  are, 
can  we  of  the  North,  either  from  the  standpoint  of  conscience 
or  of  good  sense,  give  away  our  birthright  and  surrender  to 
others  the  things  we  most  value?  I  repeat  that  I  am  not 
seeking  to  raise  any  issue  of  sectionalism,  but  I  also  declare 
with  all  emphasis  that  every  dictate  of  prudence,  of  fairness, 
and  of  sound  patriotism  demands  that  we  be  accorded  what 
is  rightfully  our  own. 


JACKSON'S  SUCCESSOR 

From  Washington  comes  the  news  that  one  of  the  nom- 
inees of  the  President^for  a  place  on  the  Rural  Credits  Board 
is  being  held  up  by  the  Senate  because  of  the  charge  that 
in  his  appointment  Mr.  Wilson  acted  contrary  not  only  to 
the  spirit,  but  to  the  letter  of  the  law.  It  is  claimed  that  he 
put  upon  this  board  more  members  of  the  Democratic  Party 
than  the  new  law  permits.  On  this  account,  one  of  the  con- 
firmations is  being  delayed  until  proper  investigation  can  be 
made. 

There  is  no  board  in  the  country  that  should  be  more  free 
from  political  tinge  and  taint  than  the  Federal  Reserve 
Board.  Wielding  as  they  do  a  mighty  power  over  the  banks 
and  the  individual  credits  of  the  United  States,  the  members 
should  be  selected  with  an  eye  to  having  both  of  the  great 
political  parties  represented  upon  the  board.  It  is  only  by 
so  doing  that  its  work  will  command  the  confidence  of  the 
whole  people.  Yet  Mr.  Wilson  selected  for  the  members  of 
this  body  of  five  members  five  Democrats.  It  was  only 
when  it  was  evident  that  one  of  the  nominees  would  be 
rejected  by  the  Senate  that  the  President  withdrw  his  name 
and  substituted  that  of  a  Republican.  Had  it  not  been  for 
the  Senate,  the  Federal  Reserve  Board  would  to-day  be  sol- 
idly Democratic.  It  is  through  no  fault  of  Mr.  Wilson  that 
such  is  not  the  case. 

After  this  experience,  even  a  Democratic  Congress  saw  the 
necessity  of  checking  the  power  of  appointment  of  Mr,  Wil- 
son. When  the  law  was  passed  creating  the  Federal  Trade 
Commission,  it  contained  a  provision  that  not  more  than  three 
of  its  five  members  should  be  of  the  same  political  party.  Even 
this  direct  and  plain  statute  did  not  prevent  the  President  from 
using  his  power  and  place  in  partisan  fashion.  He  appointed 
three  Democrats,  one  Progressive,  and  one  man  whose  polit- 
ical belief  was  in  doubt,  whether  he  was  a  Progressive  or 
a  Democrat.  He  had  been  the  manager  only  the  year  be- 
fore of  the  campaign  of  the  Democratic  candidate  for  United 
States  Senator  in  his  own  State.  This  nomination  the  Sen- 
ate refused  to  confirm,  and  a  Democratic  Senate,  too.  Not 
a  place,  upon  this  business  court,  essentially  a  nonpartisan 
body,  was  given  to  a  Republican. 

When  two  men  were  selected  to  represent  the  United 
States    in    the    Mexican    conference    with    nations    of    South 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916  278 

America  at  Niagara  Falls  Mr.  Wilson  selected  two  Demo- 
crats for  these  places.  All  of  the  positions  named  are  dis- 
tinctly of  the  type  in  which  politics  should  play  no  part. 
But  in  all  of  them  Mr.  Wilson  has  placed  men  with  regard 
only  to  the  interests  of  the  Democratic  Party.  The  selec- 
tions have  been  made  in  the  spirit  of  the  narrowest  partisan- 
ship and  with  no  due  regard  to  the  type  of  duties  which  the 
men   are   called   upon   to   perform. 

Now  comes  this  further  proof  of  the  President's  inability 
even  to  carry  out  the  provisions  of  a  law  which  says  that 
both  sides  in  politics  shall  have  proper  representation  upon 
the  Rural  Credits  Board.  Yet,  notwithstanding  such  policy 
and  such  acts,  Mr.  Wilson  is  claiming  the  support  of  the 
independent  voters  of  the  country,  claiming  it  in  behalf  of 
the  most  partisan  President  who  has  occupied  the  White 
House  since  the  days  of  Andrew  Jackson. — The  Philadelphia 
Press. 


Sectionalism  in  Federal  Reserve  Act 

In  studying  the  operation  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Act  there 
is  to  be  noted  another  illustration  of  the  sectional  quality  of 
Democratic  legislation.  Three  banks  located  in  the  South, 
those  at  Richmond,  Atlanta  and  Dallas  (the  least  important), 
have,  according  to  one  of  the  statements,  over  65  per  cent  of 
the  total  discounts  of  all  the  twelve  regional  banks  in  the 
whole  system.  In  other  words,  the  accommodations  to  bor- 
rowers in  these  three,  really  the  least  important  of  the  twelve, 
have  approximately  two-thirds  of  the  accommodations  af- 
forded to  the   borrowing  public. 


The  manufacturing  enterprises  ot  Europe  generally  have 
not  been  destroyed.  They  have  been  curtailed,  suspended, 
changed  and  largely  brought  under  government  control,  which 
will  mean  such  regulation  that  foreign  markets  can  be  in- 
vaded successfully.  Ten  million  men  will  leave  the  trenches 
when  this  war  closes.  Will  they  be  turned  loose  to  be  slowly 
absorbed  without  plan  or  provisions  into  industry?  By  no 
means.     No  government  would  dare  try  such  an  experiment. 

On  the  contrary,  each  government  will,  in  the  beginning 
at  least,  assign  these  soldier-workmen  to  industrial  tasks. 
Wages?  These  men  are  soldiers!  The  governments  control 
the  industries.  Until  industries  are  re-established,  men  and 
their  families  will  continue  to  be  supported  as  they  are  now 
being  supported.  We  shall  face,  therefore,  not  the  product 
of  European  cheap  labor,  but  the  product  of  soldier  labor, 
and  our  country,  unscathed  by  war,  is  the  market  to  which 
their  goods  must  come.  Against  the  wholesale  dumping  on 
our  market  of  this  flood  of  the  most  cheaply-produced  foreign 
goods  ever  made,  we  must  have  protection  or  the  employees 
of  our  ov/n  competing  factories  will  walk  the  streets. — Hon. 
William  S.  Bennet. 


William  McKinley  was  for  America  first,  and  the  Amer- 
icanism for  which  he  stood  is  the  Republicanism  for  which 
the  Republican  Party  stands  today. 

We  believe,  as  he  did,  that  American  citizens  should  be  pro- 
tected not  only  in  their  property  and  industry  at  home,  but 
in  their  industry  and  their  property  and  their  lives  and  in  the 
honor  of  their  wives  and  daughters  in  whatever  country  under 
the  sun  they  may  happen  to  be. — Hon.  Nicholas  Longworth. 


Cannot  something  be  done  to  save  the  Democratic  party 
which  at  present  is  a  dismal  failure? — Hon.  Newton  D.  Baker^ 
Secretary  of  War. 


Appropriations 


At  the  close  of  the  Sixty-third  Congress,  when  conditions 
were  normal  and  there  was  no  thought  of  Preparedness  and 
its  present  demands,  Representative  Gillett,  of  the  Appro- 
priations Committee,  summed  up  the  situation  as  follows: 

This  Congress  was  pledged  to  economy  by  the  Democratic 
platform  and  by  sixteen  years  of  unceasing  Democratic  criti- 
cism of  Republican  extravagance.  Yet  the  recommendation 
of  appropriations  made  by  the  administration  at  the  last  ses- 
sion, and  the  appropriations  actually  made  by  the  Congress 
in  response  to  those  recommendations  were  the  largest 
ever  known,  exceeding  the  largest  of  those  which  they 
had  so  unsparingly  condemned  by  about  $100,000,000.  But 
during  the  last  session  they  could  at  least  plead  inexperience. 
It  was  their  first  taste  of  power  and  responsibility  for  many 
years.  They  could  claim  that  their  new  tariff  law  and  their 
new  income-tax  law  had  not  yet  been  tested  and  there  was 
a  chance  that  they  might  produce  ample  revenue,  even  for  the 
enormous   and   inordinate   appropriations. 

At  this  session  they  have  had  no  such  excuse.  Their  reve- 
nue laws  had  been  tested.  They  had  experience  by  which 
they  could  forecast  the  income  of  next  year.  And  in  the  light 
of  this  knowledge,  in  the  midst  of  a  great  European  war  dis- 
turbing all  commercial  and  financial  activities,  with  every 
indication  that  expenditure  must  be  radically  curtailed  if  it 
was  not  to  exceed  the  income,  despite  all  this  the  administra- 
tion requested  larger  appropriations  than  had  ever  been  re- 
quested of  any  other  Congress,  and  Congress  has  granted 
larger  appropriations  than  had  ever  been  granted  until  last 
year.  Apparently  both  the  administration,  which  first  sug- 
gested the  expenditures,  and  the  Congress,  which  finally  au- 
thorized them,  were  reckless  of  how  the  money  was  to  be 
provided — they  thought  only  of  how  the  money  could  be 
spent.  Their  appetites  must  be  gratified,  regardless  of  cost. 
And  so  I  believe  by  their  self-indulgence  they  have  paved 
the  way  for  an  enormous  deficit  next  year,  which  must  be 
met  either  by  borrowing  money  or  by  new  and  vexatious 
taxes. 

On  December  7  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  as  required  by 
law,  sent  to  Congress  the  estimate  of  the  appropriations  which 
the  administration  deemed  necessary  for  the  fiscal  year  com- 
mencing the  I  St  of  next  July.  The  regular  estimates  submitted 
on  that  day  called  for  $1,090,000,000,  and  on  the  same  day 
came  supplemental  estimates  for  $4,000,000  more.  But  that 
estimate  was  misleading  and  unfair,  for  it  diminished  the  ex- 
pense of  the  Post  Ofiice  Department  by  $27,000,000,  on  the 
theory  that  Congress  would  make  a  suggested  change  in  the 
law — a  theory  that  was  only  based  on  a  dreamy  hope  and  not 
on  a  reasonable  expectation,  and  that  was  proved  almost  im- 
mediately to  be  unjustified.  The  report  of  the  Post  Office 
Committee,  made  on  December  14.  only  a  week  later,  stated 
that  the  Post  Office  Department  had  already  submitted  re- 
vised estimates  $27,000,000  larger  than  the  original  estimates. 
Restoring  that  $27,000000,  the  estimates  of  expenditure  sub- 
mitted by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  on  December  7 
amounted  to  $1,121,000,000.  Last  year  the  original  estimates 
submitted  were  $1,108,000,000.  and  that  was  larger  than  had 
ever  been  submitted  by  any  Republican  administration.  And 
yet  in  this  year  of  depression  and  uncertainty  and  shrinking 
income  this  party  of  economy  submits  estimates  $13,000,000 
larger  than  the  record  figures  of  last  year. 

This  huge  estimate  was  not  because  of  sudden  and  extraor- 
dinary   need   in    some    one    department   of    the    Government. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         275 


It  was  distributed  over  all  branches.  The  estimate  for  every 
single  appropriation  bill,  except  the  Indian  bill  and  the  pen- 
sion bill,  was  larger  than  the  bill  of  the  preceding  year.  The 
administration,  in  sending  to  Congress  its  request  for  appro- 
priations, assumed  that  the  country  was  in  a  condition  to 
make  larger  expenditures  than  ever  before  for  all  branches 
of  the  Government,  except  for  its  wards,  the  Indians,  and  the 
old  soldiers.  They  were  the  sole  victims  of  Democratic 
economy. 

What  was  the  condition  of  the  country  and  its  revenues 
on  December  7  when  these  huge  estimates  were  submitted? 
What  was  there  to  justify  housekeeping  on  this  magnificent 
scale?  The  cash  in  the  Treasury  general  fund  had  shrunk 
from  $141,000,000  on  the  ist  of  July,  the  beginning  of  the  fiscal 
year,  to  $75  000,000  on  December  7.  That  means  that  during 
the  five  preceding  months  the  expenses  of  the  Government 
had  exceeded  its  income  by  $66,000,000.  We  had  been  run- 
ning behind  at  the  rate  of  $13,000,000  a  month.  How  much 
of  the  insufficiency  was  due  to  the  Democratic  revenue  laws 
and  how  much  to  the  European  war  I  will  not  here  discuss, 
for  both  conditions  seemed  likely  to  endure  through  the  next 
fiscal  year,  and  in  forecasting  probable  revenue  it  would  be 
only  prudent  to  assume  their  continuance.  Indeed,  indi- 
cations pointed  to  an  even  greater  falling  off  of  revenues  from 
customs,  from  the  Post  Office,  and  from  the  income  tax. 
Under  these  circumstances,  in  submitting  recommendations 
for  the  next  fiscal  year  ordinary  prudence  would  have  dic- 
tated that  some  program  should  be  formulated  to  either  re- 
duce expenditures  or  increase  the  revenues.  A  monthly  deficit 
of  $13,000,000  leads  straight  to  bankruptcy.  The  income  tax 
accruing  in  June  would  only  replenish  the  Treasury  for  a 
short  time  and  could  not  long  support  such  a  drain.  The 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  not  unconscious  of  the  danger. 
In  his  annual  report  he  said: 

"As  long  as  the  expenditures  of  the  Government  exceed  its 
income  there  is  always  danger.  To  maintain  such  a  condition 
is  both  unsound  and  imprudent.  The  corollary  of  a  weak 
Treasury  is  impaired  confidence." 

Yet  the  administration  took  no  steps  to  avert  or  remedy 
that  "unsound  and  imprudent  condition,"  and  recommended 
expenditures  on  an  enlarged  scale.  Congress  proceeded  to 
frame  the  appropriation  bills  in  accordance  with  the  Execu- 
tive recommendations.  After  a  month  of  work,  apparently 
realizing  at  last  the  impending  disaster,  there  was  a  consulta- 
tion between  representatives  of  the  administration  and  of 
Congress.  Of  the  details  of  that  conference  I  know  nothing, 
but  apparently  no  plan  could  be  agreed  upon,  and  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  announced  that  the  appropriation  bills 
ought  not  to  be  substantially  cut,  and  Congress  proceeded 
to  pass  them.  The  result  has  been  an  aggregate  of  appro- 
priations of  more  than  $1,115,000,000,  which  is  about  $1,000,000 
less  than  the  appropriations  of  last  year.  In  addition,  con- 
tract obligations  have  been  authorized  to  the  amount  of 
$37,000000.  The  appropriations  would  have  been  $11,000,000 
more  than  last  year  except  that  owing  to  the  Democratic  in- 
efficiency, which  we  have  so  often  had  occasion  to  criticize, 
the  Post  Office  bill  and  the  Indian  bill  failed  to  pass  at  all. 
They  were  so  loaded  with  legislation  by  the  committees  fram- 
ing them  that  the  two  Houses  could  reach  no  final  agreement 
on  them,  and  so,  to  take  their  place,  the  appropriations  of  last 
year  had  to  be  continued  by  resolutions. 

Those  two  bills,  as  agreed  upon  in  conference,  were  more 
than  $12,500,000  larger  than  last  year,  so  that  their  failure  and 
the  continuance  of  last  year's  law  made  an  apparent  saving 
of  $12,500,000  and  prevented  this  year's  appropriations  sur- 
passing those  of  last  year  by  $11,000,000.  That  saving  is  only 
nominal,   and   the  full  amount  will  probably  be  allowed  by 


276         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

deficiency  bills  next  winter,  and  in  the  meantime  the  Postal 
Service  will  suffer  in  many  of  its  activities. 

Extending  the  laws  of  the  previous  year  by  resolution  is 
an  unscientific  and  an  expensive  method  of  legislation;  it  is 
an  admission  of  incompetency,  but  it  is  a  regular  concomitant 
of  Democratic  administrations.  It  is  a  mark  of  dilatoriness 
and  incapacity,  and  its  extravagance  is  aptly  testified  to  in 
the  following  extract  from  the  last  annual  report  of  the  Demo- 
cratic Secretary  of  Commerce,  Mr.  Redfield: 

Finally,  money  loss  arises  from  failure  to  make  appropriations  in 
time  to  keep  the  work  of  the  Government  moving.  The  serious  results 
of  these  latter  losses  are  probably  not  appreciated.  They  undoubtedly 
amount  to  more  than  some  of  the  economies  thought  to  be  effected  by 
clipping  estimates. 

During  the  sixteen  years  of  Republican  control  the  appro- 
priation bills  were  prepared  promptly  and  were  invariably 
passed  before  they  were  needed,  and  an  extension  resolution 
was  never  resorted  to.  But  in  the  past  four  years,  when  the 
Democrats  have  controlled  the  House  of  Representatives, 
where  appropriation  bills  originate,  fifteen  regular  appropria- 
tion bills  have  failed  to  pass  before  the  necessary  date,  so 
that  15  times  a  resolution  of  extension  has  been  required.  In- 
efficiency is  always  the  cause.  But,  although  the  first  and 
obvious  deduction  from  these  facts  is  that  the  incompetent 
party  should  be  driven  from  power,  yet  a  secondary  lesson 
can  be  drawn  that  there  is  a  crying  necessity  for  a  reform 
in  our  system  of  making  appropriations  and  for  some  concen- 
tration of  authority  which  shall  unite  power  with  respons- 
ibility. That  would  put  some  curb  on  inefficiency  and  ex- 
travagance. 

But  the  estimates  submitted  by  this  administration  prove 
that  the  fault  is  not  primarily  with  Congress.  The  Executive 
has  been  more  reckless  and  improvident  than  Congress,  and 
with  less  excuse.  In  this  session  the  appropriations  have 
been  $47,000,000  less  than  asked  by  the  administration.  In 
the  last  session  they  were  $36,000,000  less.  If  Congress  at 
both  sessions  had  appropriated  all  that  the  administration 
recommended,  the  huge  total  of  appropriations  would  be 
$83,000,000  greater  still.  So  the  prevalent  opinion  that  Con- 
gress is  mainly  to  blame  is  incorrect.  It  is  the  Executive 
which  is  primarily  at  fault.  It  ought  to  be  vastly  easier  lor 
the  President  and  Cabinet,  a  small  executive  body  exempt 
from  the  dangers  of  logrolling,  to  survey  the  whole  field, 
calculate  the  revenues,  and  cut  the  estimates  to  correspond. 
But  they  have  been  vv^holly  recreant  to  that  duty.  With  the 
evidence  of  falling  revenues  plainly  before  them  they  have 
not  hesitated  to  demand  increased  expenditures,  and  instead 
of  obeying  the  law  and  guiding  Congress  to  obvious  and  im- 
perative economies.  Congress  has  been  obliged  to  restrain 
and  prune  their  reckless  estimates.  As  long  as  the  Executive 
shows  no  appreciation  of  his  responsibility  in  advising  how 
to  make  the  two  ends  meet,  Congress,  with  its  large  member- 
ship and  diversity  of  interests,  can  hardly  be  expected  to  as- 
sume the  entire  responsibility  and  practice  self-denial.  To 
accomplish  wise  results  there  must  be  a  sympathy  of  purpose 
and  a  unity  of  effort  and  a  recognition  of  mutual  respons- 
ibility.    That  has  all  been  lacking  in  this  Congress. 

The  estimates  submitted  to  Congress  at  the  beginning  of 
the  session  in  December  last,  including  those  submitted  by 
supplemental  communications,  were  palpably  far  in  excess 
of  any  estimate  of  the  possible  revenues  for  the  year.  The 
President,  instead  of  advising  Congress  as  he  was  commanded 
to  by  the  law:  "How  in  his  judgment  the  estimated  appro- 
priations could  with  least  injury  to  the  public  service  be  re- 
duced so  as  to  bring  the  appropriations  within  the  estimated 
revenues,"  said  in  his  annual  message: 

I    assert    with    the    greatest    confidence    that    the    pCDjlc    of    tlie    United 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         277 

States    are    not    jealous    of    the    amount    their    Government    costs    if    they 
are    sure   that  they   get    what  they   need   and   desire   for  the   outlay. 

This  new  doctrine  of  Democratic  economy  seems  to  have 
been  impressed  well  upon  the  advisers  and  subordinates  of 
the  President,  for  in  the  annual  report  of  the  Secretary  of 
Commerce   I   find  the  precept  reiterated: 

No  sane  business  man  would  ever  judge  of  economy  or  extravagance 
in  expenditure  merely  by  the  total.  He  would  ask,  "Was  the  expendi- 
ture needed?"  "Was  the  money  well  spent?"  And  he  would  not  regard 
with  tolerance  or  consider  economical  the  mere  absence  of  expenditure, 
especially  when  it  involved  him  either  in  larger  future  outlay  or  in 
greater   cost    of    production. 

No  matter  what  we  spend,  so  long  as  we  get  what  we  need 
and  desire!  An  entirely  new  doctrine  in  public  expenditures 
and  one  seized  upon  by  the  party  in  control  of  the  taxing  and 
spending  power  of  our  Government  to  bring  it  to  the  verge 
of,  if  not  actually  thrust  it  into,  bankruptcy  by  the  appro- 
priations made  at  this  session.  In  their  mad  rush  "to  get 
what  they  need  and  desire  for  the  outlay"  they  did  not  hes- 
itate, in  the  closing  hours  of  the  session,  to  vote  a  rider  on 
one  of  the  great  appropriation  bills  providing  for  a  financial 
scheme  of  so-called  rural  credits  that  proposed  to  take  out 
of  the  Federal  Treasury  $50,000,000  that  was  not  there,  and 
to  take  and  appropriate,  besides,  $240,000,000  of  Panama  Canal 
bonds  that  had  been  authorized  to  be  used  solely  for  the 
building  of  the   Panama   Canal. 

But  I  do  not  contend  that  the  Democratic  claim  to  be  the 
party  of  economy  is  entirely  a  fiction.  I  have  no  doubt  the 
title  was  once  deserved.  My  only  regret  is  that  it  no  longer 
applies.  Like  many  of  the  virtues  and  principles  claime'd  by 
the  present  Democratic  party,  it  lives  only  in  tradition.  And 
it  is  provoking  to  see  it  still  flaunted  as  an  existing  virtue 
when  it  is  contradicted  and  belied  by  their  every  action.  And 
yet  it  is  no  more  than  fair  to  admit  that  there  still  exists  in 
this  House  a  little  band  of  Democrats,  headed  by  the  chair- 
man of  the  Appropriations  Committee,  who  have  made  an 
honest  and  sturdy  fight  to  revive  and  uphold  the  obsolete 
Democratic  traditions.  They  have  had  no  encouragement 
from  the  administration,  they  have  had  little  support  in  the 
House,  but  I  have  seen  at  close  range  their  efforts  and 
their  discouragements,  and  as  they  have  had  no  reward  except 
from  their  own  self-approval,  I  am  glad  to  give  my  acknowl- 
edgement that  their  attempts  at  economy  have  been  earnest, 
disinterested,  public-spirited,  and  sagacious. 

What  Bagehot  said  of  the  English  Parliament  has  been 
peculiarly  true  of  this  Congress: 

If  you  want  to  raise  a  certain  cheer  in  the  House  of  Commons,  make  a 
general  panegyric  on  economy.  If  you  want  to  invite  a  sure  defeat, 
propose  "a    particular    saving. 

The  appropriations  of  this  session  have  shamefully  disre- 
garded the  principles  of  sound  business  and  true  economy. 
With  revenues  falling  and  precarious,  with  business  and  com- 
mercial conditions  feverish  and  uncertain,  with  a  steady 
monthly  deficit  and  no  assured  prospect  of  its  relief,  and  with 
a  cash  fund  reduced  to  a  point  that  has  generally  been  deemed 
unsafe,  the  administration  has  recommended  and  the  Con- 
gress has  authorized  expenditures  on  a  larger  scale  than  ever 
before,  and  no  step  has  been  taken  to  meet  the  prospective 
deficit.  I  can  see  in  such  conduct  no  sign  of  judgment  or 
foresight  or  prudence.  It  seems  to  me  a  reckless  gamble,  a 
blind  trust  that  some  happy  chance  will  effect  a  deliverance 
which  no  sound  reason  can  anticipate. 

That  is  not  the  way  the  finances  of  a  Governrhent  should 
be  administered.  There  ought  to  be  some  proportion  between 
income  and  outgo,  and  their  relations  ought  not  to  be  ignored 
and  their  accommodation  left  to  chance.  That  seems  to  have 
been  the  only  fiscal  policy  of  this  session,  and  it  is  but  another 


278        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

reason  why  the  administration  has  lost  the  confidence  of  the 
people. 

The  total  appropriations  of  this  first  Democratic  Congress 
have  been,  in  round  figures,  $2,231,000,000,  which  is  $113,0000,- 
000  larger  than  its  predecessor  and  $177,000,000  larger  than 
the  last  Republican  Congress.  Moreover,  in  the  four  years 
before  the  Democrats  secured  control  of  the  House  tlie  Re- 
publican Congresses  paid  out  of  the  current  revenues  nearly 
$70,000,000  more  for  the  Panama  Canal  construction  than  has 
been  paid  in  the  last  four  years.  These  figures  are  so  vast 
that  it  is  difficult  to  appreciate  their  significance,  but  we  can 
estimate  it  better  by  thinking  how  comforting  it  would  be 
if  there  were  now  in  our  lean  and  depleted  Treasury  those 
$177,000,000  which  would  have  been  saved  if  the  Democrats 
had  even  been  as  economical  as  those  prodigal  Republicans, 
whose  extravagance  they  so  unsparingly  condemned. 

The  Democratic  platform  not  only  denounced  the  "lavish 
appropriations  of  Republican  Congresses,"  but  called  for  "a 
reduction  in  the  number  of  useless  offices,  the  salaries  of 
which  drain  the  substance  of  the  people."  I  have  seen  no 
sign  that  any  of  those  offices  which  could  be  filled  by  "de- 
serving Democrats"  have  been  considered  "useless."  On  the 
contrary,  no  Congress  of  which  we  have  a  record  has  created 
so  many  new  offices  with  high  salaries.  And  in  filling  these 
offices  there  has  been  exhibited  a  narrow  and  avaricious 
partisanship  which  has  not  been  surpassed  since  the  i'a^c^/on 
days  of  the  spoils  system  under  Andrew  Jackson.  In  the  ten 
appointments  to  the  Federal  Reserve  Board  and  the  Trade 
Commission,  with  salaries  of  $12,000  and  $10,000  per  annum, 
not  a  Republican  was  included.  This  Congress  is  the  first 
since  1894  when  the  Democratic  party  has  had  full  control 
of  all  branches  of  the  Government,  and  so  it  has  given  them 
for  the  first  time  an  opportunity  to  prove  the  sincerity  of 
their  platform  pledges  and  of  the  criticisms  which  they  had 
persistently  directed  at  the  extravagance  of  the  Republican 
administrations.     The  figures  are  illuminating  and  conclusive. 

The  description  of  the  Government  of  France  by  an  eminent 
author  is  very  appropriate  to  the  work  of  this  Congress. 
Bodley  wrote: 

Mi  lions  of  the  national  wealth  are  squandered  by  each  Parliament 
on  the  creation  of  superfluou.s  posts  in  a  land  already  overburdened  with 
functionaries  and  on  public  works  designed  only  to  advance  the  local 
popularity  of  their  promoters.  The  majority  offers  no  opposition,  as 
deputies    vote    with    reciprocal    comity    for    one    another's   prodigalities. 

I  recognize  that  the  mere  size  of  the  appropriations  does 
not  prove  extravagance.  True  economy  does  not  consist 
simply  in  making  small  appropriations,  but  in  a  wise  and 
careful  adjustment  of  expenditures  to  income.  Conduct 
which  is  extravagant  in  a  poor  man  might  be  parsimony  in 
a  millionaire.  What  is  a  prot)er  and  reasonable  outlay  for 
the  Government  in  Republican  times  might  be  extravagance 
in  pinching  Democratic  times.  When  the  income  is  large 
the  expenditure  can  correspond,  but  this  administration  and 
Congress  seems  unable  to  comprehend  that  a  reduction  of  ex- 
penditure ought  to  accompany  a  severe  reduction  of  income, 
and  is  spending  more  in  these  straitened  Democratic  times 
than  the  Republicans  ever  risked  in  their  most  prosperous 
times. 

The  Treasury  balance  is  today  only  $45,000,000,  instead  of 
the  $166,000,000  which  was  left  them  by  the  Republican  poli- 
cies at  the  beginning  of  the  fiscal  year  1914,  although  we 
are  paying  vexatious  "war  taxes."  A  balance  of  only  $50,000,- 
000  has  for  years  been  considered  the  danger  point.  The 
Treasury  has  not  been  so  empty  since  the  Cleveland  adminis- 
tration. I  am  afraid  it  can  only  be  replenished,  as  it  was  then, 
by  an  issue  of  bonds,  and  that  it  can  only  be  made  perma- 
nently safe,  as  it  was  then,  by  a  change  of  administration. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         279 

APPROPRIATIONS    OF    SIXTY-FOURTH    CONGRESS 

It.  is  impossible  to  give  complete  statistics  of  the  appropri- 
ations of  this  Congress,  as  this  book  will  go  to  print  before  the 
first  session  is  ended,  but  it  is  clear  that  the  Democratic  ma- 
jority is  traveling  the  same  road  of  extravagance  as  in  the  last 
Congress,  and  at  an  accelerated  pace.  The  total  appropriations 
of  this  one  session  will  be  more  than  one  billion  six  hundred 
million  dollars.  In  addition,  the  departments  will  be  authorized 
to  incur  obligations  for  about  three  hundred  millions  more,  so 
that  the  whole  amount  appropriated  and  obligated  will  amount 
to  nearly  two  billions  of  dollars. 

According  to  the  rule  applied  by  the  Democrats  to  Repub- 
licans ever  since  they  denounced  the  billion-dollar  Congress  in 
92,  this  mere  size  of  the  appropriations  convicts  the  Democrats 
of  extravagance,  for  the  appropriations  of  this  one  year  are  half 
a  billion  dollars  larger  than  in  any  preceding  year.  But  of 
course  the  rule  which  the  Democrats  applied  to  Republicans 
was  unfair  and  hypocritical.  It  is  only  when  those  who  have 
denounced  appropriations,  merely  because  they  are  large,  pass 
much  higher  ones  themselves,  ihat  mere  size  is  a  cowdemnation. 

Of  this  billion  and  a  half  dollars,  about  seven  hundred  millions 
are  for  the  national  defense.  No  strictures  are  passed  on  those 
appropriations,  although  the  same  amount  of  money  might  have 
been  arranged  to  produce  far  better  results.  But  it  would  seem 
that  in  a  crisis  when  such  vast  sums  are  suddenly  concentrated 
upon  one  branch  of  the  Government  it  would  be  prudent  to 
save  in  the  other  branches.  That  at  least  might  be  expected 
from  a  party  of  professed  economists.  But  though  the  Presi- 
dent at  the  beginning  of  this  Congress  abruptly  changed  front 
and  recommended  far  larger  appropriations  for  the  natioii^l 
defense  than  had  ever  been  made  before,  this  did  not  deter  him 
from  recommending  at  the  same  time  larger  sums  for  all  the 
other  branches  of  the  Government  than  had  ever  been  expended 
before.  Not  only  are  the  army  and  navy  bills  the  largest  in  our 
history,  but  he  recommended  unprecedented  sums  for  each  one 
of  the  general  appropriation  bills.  There  was  no  more  attempt 
to  live  up  to  the  Democratic  professions  of  economy  when 
enormous  sums  were  demanded  for  war  preparation  than  there 
had  been  in  normal  times.  Everywhere  expenditures  which, 
when  made  by  Republicans,  were  called  grossly  extravagant,  have 
been  greatly  exceeded.  At  this  session  it  is  probable  that  every 
appropriation  bill,  for  civil  and  military  purposes  alike,  will  be 
larger  than  ever  before,  except  the  Pension  Bill,  and,  leaving  out 
all  appropriations  for  military  purposes,  the  appropriations  for 
the  other  ordinary  expenses  of  the  Government  will  exceed 
those  of  the  last  session  of  the  Taft  Administration  by  over 
one  hundred  million  dollars.  If  we  should  compare  it  with  the 
last  session  of  the  last  Congress,  which  was  Democratic  in  both 
branches,  the  excess  would  be  more  than  fifty  millions  greater. 
Moreover,  the  appropriations  for  pensions  this  year  are  more 
than  thirty-seven  million  dollars  less  thaxi  in  1914.  Eliminating 
appropriations  for  pensions  in  both  years,  the  case  stands  thus : 
Excess    of    cash    appropriations    and    contracts    in 

1917  over  1914 $800,000,000 

Excess  of  cash  appropriations  alone,  1917  over  1914     550,000,000 
Excess  of  cash  appropriations,   1917,  over  1914,  ex- 
cluding appropriations  for  national  defense 140,000,000 

And  during  that  Congress  there  were  no  rumors  of  wars  to 
make  us  careful  about  other  appropriations,  and  there  was  an 
overflowing  treasury,  without  any  resort  to  special  or  direct 
taxation.  While  now  there  is  every  inducement  to  economy ;  then 
there  was  every  temptation  to  extravagance.  Yet  under  the 
.  stringency  of  present  conditions  the  Democrats  spend  one  hun- 


280         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

dred  and  forty  millions  more  for  ordinary  purposes  than  did 
'the  Republicans  in  flush  times  of  peace. 

Of  the  appropriations  reckoned  above  for  the  national  defense, 
over  nrnety  millions  were  for  emergencies  in  Mexico,  and  as  this 
Administration  is  responsible  for  that  emergency,  that  sum 
might  be  added  to  the  excess  over  the  Republican  Congress. 

Opinions  will  differ  as  to  wTiere  the  cuts  should  have  been 
made.  There  are  innumerable  small  items  of  expense  which 
seem  of  slight  account  by  themselves,  but  which,  icombined,  form 
an  enormous  total.  iWe  will  suggest  a  few  of  the  very  large 
items,  some  of  which,  in  this  time  of  stress,  might  have  been 
omitted  or  postponed  or  reduced : 

New  public  buildings   $7,448,950 

Furniture  for  public  buildings. 775,ooo 

Valuation  of  railroads   3.500,000 

Reclamation  projects 8,884,000 

Alaskan  Railroad 6,247,620 

The  increase  over  las'c  year  for  rivers  and  harbors..  10,598,135 

To  the  States  for  roads 6,000,000 

Rural  credits 15,100,000 

Shipping   Bill    (probable) 50,000,000 

The  Democratic  platform  on  whi'ch  this  Administration  and 
Congress  was  elected  demanded  "a.  reduction  in  the  number  of 
useless  offices,  the  salaries  of  which  drain  the  substance  of  the 
people." 

The^  only  offices  abolished  outright  during  the  entire  period 
of  this  Administration  which  we  have  been  able  to  discover 
were  the  five  judges  constituting  the  Commerce  Court  arnd  the 
four  minor  places  connected  with  the  court.  The  plaices  were 
by  law  of  life  tenure,  and  as  they  could  not  be  filled  by  deserv- 
ing Democrats  they  were  naturally  regarded  as  "useless,"  and 
therefore  have  been  abolished.  During  the  Sixty-third  Congress, 
covering  the  first  two  years  of  President  Wilson's  Administra- 
tion, pledged  by  its  platform  to  reduce  offices,  the  salary  roll  of 
the  Government  wns  increased  by  more  than  seven  thousand 
statutory  places,  with  salaries  aggregating  over  seven  million 
dollars.  This  is  the  net  increase.  The  gross  increase  was  more 
than  twice  as  large.  And  in  addition  lump-sum  appropriations, 
used  solely  for  the  payment  of  employes,  were  increased  about 
ten  million  dollars,  the  number  of  employes  and  the  rates  of 
compensation  being  distre'iionary  with  the  heads  of  departments. 
That  payment  out  of  lump  sums  is  a  system  of  employment 
which  Congress  for  years  had  been  endeavoring  to  diminish, 
because  it  engendered  extravagance  and  favoritism. 

Among  the  new  places  created  were  five  at  $12,000  each,  six  at 
$TO,ooo  each;  two  at  $8,000  each,  one  at  $7,500,  one  at  $7,200, 
seven  at  $6,000  each,  four  at  $5,000  each;  three  at  $4,5oo  each, 
and  four  at  $4,000  each.  At  the  present  session  four  more  at 
$10,000  each  have  been  created  and  six  others  at  from  $7,500  to 
$TO,ooo  each  will  be  added  in  the  Revenue  Act,  and  the  multitude 
of  these  created  since  last  December  at  salaries  varying  from 
the  paltry  sum  of  $5,000  down  it  will  take  time  and  res.earch, 
after  the  session  has  closed,  to  determine — -their  number  will  run 
into  the  thousands. 

One  salary  was  increased  from  $5,000  to  $12,000,  three  from 
$T2,ooo  to  $17,500  each,  and  one  from  $7,000  to  $q.ooo. 

This  session  of  Congress  has  not  failed  to  follow  the  example 
of  all  other  recent  Democratic  Cone-resses  in  neglecting  to  pass 
its  appropriation  bills  before  July  i,  when  the  fiscal  year 
ends,  and  so  has  occasioned  embarrassment  and  expense  to  the 
Departments.  Last  year  Secretary  Redfield  kromplained  of  the 
injury  to  his  Department  by  this  Democratic  practice.  This 
year  it  is  Se<^r<?t:firy  Daniels  who  sends  a  special  communication 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         281 

to  Congress  setting  forth  the  damage  it  causes  his  Department 
and  begging  for  relief.  But  despite  the  well-known  inconven- 
ience and  expense  resulting  from  such  delay,  on  July  i  of 
this  year  only  three  of  the  twelve  general  appropriation  bills 
had  become  law— the  Diplomatic,  the  Indian,  and  the  Legisla- 
tive— while  nine,  including  all  the  large  bills,  were  in  arrears 
and  a  temporary  resolution  had  'to  be  passed  to  allow  the  wheels 
of  Governmen'c  to  run  at  all.     Such  is  Democratic  efficiency. 


Representative  Gorman  (Dem.),  of  Illinois:  "Shoddy,  noils 
and  vegetable  fibers  are  said  to  be  large  constituents  in  what 
now  passes  for  pure  wool  and  is  charged  for  as  such.  This 
is  another  of  the  many  evils  of  a  prohibitive  tariff.  It  en- 
ables the  manufacturer  to  foist  upon  the  consumer  a  cheap 
inferior  article." 

The  Republican  law  placed  a  duty  of  25  cents  a  pound  on 
shoddy,  and  none  came  in.  The  Democrats  put  shoddy  on 
the  free  list  to  date  December  i,  1913,  and  from  that  date  to 
June  30,  1914,  it  came  in  to  the  value  of  one  million  dollars—- 
the  rags  of  pauper  Europe  made  up  by  foreign  sweat-shop 
competition  with  our  legitimate  wool  manufacturing  indus- 
tries. 


Representative  Warren  Worth  Bailey  (Dem.),  of  Pennsyl- 
vania: "I  shall  be  greatly  disappointed  should  this  tariff  fail 
to  increase  enormously  both  imports  and  exports." 

Mr.  Bailey's  free-trade  heart  must  have  been  gladdened 
to  know  that,  according  to  Secretary  Redfield's  report,  im- 
ports of  goods  coming  into  competition  with  American  prod- 
ucts, increased  $145,000,000  in  the  first  nine  months'  operation 
of  the  Democratic  law,  compared  with  a  similar  period  under 
the  Republican  law,  but  exports  fell  off  $100,000,000. 


Representative  James  W.  Collier  (Dem.),  Mississippi:  "We 
have  given  to  the  toiling  masses  free  meat,  free  bread,  free 
coffee,  free  salt,  free  flour,  free  meal,  and  free^  boots  and 
shoes." 

And  six  months  after  the  Democratic  tariff  law  was  passed 
5,000,000  of  the  toilers  had  freedom  from  work  because  the 
mills  were  closed.  Then  some  of  them  got  free  soup  and  free 
bread,  if  they  stood  in  line  long  enough. 


Representative  Lincoln  Dixon  (Dem.),  of  Indiana:  "We 
have  given  the  farmer  free  agricultural  implements — plows, 
tooth  and  disk  harrows,  harvesters,  reapers,  threshing  ma- 
chines, wagons — binding  twine,  cream  separators,  barbed  wire, 
and  fencing." 

Nearly  everything  the  farmer  produced  was  put  on  the 
free  list.  Imports  of  farm  products  during  the  first  ten 
months'  uninterrupted  action  of  the  Democratic  tariff  law 
were  nearly  2^  times  greater  than  for  the  corresponding) 
period  under  Republican  law  the  year  previously.  And  the 
price  of  farm  implements  increased.  The  farmer  was  brass- 
knuckled  from  the  front,  and  stabbed  from  the  rear. 


Representative  Hammond  (Dem.),  of  Minnesota:  "This 
is  the  people's  tariff  bill.  It  marks  a  new  era  in  the  social  and 
industrial  development  of  our  great  country." 

The  "new  era"  was  marked  by  trade  demoralization,  bank- 
ruptcy, and  5,000,000  jobless  men  within  the  ten  months  from 
the  time  the  Underwood  tariff  law  was  passed,  October,  1913, 
to  the  time  war  was  declared,  August  i,  1914. 


Democratic  Extravagance 

By  Representative  Frederick  H.  Gillett,  Sept.  12,  19x4^ 

The  constitutional  provision  that  no  money  shall  be  drawn 
from  the  Treasury  but  in  consequence  of  appropriations  made 
by  law  is  one  of  the  wisest  provisions  in  that  instrument. 
The  duty  it  imposes  upon  Congress  is  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant that  body  is  called  upon  to  perform.  The  manner 
of  that  performance  is  one  of  the  things  by  which  the  Con- 
gress and  the  political  party  controlling  it  should  be  judged. 
Judging  this  Democratic  Congress  by  that  performance, 
there  can  be  but  one  verdict — a  verdict  of  absolute  condem- 
nation. 

Procrastination  in   Passage   of  Appropriation  Bills   Hinders- 
Government  Work 

The  fiscal  year  commences  July  i.  If  appropriation  bills 
were  not  passed  before  then,  no  money  could  be  paid  out  and 
the  wheels  of  government  would  stop.  So  when  the  regular 
bills  are  not  ready  at  that  date  it  is  necessary  to  pass  a  tem- 
porary resolution  extending  the  last  year's  appropriation  bills 
until  the  new  ones  become  law.  That  occasions  great  incon- 
venience and  expense  to  all  the  departments,  it  complicates 
the  accounts,  it  hinders  making  plans  in  advance,  and  pre- 
vents alloting  the  funds  equitably  for  the  different  seasons  of 
the  year.  The  earlier  the  bills  are  passed  the  more  advan- 
tageously can  the  departments  expend  their  appropriations. 

For  fourteen  years,  covering  the  period  from  March  4.  1897, 
to  March  4,  191 1,  the  Republican  Party  controlled  both  Houses 
of  Congress.  During  that  time  the  several  annual  appropria- 
tion bills  for  the  support  of  the  Government  were  prepared 
with  diligence  and  were  invariably  enacted  into  law  before 
the  beginning  of  each  fiscal  year.  Every  branch  of  the 
Government  knew  in  advance  just  what  measure  of  expendi- 
ture was  allotted  to  it  for  the  year,  thus  enabling  them  to 
perform  their  respective  functions  without  intervals  of  un- 
certainty, indecision,  and  waste.  How  different  have  been 
the  conditions  during  the  past  three  years,  when  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  has  controlled  this  House! 

During  the  fiscal  year  1913,  the  first  year  of  Democratic  as- 
cendancy here,  nine  of  the  great  appropriation  bills  were  not 
passed  until  the  second  month  of  the  fiscal  year  was  well 
advanced  or  nearly  expired.  Only  three  of  them,  the  diplo- 
matic and  consular.  District  of  Columbia,  and  fortifications — 
the  least  important  of  all — got  through  before  the  j'-ear  be- 
gan; and  one,  the  river  and  harbor,  that  affects  no  real  func- 
tion of  government,  they  managed  to  pull  through  toward  the 
end  of  the   first  month   of  the  year. 

For  the  fiscal  year  of  1914  the  same  House  of  Represertv 
tatives,  at  its  second  session,  and  after  an  experience  of  13 
months  of  actual  sitting,  proved  incapable  of  handling  the 
Nation's  business  by  permitting  two  of  the  great  supply  bills 
to  die  with  the  session — one  providing  for  the  Indian  affairs 
and  the  other  for  sundry  civil  expenses.  Without  the  latter 
the  Government  could  not  exist.  Both  bills  had  to  be  en- 
acted at  the  extra  session  of  this  Congress,  which  would  have 
been  convened  on  this  account  alone  if  the  President  had  not 
otherwise  deemed  an  extra  session  necessary. 

In  this  Congress  the  Democrats  had  full  control  of  every 
branch  of  the  Government,  and  there  was  an  extra  session 
lasting  eight  months  before  the  regular  session,  and  still  four 
of  the  general  appropriation  bills  were  delaj^ed  in  their  en- 
actment until  weeks  after  the  fiscal  year  had  commenced. 

It  seems  to  be  Democratic  nature  to  be  inefficient  and  un- 
businesslike. The  record  shows  that  during  the  first  year  of 
Cleveland's  last  administration,  with  his  party  in  full  control 

38a 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         283 

of  both  branches  of  Congress,  none  of  the  12  general  appro- 
priation bills  was  passed  until  several  days  after  the  fiscal 
year  had  begun,  and  some  of  them  not  for  many  weeks.  The 
last  two  years  of  that  administration  of  Mr.  Cleveland  Con- 
gress was  controlled  by  the  Republicans,  and.  needless  to 
state,  the  public  business,  so  far  as  that  body  was  concerned, 
was  promptly  dispatched;  all  of  the  appropriation  bills  were 
enacled  in  due  season  and  before  the  besrinning  of  either  of 
the   fiscal  years  for  which   they  made  provision. 

And  now  as  soon  as  the  Democratic  Party  gains  power 
again  they  repeat  their  former  practice  and  illustrate  again 
what  we  have  always  criticised  them  for — inefficiency  and  in- 
capacity for  business  management. 

This  dallying,  procrastinating  policy  doubtless  accounts 
for  the  fact  that  the  last  time  the  Democrats  controlled  the 
Government,  in  1893,  Congress  was  obliged  to  sit  the  whole 
year  round  in  order  to  do  its  work.  That  was  not  necessary 
again  for  20  years,  until  last  year,  when  for  the  first  time 
again  the  Democrats  were  in  control,  and  now  again  this 
year  they  can  not  transact  the  necessary  business  without 
a  solid  year's  session.  And  it  is  significant  that  in  the  Fifty- 
third  Congress,  20  years  ago,  when  the  Democrats  last  had 
control  and  had  a  majority  of  80  in  this  House,  despite  that 
great  majority  they  could  not  keep  a  quorum  here  without 
docking  the  Members'  pay  for  absences.  There  has  been  no 
such  trouble  since  during  the  Republican  Congresses,  but  now 
that  the  Democrats  are  in  power  again,  with  a  majority  of 
141,  they  are  obliged  again  to  resort  to  that  same  humiliating 
device  in  order  to  keep  their  Members  here.  And  when 
Democrats  honored  by  great  chairmanships  in  the  House  and 
Senate  notoriously  leave  their  duties  for  weeks  at  a  time, 
you  can  hardly  expect  the  rank  and  file  not  to  follow  their 
example.  From  the  5th  of  last  June  until  their  salary  was 
threatened  there  had  not  at  any  time  been  a  quorum  of  Dem- 
ocrats present  at  any  roll  call  despite  their  enormous  ma- 
jority of  141.  ^. 

Meanwhile  the  country  suffers.  As  legislation  drags  its 
slow  length  along  watchful  waiting  has  become  weary  waiting, 
and  before  November,  unless  this  European  war  distracts 
them,  the  voters  will  be  in  a  mood  of  wrathful  waiting  for 
election   day. 

Aggregate  Appropriations  and  Estimates  Largest  in  History 

But  damaging  and  expensive  delay  is  not  the  only  feature 
which  calls  for  criticism  in  the  appropriations  of  this  Con- 
gress. The  grand  total  of  appropriations  made  thus  far  is 
$1,089,403,777.26,  which  sum  includes  no  amount  for  a  river 
and  harbor  bill.  This  statement  dates  from  early  in  August, 
and  does  not  include  the  five  millions  for  insurance  or  any- 
thing since  then.  The  estimates  submitted  for  a  river  and 
harbor  bill  amounted  to  $34,266,395.  On  these  estimates 
the  Committee  on  Rivers  and  Harbors  prepared  and  passed 
through  the  House  on  the  26th  of  March  last  a  bill  appro- 
priating $38,408,004,  and  authorizing  $4,061,500  additional  in 
contracts,  a  total  of  $43,469,504,  or  an  excess  of  $9,293,109 
over  the  estimates  submitted  by  President  Wilson,  which  were 
so  large  that  they  exceed  those  submitted  at  either  session  of 
the  last  Congress  by  President  Taft. 

It  is  probably  exceeded  in  extravagance  only  by  the  public- 
buildings  act  which  originated  in  the  Democratic  House  of  the 
last  Congress  and  saddled  upon  the  Treasury  a  public-build- 
ings program  that  will  ultimately  cost  $42,063,850,  and  which 
provides  for  $50,000  buildings  in  towns  or  villages  which 
have  less  than  1,000  population  and  postal  receipts  of  less 
than  $2,500 — buildings,  too,  which  will  cost  far  more  than  any 
other  public  or  private  buildings  in  those  communities.  River 
and  harbor  and  public-buildings  bills  have  long  been  known 
as  "pork"  bills,  and  it  is  not  accidental  that  Democratic  ex- 


284        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

travagance    runs     to    its    greatest    extremes     in     these    two 
billr,. 

Eliminating  from  consideration  all  question  of  a  river  and 
harbor  bill  at  this  session,  either  with  reference  to  estimates 
submitted,  amounts  passed  by  the  House  or  nov/  pending  in 
the  Senate,  and  also  eliminating  for  comparison  the  sum  car- 
ried by  the  river  and  harbor  act  in  the  appropriations  made 
^last  session,  it  appears  that  the  appropriations  made  this 
session  exceed  those  made  last  session  by  $31,803,082.86. 
Even  that  enormous  excess  over  appropriations  of  last  ses- 
sion, the  latter  based  on  estimates  of  a  Republican  adminis- 
tration, would  have  been  increased  by  $54,809,687.62  had  the 
full  estimates  been  appropriated  that  were  submitted  and 
urged  upon  Congress  by  the  present  Democratic  administra'cion. 

The  last  Congress  when  all  the  branches  of  the  Govern- 
ment were  controlled  by  the  Republicans  was  the  Sixty-first, 
and  the  appropriations  made  in  the  last  session  of  that  Con- 
gress for  the  year  1912  were  $1,026,682,881.72.  These  appro- 
priations were  denounced  by  the  Democrats  as  profligately 
extravagant,  and  yet  they  are  exceeded  by  the  appropriations 
of  this  first  Congress  of  Democratic  control  by  $63,000,000. 
Leave  out  the  river  and  harbor  bill  of  that  session,  as  I  am 
leaving  it  out  for  this  session,  and  the  difference  is  about 
$100,000,000. 

Not  only  do  the  appropriations  made  at  this  session,  ex- 
clusive of  a  river  and  harbor  bill,  amounting  to  the  enor- 
mous sum  of  $1,089,408,777.26,  exceed  for  the  first  year  of  an, 
incoming  Democratic  administration  by  the  large  sum  named 
the  extravagant  appropriations  of  the  last  session,  made  by 
an  overwhelmingly  Democratic  House,  but  the  very  esti- 
mates or  recommendations  submitted  to  this  Congress  by 
the  Democratic  Executive  exceed  those  presented  for  the 
first  year  of  Mr.  Taft's  administration,  omitting  river  and 
harbor  estimates  for  both  periods,  by  more  than  $100,000,000. 
and  for  only  one  of  the  two  following  years  of  that  Repub- 
lican administration  did  the  estimates  barely  reach  within 
$100,000,000  of  what  seems  to  be  required  by  the  Democrats 
to  conduct  the  Government  according  to  their  traditional, 
and  what  are  now  shovv^n  to  be  purely  legendary,  notions  of 
economy. 

The  appropriations  for  this  session,  for  which  Congress  is 
directly  responsible,  not  only  exceed  those  of  any  previous 
session,  but  the  estimates  or  recommendations  for  appro- 
priations submitted  by  the  President  and  for  which  he  is 
almost  wholly  answerable  greatly  exceed  those  ever  before 
submitted  by  any  President. 

Appropriations  were  made  during  the  extra  session  of  this 
Congress,  beginning  in  April  of  last  year,  amounting  in  all 
to  $6,327,837.22,  and  the  greater  part  of  that  sum,  if  not  made 
then,  would  have  been  required  to  be  made  for  the  public 
service  at  this  session  and  therefore  could  with  propriety  be 
added  to  the  sum  of  this  session's  appropriations  for  the  pur- 
pose of  comparing  the  latter's  excesses  over  any  previous 
record  in  appropriations  made  at  any  session  of  Congress 
and  would  have  still  further  swelled  the  total. 

This  prodigious  increase  in  expenditures  is  not  confined  to 
some  one  particular  line  or  to  certain  committees.  It  is  char- 
acteristic of  them  all.  Compare  the  appropriation  bills  of 
this  session  with  the  corresponding  bills  of  the  first  session 
of  the  Taft  administration  and  you  will  find  that  every  single 
bill  of  this  session  is  larger  than  the  corresponding  bill  of 
that  session,  except  the  Military  Academy  bill,  which  is  the 
smallest  of  them  all,  appropriating  only  about  a  million  dol- 
lars. So  tha't  the  increase  is  general  and  all-pervading  and 
has  but  one  insignificant  exception.  If  all  those  Republican 
bills  were  as  extravagant  as  the  Democrats  then  insisted,  what 
shall  be  said  of  their  bills,  which  now  vastly  exceed  them, 
both   in   the  grand  total  and   in   each  separate  bill?     I   give 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         285 

here  the  total  appropriations  of  each  year  since  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Taft  administration,  omitting  from  each  one  the 
river  and  harbor  bill,  because  that  bill  for  this  session  is 
still  pending  in  the  Senate.  If  I  should  leave  all  the  river 
and  harbor  appropriations  and  in  this  session  use  the  amount 
of  that  bill  as  it  now  stands  in  the  Senate,  reported  from  the 
Senate  committee,  the  comparison  would  be  still  more  un- 
favorable for  this  Democratic  Congress.  I  might  suggest, 
moreover,  that  this  year  the  appropriation  for  the  Isthmian 
Canal  is  only  $21,000,000,  while  it  has  reached  as  high  as 
forty-eight  millions  in  a  single  year,  and  while  that  increased 
the  size  of  the  appropriations  for  that  year,  it  was  no  gauge 
of  the  economy  of  Congress,  because  in  each  year  we  appro- 
priated whatever  the  engineers  needed. 

Total  Appropriations,  Excluding  River  and  Harbor  Acts 

1911 $978,521,087.68 

1912  995,799,462.72 

1913  988,353,340.41 

1914  1,057,605,694.40 

1915  1,089,408,777.26 

Excessive  by  all  comparison  as  is  the  sum  total  of  expendi- 
tures authorized  for  this  first  year  of  complete  control  of 
the  Government  by  a  Democratic  Executive  and  a  Congress 
Democratic  in  both  branches,  still  more  startlmg  are  some 
of  the  details  developed  by  analysis  of  how  the  enormous 
total  of  nearly  $1,100,000,000  has  been  recklessly  piled  up. 

Pension  Appropriations  Cut 

One  of  the  regular  annual  appropriation  acts,  the  one 
providing  for  the  payment  of  pensions,  does  show  a  marked 
reduction  of  $11,150,000  under  the  one  for  the  previous  year. 
It  would  be  uncharitable  to  claim  that  there  is  any  signifi- 
cance in  this  large  decrease. 

Wholesale  Increase  of  High  Salaries  and  High-Salaried 
Officers 

.  Leaving  these  larger  details  of  comparison,  involving  as 
they  do  such  enormous  sums  of  excess  over  the  work  of  other 
sessions  of  Congress,  and  turning  to  smaller  but  no  less 
extravagant  accomplishments  in  the  way  of  new  officers 
created  and  salaries  increased  by  this  Congress,  the  record 
discloses  even  by  cursory  examination,  instances  like  the  fol- 
lowing: 

The  new  banking  law  creates  five  new  offices  with  salaries 
of  $12,000  each  and  increases  the  salary  of  the  Comptroller 
of  the  Currency  from  $5,000,  at  which  sum  it  had  remained  for 
50  years,  to  $12,000  per  annum. 

The  new  trade  commission  act  creates  five  commissioners 
at  $10,000  each  and  a  secretary  at  $5,000. 

A  new  board  of  appeals,  consisting  of  three  members  at 
v$4,ooo  each,  is  created  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
interior. 

For  commercial  attaches,  to  be  appointed  by  and  compen- 
sated at  such  salaries  as  the  Secretary  of  Commerce  may  fix, 
and  a  clerk  each,  at  $1,500;  and  for  traveling  expenses,  the 
sum  of  $100,000  is  appropriated  for  a  year. 

The  salary  of  the  private  secretary  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  is  increased  from  $2,500  to  $3,000,  which  means  that 
the  private  secretaries  to  the  other  nine  Cabinet  officers  must 
also  be  increased  from  $2,500  to  $3,000. 

A  chief  of  division,  created  less  than  a  year  ago  under  the 
income-tax  law,  is  increased  from  $2,500  to  $3,500. 

Six  Assistant  Attorneys  General  in  the  Department  of 
Justice  have  their  salaries  increased  from  $5,000  to  $7,500. 

The  salary  of  the  assistant  to  the  Attorney  General  was 
increased  during  the  extra  session  on  an  urgent  deficiency  bill 
from  $7,000  to  $9,000. 


286         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

The  salaries  of  our  diplomatic  representatives  to  Argentina, 
Chile,  and  Spain  are  raised  from  $12,000  to  $17,500  each  per 
annum,  and  the  three  secretaries  of  the  legations  to  these 
countries  are  increased  from  $2625  to  $3000  each. 

The  mission  to  Paraguay  and  Uruguay  is  divided  and  a 
new  minister  authorized,  with  a  new  salary  of  $10  000. 

The  Democratic  House  of  the  last  Congress  insisted  upon 
and  did  abolish  three  internal-revenue  collectors  of  the  Re- 
publican administration,  at  $4,500  each.  At  this  session  one 
of  them  is  re-created,  the  place  to  be  filled  by  a  Democratic 
administration.  If  the  office  was  not  necessary  to  collect 
revenues  then,  how  can  it  be  needed  now,  except  to  meet 
some  political  exigency. 

In  the  Pension  Office  40  special  examiners,  at  $1,300  each, 
heretofore  employed  to  facilitate  settlement  of  claims  for 
pensions  of  old  soldiers,  and  whose  appointments  wer^  con- 
trolled by  civil-service  law,  are  abolished.  In  their  places 
five  special  examiners  at  $1,300  each,  who  are  not  under  the 
civil  service  but  are  political  appointments,  are  provided  for. 

Democratic  Economy  as  Practiced  by  Author  of  Democratic 
Platform 

The  Secretary  of  State,  when  he  appeared  before  the  com- 
mittee in  January,  1914,  to  explain  the  needs  of  his  department, 
said,  with  reference  to  his  estimates: 

I  was  determined  that  there  would  be  one  department  that 
would  be  run  on  less  than  it  was  before,  if  I  could  bring  it 
about,  *  *  *  ^j^(j  |.|^g  (,Qg^  ig  ^120  less  than  it  was  last 
year. 

One  hundred  and  twenty  dollars  did  not  seem  a  very  strik- 
ing economy.  It  did  not  substantiate  the  unceasing  charge 
of  Republican  extravagance;  and  yet  even  that  lonely  and 
only  economy  was  lost.  Notwithstanding  that  brave  state- 
ment, the  appropriation  bill  came  back  from  the  Senate  with 
two  $1,800  clerkships  added,  together  with  an  assistant  to 
the  Secretary,  at  $4,500.  In  view  of  his  statement,  it  must  be 
assumed  that  an  extravagant  Democratic  Senate  sought  to 
thrust  these  needless  places  on  Mr.  Bryan. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  too,  asked  and  the  Senate 
proposed  to  provide  him  with  an  assistant,  at  $4,500,  notwith- 
standing the  law  already  provided  for  three  Assistant  Sec- 
retaries of  the  Treasury,  at  $5,000  each,  and  other  assistants 
to  the  head  of  that  great  department  in  the  nature  of  bureau 
chiefs,  division  heads,  and  others,  numbering  thousands. 

Economy  of  a   Democratic  Senate 

The  Senate  during  the  first  year  of  its  transition  from  Re- 
publican to  Democratic  control  has  increased  its  permanent 
staff  of  clerks  and  other  attaches  of  committees  by  35  in 
number,  with  consequent  annual  increase  in  the  pay  roll 
amounting  to  $49,380.  It  was  stated  that  these  employees 
were  already  on  the  rolls  of  that  body  by  special  resolutions 
or  orders,  but  no  inhibition  of  law  against  that  facile  method 
of  adding  to  the  Government's  pay  rolls  accompanied  this 
unprecedented  increase  in  permanent  places. 

Civil  Service  Ignored 

It  is  not  without  significance  that  in  the  case  of  every  one 
of  these  new  and  high-salaried  offices,  or  instances  where 
large  salaries  have  been  greatly  increased,  the  places  are  such 
as  can  be  or  have  been  conferred  upon  the  faithful  and  with- 
out the  embarrassment  or  intervention  of  civil-service  laws 
and  regulations. 

The  Record  of  Economical  Democracy 

What  a  record  for  this  Democratic  Congress  and  adminis- 
tration   to   contemplate. 

Failure   to  pass  the  supply  bills   within   the    time   required 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOR— 1916         287 

by  the  law  establishing  the  fiscal  year,  involving  loss  in  ef- 
ficiency and  economic  administration. 

Estimates  of  Government  expenditures  submitted  by  the 
Executive  many  millions  of  dollars  in  excess  of  any  ever 
before  presented  to  the  Congress  by  any  administration. 

Appropriations  exceeding  those  made  last  session  by 
$31,803,082.86  and  vastly  greater  than  those  ever  made  at  any 
session,  not  excepting  even  the  comparatively  recent  period 
of  the  Spanish  War,  and  exceeding  those  made  at  the  last 
session  of  the  last  Republican  Congress  by  $62,725,895.54. 

A  host  of  high-salaried  officials  created  and  high  salaries 
made  higher. 

The  one  appropriation  bill  showing  a  great  and  appre- 
ciable reduction  is  the  one  making  provision  for  the  pay- 
ment of  pensions  to  the  veterans  of  the  Civil  War.  They 
trimmed  that  to  the  extent  of  $11,150,000. 

Democratic  Promises  Made  Are  Many — Those  Kept  Are  Few 
I  do  not  maintain  that  all  these  increases  of  appropriations 
and  offices  are  unjustifiable,  but  I  maintain  that  they  contra- 
dict the  constant  charges  of  extravagance  against  us  and  are 
violations  of  the  pledges  on  which  the  Democratic  Party  won 
their  victory.     The  last  Democratic  platform  said: 

We  denounce  the  profligate  waste  of  the  money  wrung  from  the  people 
by  oppressive  taxation  through  the  lavish  appropriations  of  the  recent 
RepuMican  Congresses,  which  have  kept  taxes  high  and  reduced  the 
purchasing  power  of  the  people's  toil.  We  demand  a  return  to  that 
simplicity  and  economy  which  befits  a  democratic  Government  and  a 
reduction  in  the  number  of  useless  offices,  the  salaries  of  which  drain 
the    substances    of   the    people. 

The  platform  of  1908  said: 

The  Republican  Congress  in  the  session  just  ended  made  appropria- 
tions amounting  to  $1,008,000,000,  exceeding  the  total  expenditures  of  the 
past  fiscal  year  by  $90,000,000,  and  leaving  a  deficit  of  more  than 
$60,000,000  for  the  fis^cal  year  just  ended.  We  denounce  the  needless 
waste  of  the  people's  money,  which  has  resulted  in  the  appalling  in- 
crease, as  a  shameful  violation  of  all  prudent  considerations  of  govern- 
ment and  as  no  less  than  a  crime  against  the  millions  of  working  men 
and  women,  from  whose  earnings  the  great  proportion  of  these  co  ossal 
sums  mu  t  be  extorted  through  excessive  tariff  exactions  and  other 
indirect  methods.  It  is  not  surprising  that,  in  the  face  of  this  shocking 
record,  the  Republican  platform  contains  no  reference  to  economical 
administration  or  promise  thereof  in  the  future.  We  demand  that  stop 
le  put  to  this  frirhtful  extravagance,  and  insist  upon  the  strictest 
eco-iomv  in  every  department  compatible  with  frugal  and  efficient  ad- 
ministration. 

That  but  condensed  the  charges  which  have  been  hurled 
against  us  in  this  House  during  the  16  years  of  Republican 
control.  Let  me  quote  from  the  last  speech  made  by  the 
last  Democrat  who  occupied  the  place  I  now  hold,  the  rank- 
ing minority  member  of  the  Appropriations  Committee,  when 
performing  the  same  duty  I  am  performing  now.  On  March 
4,  191 1,  Mr.  Livingston,  of  Georgia,  said: 

Mr.  Speaker,  to  my  mind  the  record  of  this  session  in  appropriating 
$1,025,489,661.54  for  the  service  of  this  Government  for  the  fiscal  year 
1912  demonstrates  that  until  the  Democratic  Party  comes  into  complete 
control  of  the  Government,  as  I  believe  it  will  two  years  hence,  this 
billion  dollar  mark  for'  a  session's  appropriations,  established  four  years 
aeo  at  the  first  ?ess;on  of  the  Sixtieth  Congress,  can  not  be  substan- 
tially lowered,  if  lowered  at  all.  *  »  »  The  organization  of  the 
next  Co-igre=-s  will  find  the  control  of  the  Hou.e  of  Representatives  in 
the  hands  of  the  Democratic  Party.  We  are  for  economy  all  along  the 
line,  but  more  particularly  in  those  departments  of  the  Government 
relating  to  the  enormous  expenditures  for  war  purposes.  We  want  to 
save  the  people  of  this  country  from  the  danger  which  threatens  them 
1  ecau  e  of  the  rampant  expenditure  of  their  money  that  has  been  going 
on  for  the  pa-^t  12  years.  We  may  not  be  able  to  control  those  measures 
be-  ond  the  influence  of  this  Hou'=e,  but  we  will  demonstrate  to  the 
people   of  this   country   that   the    Democratic   Party    keeps   its   word. 

Compare  that  prophecy  by  the  mouthpiece  of  the  minority 
party  three  years  ago  with  its  fulfillment  by  this  party  the 
past  year,  and  you  appreciate  how  "the  Democratic  Party 
keeps  its  word." 


The  Federal  Reserve  System 

By  SENATOR  JOHN  W.  WEEKS 

We  very  seldom  make  fundamental  phanges  in  legislation 
until  'che  attention  of  the  country  is  drawn  to  ihe  subject  by 
some  unusual  event.  This  is  illustrated  by  the  serious  panic  of 
1907,  which  affected  business  conditions  to  such  an  extent  that 
there  was  created  an  urgen'c  demand  from  all  classes  for 
changes  in  our  banking  and  currency  laws  which  would,  as  far 
as  possible,  prevent  a  recurrence.  Congress  took  the  matter  up 
immediately  after  convening  in  December  of  that  year,  and  in 
the  early  summer  of  1908  passed'  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Currency 
Bill.  The  discussions  and  investigations  which  took  place  dur- 
ing the  consideration  of  this  bill  indicated  that  a  more  thorough 
study  of  the  whole  question  of  banking  should  be  undertaken 
before  any  fundamental  changes  were  made  in  our  laws  on  this 
subject.  This  was  the  reason  for  the  passage*  of  a  temporary 
currency  measure  rather  than  attempting  to  enact  more  far- 
reaching  and  comprehensive  legislation  at  that  time. 

The  Democratic  Party  opposed  this  legislation,  even  to  the 
extent  of  filibustering.  In  doing  this  it  followed  its  usual 
course  in  the  consideration  of  all  the  gfeat  financial  questions 
which  have  come  before  Congress  since  the  organization  of 
the  Republican  Party.  It  strongly  opposed  the  organization  of 
national  banks  and  usually  presented  opposition  to  amendments 
to  this  act  which  experience  demonstrated  should  be  made.  It 
favored  extending  the  issue  of  greenbacks  and  opposed  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments.  It  was  committed  to  all  the 
silver  vagaries  which  were  considered  by  Congress  and  which 
ended  with  the  campaign  of  1896,  and  it  cp'^'^'sed  the  passage  of 
the  Gold  Basis  Act  of  1900.  An  examin,  lon  of  the  records 
containing  the  discussions  of  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Bill  shows 
the  vicious  opposition  Democracy  made  to  this  proposition.  No 
language  was  too  strong  in  its  condemnation  of  this  measure; 
in  short,  the  course  of  the  Democratic  Party  in  all  such  legis- 
lative matters  up  to  and'  including  this  period  was  consistently 
bad. 

Currency  Bill  a  Temporary  Measure 

No  one  contended  that  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Bill  was  for  any 
other  than  a  temporary  purpose.  It  provided  for  the  issuance  of 
temporary  currency  based  on  similar  conditions  to  those  followed 
by  Clearing  House  banks  in  large  communities,  in  issuing  Clear- 
ing House  certificates  in  times  of  distress.  The  rates  of  interest 
imposed  in  issuing  this  currency  did  not  average  higher  than 
the  rates  charged  on  Clearing  House  certificates,  which  had 
never  been  less  than  six  per  cent,  and  in  some  cities  as  high  as 
7.3  per  cent.  Currency  of  that  kind  would  never  be  issued 
except  in  times  of  great  necessity,  and  in  order  to  prevent  its 
being  kept  in  continuous  use  a  high  and  increasing  rate  of  in- 
terest was  charged,  commencing  with  five-  per  cent  for  the  first 
month  and  increasing  one  per  cent  a  month  until  the  rate  of 
ten  per  cent  was  reached.  The  average  time  that  Clearing 
House  certificates  remained  issued  during  the  previous  panics  had 
been  less  than  four  months.  Therefore,  assuming  that  this  cir- 
culation would'  be  retired  in  the  same  time,  the  average  rate  of 
interest  it  would  have  cost  the  banks  would  have  been  six 
and  a  half  per  cent;  less  than  that,  of  course,  if  it  were  retired 
within  four  months. 

This  law  also  established  for  the  first  time  the  correct  prin- 
ciple that  the  basis  for  currency  issue  should  be  commercial 
paper,  and  in  order  to  prevent  a  reduction  of  circulation  in 
ordinary  times,  which  might  bring  about  distress,  it  required  that 
a  National  Bank  taking  advantage  of  this  provision  of  the  law 

288 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         28» 


I  ^hould  only  issue  this  currency  when  it  had'  outstanding  forty 
I  per  cent  of  its  capital  stock  in  bond  secured  circulation.  The 
I  capital  stock  of  National  Banks  is  practically  a  billion  dollars. 
I  Forty  per  cent  of  their  capital  would  be  about  $400,000,000,  which 
I  was  materially  less  than  the  aggregate  amount  of  bond-secured 
I  circulation  outstanding.  Therefore  this  limitation  did  not  seem 
to  impose  any  hardship  on  the  National  Banks. 

Another  provision  of  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Bill  was  that  pro- 
viding for  a  Monetary  Commission  to  study  the  whole  banking 
and  currency  question  and  submit  to  Congress  recommenda- 
tions upon  which  to  base  a  fundamentally  sound  banking  sys- 
tem. In  order  that  there  should  be  a  certainty  that  such  action 
would  be  taken,  the  life  of  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Bill  was  made 
to  terminate  six  years  from  the  date  of  its  enactment. 

When  the  Monetary  Commission  made  its  report  to  Congress 
the  House  of  Representatives  was  controlled  by  the  Democratic 
Party  and  the  Senate  by  the  Republican  Party.  For  that  reason 
it  was  impossible  to  enact  fundamental  legislation  on  this  sub- 
ject, and  that  is  the  only  reason  that  earlier  action  was  not 
taken  on  the  repofc  of  the  Monetary  Commission.  In  1912  both 
parties  advocated  in  their  platforms  banking  and  currency  legis- 
lation to  meet  the  conditions  which  I  have  described.  As  the 
Democratic  Party  gained  control  of  both  branches  of  Congress 
at  the  elections  of  that  year,  it  became  incumbent  on  that  par'cy 
to  take  the  lead  in  carrying  out  these  declarations. 

Soon  after  Congress  convened  in  extra  session,  April  7,  1913, 
the  subject  was  taken  up  for  discussion,  resulting  in  the  passage 
of  the  Federal  Reserve  Act  by  the  House  of  Representatives 
on  Septembr  18,  1913.  As  it  passed  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives this  bill  had  the  entire  approval  of  the  Administration; 
but,  without  discussing  it  in  detail,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that 
in  that  form  it  did  not  have  the  approval  of  the  banking  com- 
munity, banking  students,  or  any  others  skilled  in  finance.  It  is 
the  universal  opinion  of  those  competent  to  pass  on  the  subject 
that  if  the  bill  had  become  a  law  as  it  passed  the  House  of 
Representatives,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it  had  the  entire 
approval  of  the  Administration,  it  could  not  have  been  put  into 
successful  operation,  because  those  responsible  for  the  manage- 
ment of  National  Banks  would  not  have  joined  a  system  which 
did  not  promise  results  beneficial  to  our  financial  structure  and 
which  might  have  been  harmful  to  the  individual  banks  that 
joined  the  system. 

How  the  Federal  Reserve  Act  Passed 

The  bill  then  went  to  the  Senate  and  was  considered  in  that 
body  for  several  months.  Through  the  insistence  of  Republican 
Senators  aided  by  several  Democratic  members  of  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Banking  and  Currency,  who  joined  w'ith  them  in 
this  action,  many  of  the  leading  financial  experts  of  the  United 
States  were  brought  before  the  Committee.  As  a  result  of  their 
advice  and  judgment,  combined  With  the  earnest  work  of  the 
members  of  the  Committee,  the  present  Federal  Reserve  Act 
was  developed,  the  House  bill  being  changed  in  several  hundred 
particulars,  many  of  the  changes,  of  course,  being  of  minor 
character,  but  many  of  them  were  fundamental.  As  a  result, 
taking  the  report  of  the  Monetary  Commission  as  a  basis,  the 
present  Federal  Reserve  Act  was  evolved  and  finally,  December 
23,  1913,  became  a  law.  No  one  will  contend  that  it  is  a  perfect 
law;  indeed,  that  it  v^as  imperfect  was  demonstrated  by  the 
fact  that  it  has  already  been  amended  in  many  particulars.  How- 
ever, I  think  no  criticism  should  be  attached  to  any  one  on  this 
account,  because  it  was  understood  when  the  bill  passed  that  ex- 
perience must  be  the  guide  in  adjusting  the  law  to  all  of  our 
requirements. 

In   the  meantime  the  Aldrich-Vreeland   Act   was  not  put  into 


290        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

operation  because  financial  cond'itions  in  the  United  States  were 
so  nornicil  that  the  ordinary  supply  of  outstanding  currency, 
consis'cing  of  gold  and  gold  certificates,  silver  and  silver  cer- 
tificates, three  hundred  and  forty-six  millions  of  greenbacks,  and 
National  Bank  bond-secured  circulation,  was  quite  suflScient  for 
the  country's  heeds.  However,  on  August  i,  1914,  when  the 
great  European  War  broke  out,  we  were  met  by  a  condicion  of 
greater  financial  seriousness  than  the  world  had  ever  faced  in 
modern  times.  Our  recourse  was  to  immediately  close  the  Stock 
Exchanges,  issue  a  sufficient  amount  of  emergency  currency,  so 
that  the  hoarding  of  money  would  not  affect  normal  circulation 
conditions,  and  by  inaction  carry  ourselves  over  the  distressing 
period  which  we  had  to  face. 

In  order  to  encourage  banks  to  take  immediate  actioti,  the 
Aldrich-Vreeland  Act  was  modified  in  two  particulars.  In  one 
instance  the  rate  of  interest  on  emergency  currency  was  reduced 
from  five  to  three  per  cent;  in  the  other,  the  stipulation  com- 
pelling a  bank  to  have  outstanding  forty  per  cent  of  its  capital 
stock  in  bank  note  currency  before  it  could  issue  any  emergency 
currency  was  modified  so  that  that  condition  should  not  be  neces- 
sary. This  action  was  desirable  because  at  that  time  banks  not 
having  forty  per  cent  of  their  capital  in  outstanding  bank  note 
currency  would  have  had  great  difficulty  in  obtaining  bonds  in 
order  to  increase  their  issue. 

It  has  been  contended  by  Democrats  that  these  two  modifica- 
tions in  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Bill  made  it  operative;  that  it  was 
not  so  in  its  old  form.  There  is  no  justification  for  this  con- 
tention, except  the  statement  'that  banks  would,  of  course,  prefer 
to  issue  circulation  on  a  low  rather  than  high  rate  of  interest 
basis,  and  the  second  change  gave  some  banks  which  had  not 
up  to  that  time  done  their  full  duty  in  keeping  out  a  suitable 
amount  of  circulation,  the  power  of  issuing  it,  which  they  other- 
wise would  not  have  had.  I  am  confident  that  my  contention  is 
sound,  but  in  order  to  prove  it  I  have  corresponded  with  many 
bankers  and  have  obtained  their  judgment.  Substantially,  it 
accords  with  the  view  expressed  by  one  of  my  correspondents, 
which  is  as  follows : 

"While,  of  course,  the  original  Aldrich-Vreeland  Act  was  not 
as  favorable  to  the  banks  as  it  was  after  amendment,  I  am  in- 
clined to  think  that  it  would  have  been  used  just  as  it  was  at  'ihe  * 
beginning  of  the  war  if  it  had  not  been  amended.  For  ft  short 
time  after  war  was  declared  it  was  a  question  of  turning  our 
resources  into  money  as  rapidly  as  possible,  or  at  least  knowing 
where  we  could  do  it,  and  I  do  not  think  at  that  time  the 
question  of  cost  would  have  entered  into  it  at  all.  It  might 
have  resulted  in  higher  rates  than  were  charged,  and  possibly 
in  banks  not  putting  out  as  much  currency  as  they  did  under 
the  amended  act." 

Saved  by  Aldrich-Vreeland  Act 

It  was  the  amended  Aldrich-Vreeland  Act  which  carried  us 
over  the  'troubles  incident  to  the  breaking  out  oT  the  European 
War—the  act  which  had  been  so  roundly  denounced  by  the 
Democratic  Party  when  it  was  passed.  But  it  is  noticeable  that 
during  the  consideration  of  this  bill  in  'the  House  and  Senate  it 
had  not  been  criticised  by  a  single  Democratic  Representative  or 
Senator  in  either  of  the  two  particulars  which  were  amended 
at  the  outbreak  of  the  war;  in  fact,  they  would  not  have  put 
themselves  in  the  position  of  urging  better  conditions  for  the 
banks  than  those  imposed  in  the  original  bill,  except  in  time  of 
grea'c  emergency  like  the  one  in  August,  1914. 

It  is  or  will  be  contended  by  Democratic  orators  and  others 
that  the  Federal  Reserve  Act  was  the  means  of  carrying  us  over 
our  troubles  at  that  time.  The  utter  fallacy  of  this  statement  is 
shown  in  the  fact  that  the  Federal  Reserve  Act  did  not  become 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         291 

operative  until  November  15,  1914,  months  after  the  breaking 
out  of  the  European  War,  and  at  a  time  when  very  nearly 
normal  conditions  had  returned.  Moreover,  the  Federal  Reserve 
Act  has  not  even  now,  although  it  has  heen  in  operation  nearly 
two  years,  any  appreciable  influence  on  our  financial  operations. 
The  total  loans  of  the  Federal  Reserve  banks  at  this  time,  July 
20,  1916,  amount  to  very  little  over  one  hundred  millions,  much 
less  than  the  loans  of  a  single  bank  in  New  York,  and  there  are 
a  dozen  National, Banks  in  the  United  States,  each  of  which  has 
loans  aggregating  very  nearly  as  much.  The  total  loans  of  all 
the  National  Banks  of  the  Country  amount  to  more  than  eight 
billion  dollars,  so  that  the  Federal  Reserve  System  as  a  loaning 
agency  is  not  doing  over  one-eightieth  of  the  business  done  by 
Its  member  banks,  not  including  any  such  business  being  carried 
on  by  State  banks  and  trust  companies,  which  aggregates  as 
much  more. 

The  present  law,  as  I  have  said,  is  not  a  perfect  measure. 
There  are  too  many  reserve  banks,  for  instance.  No  one  will 
contend  that  the  country  would  not  be  better  served  if  the  num- 
ber of  reserve  banks  were  four  instead  of  twelve,  and  many  be- 
lieve that  it  would  be  infinitely  better  served  if  there  was  but  one 
bank,  with  suitable  branches.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
and  Comptroller  of  the  Currency,  both  of  whom  are  part  of  a 
political  administration,  should  not  have  been  made  members 
of  the  Federal  Reserve  Board.  They  can  not  devote  their  time 
to  the  work  of  the  Board  on  account  of  their  other  duties,  and 
they  exert  an  influence  through  their  official  position  which  is 
harmful  to  the  system;  indeed,  the  connection  of  these  two 
officers  during  the  present  Democratic  Administration  with  this 
system  is  largely  responsible  for  the  failure  of  State  banks  and 
trust  companies  to  join.  Fundamental  errors  were  made  in  the 
manner  of  issuing  circulation,  the  results  of  which  have  not  yet 
become  apparent,  but  which  may  be  very  harmful  in  the  future; 
in  other  words  and  in  a  word,  it  is  generally  agreed  that  there 
are  many  vital  defects  in  the  present  law,  and  the  agreement  is 
just  as  general  that  those  parts  of  the  law  which  are  sound  and 
which  have  proved  valuable,  are  based  on  the  report  made  by 
the  Monetary  Commission,  provision  for  which  was  made  in  the 
original  Aldrich-Vreeland  Act.  I  doubt  if  a  single  sound  fea- 
ture can  be  pointed  out  in  the  present  law  which  was  not  based 
on  the  report  of  this  Commission,  which  is  now  universally 
recognized  as  the  correct  basis  for  financial  legislation. 

Therefore,  the  only  credit  to  which  the  Democratic  Party  is 
emtitled  in  connection  with  this ,  legislation  is  that  it  attempted 
to  carry  out  its  party  pledge,  and  did  so  to  the  extent  of  pro- 
viding a  bill — a  bill  which,  as  it  passed  the  House,  would  have 
been  worse  than  a  failure.  Finally  as  a  result  of  the  advice  of 
sound  financial  students,  aided  and  abetted  by  Republican  Sen- 
ators, the  law  was  made  sufficiently  workable,  so  that  we  may 
look  forward  with  some  confidence — amended  from  time  to  time 
as  it  must  be — ^that  it  will  answer  our  financial  requirements. 
If  credit  should  be  given  to  any  one  for  this  legislation  it  should 
be  given  to  the  Republican  Party  for  providing  a  means  of  fur- 
nishing the  country  with  a  sound  basis  of  action. 

Those  who  are  opposed  to  a  protective  tariff  and  whose 
aim  is  to  put  the  tariff  upon  a  revenue  basis  can  no  more  be 
trusted  to  make  a  revision  consistent  with  the  policy  of  pro- 
tection than  those  who  believe  in  protection  can  be  expected 
to  adjust  the  tariff  to  purposes  solely  of  revenue. — Charles 
E.   Hughes,  at  Youngstown,   Ohio,    1908. 


It  is  as  much  the  government's  duty  to  protect  a  man's 
means  of  support  as  it  is  to  protect  his  national  honor.  And 
that  is  what  a  Protective  Tariff  has  always  successfully  ac- 
complished. 


292         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

THE    FEDERAL    RESERVE    SYSTEM    AND    THE 
DEMOCRATIC  PARTY 

It  is  quite  natural  that  the  Democratic  Party  should  claim 
all  the  credit  for  having  established  the  Federal  Reserve  Sys- 
tem, for  the  Federal  Reserve  Act  was  actually  passed  by  a 
^Democratic  House  and  a  Democratic  Senate,  and  was  signed 
by  a  Democratic  President.  A.s  a  matter  of  fact,  however, 
the  Act  was  forced  through  by  the  Democratic  Party  for 
political  purposes  and  effect,  and  the  Party  stole  the  report 
of  the  Monetary  Commission,  a  Republican  report,  upon 
which  the  Act  was  based,  in  so  far  as  its  fundamental  bank- 
ing principles  are  concerned,  and  attempted  to  clothe  it  in 
such  form  that  its  source  could  not  be  recognized  by  the 
public. 

In  December,  1913,  it  will  be  recalled,  the  Democratic 
members  of  the  Senate  forced  daily  sessions  until  11  o'clock 
at  night,  in  order  to  compel  passage  of  the  bill,  with  its 
political  provisions,  apparently  in  order  that  they  might 
be  in  position  to  point  to  the  bill  after  its  passage  as  having 
been  a  Democratic  measure.  It  is  notorious  that  during  the 
Senate  sessions  while  the  bill  was  being  debated  that  the 
Democratic  Senators  absented  themselves,  so  that  only  a 
bare  quorum  was  present,  and  no  attempt  was  made  to  listen 
to  the  important  points  in  connection  with  the  bill  that  were 
brought  out  by  Senators  Root,  Burton,  Weeks  and  others. 
If  the  Democratic  Party  had  been  more  interested  in  passing 
a  bill  that  would  be  of  value  to  the  country  than  in  attempt- 
ing to  further  Party  interests,  it  could  have  afforded  to  have 
honestly  acknowledged  the  work  of  the  Monetary  Commis- 
sion, accepting  such  parts  of  its  report  openly  as  were  neces- 
sary and  desirable,  and  could  then  have  passed  a  bill  that 
would  have  redounded  to  its  credit. 

Aside  from  the  fundamental  principles  that  the  report  of 
the  Monetary  Commission  showed  beyond  question  were 
essential  in  any  federal  institution  that  might  be  organized 
to  meet  the  situation,  the  Federal  Reserve  Act  has  little  of 
good  and  much  of  bad.  One  of  the  most  glaring  wrongs  in 
the  bill  as  it  stands  lies  in  the  power  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  operate  contrary  to  the  desire  of  the  other 
members  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Board,  should  he  wish  to 
do  so.  Suppose,  for  instance,  that  one  of  the  twelve  Federal 
Reserve  Banks  should  be  managed  in  such  manner  as  to 
lead  to  inflation  in  its  district,  and  that  it  had  carried  its 
operations  to  a  point  where  it  became  necessary  for  it  to 
borrow  of  other  Federal  Reserve  Banks.  Suppose  that  the 
Federal  Reserve  Board  refused  to  authorize  such  borrowings, 
because  its  members  felt  that  it  would  be  harmful  to  the 
country  and  unfair  to  the  other  Federal  Reserve  Banks,  which 
had  been  properly  managed,  to  force  them  to  make  the  loans 
asked  for.  Suppose  that  the  Federal  Reserve  Board  was  unan- 
imous in  this  opinion,  with  the  exception  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  who  might  for  political  or  other  reasons  desire 
to  favor  the  speculative  Reserve  Bank.  After  this  negative 
vote  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  could,  on  his  own  re- 
sponsibility, deposit  wnth  the  Reserve  Bank  desiring  to  borrow 
the  money  government  funds  that  he  had  on  deposit  with 
other  Federal  Reserve  Banks  at  the  time.  By  so  doing  he 
would  not  only  in  effect  reverse  the  decision  of  the  Federal 
Reserve  Board,  but  he  would  also  be  giving  the  Federal  Re- 
serve Bank  in  question  the  funds  that  it  desired,  without  its 
being  obliged  to  furnish  any  collateral,  as  would  have  been 
necessary  if  the  Federal  Reserve  Board  had  agreed  to  force 
other  Federal  Reserve  Banks  to  make  it  a  loan.  Such  an 
operation  could  easily  result  in  throwing  funds  into  Wall 
street,  if  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  reasons,  personal 
•r  political,  for  doing  so. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         293 

If  the  report  of  the  Monetary  Commission  had  been 
adopted,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  would  have  had  no 
such  power,  for  funds  which  he  might  have  deposited  with 
the  National  Reserve  Association  would  have  gone  into  its 
general  assets,  and  could  not  have  been  made  available  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  for  any  special  biinch  of  the 
National  Reserve  Association. 

This  power  given  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  if 
abused,  could  be  most  dangerous  to  the  country,  for  if  he 
were  at  outs  with  the  Federal  Reserve  Board,  he  could 
hold  it  over  their  heads  with  great  force. 

As  the  business  of  the  country  builds  up  to  a  point  where 
the  capitalization  and  deposits  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Sys- 
tem are  more  largely  absorbed,  the  distribution  of  funds 
made  necessary  by  the  seasonal  requirements  of  different 
parts  of  the  country  is  going  to  be  a  more  and  more  im- 
portant function  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Board,  and  this  one 
man  power  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  going  to  be 
a  greater  and  greater  menace. 

In  the  Federal  Reserve  Act  as  it  originally  passed  the 
House  of  Representatives,  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency 
was  made  a  member  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Board.  In  the 
bill  as  passed  by  the  Senate,  however,  the  Comptroller  of 
the  Currency  was  not  to  be  a  member  of  the  Federal  Re- 
serve Board.  The  Senate  Committee  recognized  the  wrong 
in  having  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency,  who  was  to 
examine  the  Federal  Reserve  Banks,  a  member  of  the 
Federal  Reserve  Board,  for  a  bank  examiner  who  represents 
the  public  should  be  absolutely  unprejudiced  in  carrying  on 
his  examinations,  and  he  should  not  be  a  member  of  a 
Board  of  Directors  that  has  any  initiative  in  the  operations 
of  the  banks  that  he  is  to  examine.  The  Senate  Commit- 
tee's recommendation  was  accepted  and  the  bill  passed  the 
Senate  without  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency  being 
named  a  member  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Board.  The  House 
and  Senate  Conference  Committee  put  the  Comptroller  back 
upon  the  Board,  even  though  the  reasons  for  his  being  re- 
moved by  the  Senate  were  clearly  shown.  This  was  done 
presumably  to  make  a  place  on  the  Federal  Reserve  Board 
for  the  present  Comptroller  of  the  Currency,  without  regard 
to  the  bad  principle  involved. 

A  general  comparison  of  some  of  the  principal  points  in 
the  report  of  the  Monetary  Commission  and  in  the  Federal 
Reserve  Act  as  passed  is  more  than  ordinarily  interesting. 
In  the  report  of  the  Monetary  Commission,  National  Banks 
were  authorized  to  subscribe  to  the  capital  of  the  National 
Reserve  Association,  whereas  the  Democrats  were  so  afraid 
that  the  politics  that  they  had  introduced  into  their  bill  would 
not  make  it  acceptable  to  the  bankers  of  the  country  that  they 
forced  National  Banks  to  become  members.  This  un-Amer- 
ican act,  requiring  National  Banks  which  had  taken  out 
charters  from  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  good 
faith,  that  had  many  years  to  run,  to  join  a  new  system,  in 
effect  nullified  the  agreement  of  our  Government. 

In  order  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  country,  the 
report  of  the  Monetary  Commission  suggested  that  the  coun- 
try be  divided  into  fifteen  districts,  with  a  branch  of  the 
National  institution  in  each  district.  The  Democrats  recog- 
nized this  provision  in  the  Monetary  Commission's  report 
as  being  of  value,  but  made  it  their  own  by  turning  it  into  a 
series  of  individual  banks  lacking  in  proper  cohesion,  and 
making  possible  the  abusive  power  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  already  outlined,  and  making;  it  necessary  for  hun- 
dreds of  banks  throughout  the  country  to  maintain  their 
reserve  deposits  with  a  Federal  Reserve  Bank  in  a  city  not 
in  line  with  the  natura]  currents  of  trade. 


294         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

The  opinion  of  James  J.  Hill  on  this  matter  expresses  the 
situation  very  clearly.     He  said: 

Looking  to  the  practical  operation  of  our  Federal  Reserve  Bank  system 
as  tried  out  by  practice,  it  seems  clear  that  it  has  some  defects,  most  of 
which  may  be  stated  in  the  general  criticism  that  the  system  lacks  corre- 
lation and  unity  in  operation.  It  is  an  assemblage  of  machines  loosely 
connected  with  and  trying  to  keep  in  time  with  each  other,  where  one 
machine  is  necessary  to  do  the  work.  The  division  of  the  country  into 
districts,  drawn  haphazard,  was  and  is  a  mistake  from  every  point  of  view. 

A  tneasure  for  readjusting  districts  appears  in  both  bills. 
The  capital  of  both  organizations  was  to  be  provided  in  the 
same  manner.  The  idea  of  having  some  of  the  directors 
represent  agricultural,  commercial,  industrial  and  other  in- 
terests than  banking,  which  appears  in  the  Federal  Re- 
serve Act.  was  also  a  suggestion  of  the  Monetary  Commis- 
sion. Members  of  the  National  legislative  bodies  were 
barred  from  serving  as  directors  in  the  Monetary  Commis- 
sion's report,  and  also  in  the  Federal  Reserve  Act.  Shares 
of  the  capital  stock  of  the  Association  suggested  by  the 
National  Monetary  Commission  were  not  transferrable  and 
could  not  be  hypothecated,  which  is  also  true  of  shares  of 
the  Federal  Reserve  Bank.  The  National  Monetary  Com- 
mission recommended  that  the  National  Reserve  Association 
and  its  branches  be-  ex-empt  from  local  and  State  taxation — 
the  Federal  Reserve  Act  carries .  practically  the  same  pro- 
vision. The  Monetary  Commission  suggested  that  a  portion 
of  the  profits  of  the  Reserve  Association  be  paid  to  the 
United  States,  which  is  also  true  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Act. 
Both  bills  carried  clauses  covering  Clearing  House  functions. 
In  both  cases  the  Association  was  to  act  as  the  principal 
fiscal  agent  of  the  United  States.  In  both  cases  the  only 
depositors  of  the  institutions  were  to  be  members  of  the 
System  and  the  United  States  Government.  Neither  insti- 
tution was  to  pay  interest  on  deposits. 

Transactions  in  the  purchase  of  foreign  exchange  and  ac- 
ceptances, the  opening  of  foreign  accounts,  the  discounting 
of  paper,  fixing  of  discount  rates,  the  authority  extended  to 
National  Banks  to  accept  time  drafts  or  bills  of  exchange 
drawn  upon  them,  the  restrictions  as  to  the  length  of  time 
and  total  amount  of  acceptances  outstanding,  the  purchase 
of  acceptances,  the  investment  in  United  States  bonds  and 
State  securities,  dealing  in  gold  coin  or  bullion,  making  loans 
thereon  or  contracting  loans  therefor,  the  limitation  of 
checks  and  bills  of  exchange  to  commercial  transactions,  the 
issuance  of  circulating  notes,  the  holding  of  gold  reserve 
against  such. notes,  are  all  covered  in  both  bills,  and  in  such 
manner  in  the  Federal  Reserve  Act  that  the  consideration 
of  the  points  involved  can  be  traced  directly  to  the  Monetary 
Commission's  report.  There  are  many  other  matters,  some 
of  minor  importance,  that  are  noted  in  the  report  of  the 
Monetary  Commission  that  have  been  followed  in  the  Fed- 
eral Reserve  Act. 

In  other  words,  the  report  of  the  Monet.ary  Commission, 
a  Republican  doctrine,  established  the  basis  from  which  the 
Federal  Reserve  Act  was  drawn  in  all  its  functions  that  were 
necessary  to  meet  the  principal  deficiencies  in  our  banking 
system. 

Monetary  conditions  have  been  such  since  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Federal  Reserve  Banks  that  their  actual  working 
in  times  of  crises  can  only  be  surmised,  but  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  in  so  far  as  the  Federal  Reserve  Act 
has  followed  the  fundamental  principles  outlined  in  the 
Monetary  Commission's  report,  it  will  prove  to  be  a  help  in 
time  of  trouble. 

The  Aldrich-Vreeland  Act,  also  a  Republican  measure, 
whose  life  was  extended  in  the  Federal  Reserve  Act,  filled 


REPU^ICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         295 

every  need  for  additional  currency  at  the  opening  of  the  war, 
and  the  crisis  which  made  necessary  the  operations  that 
were  undertaken  under  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Act  had  passed, 
and  the  notes  which  had  been  issued  to  meet  the  crisis  were 
being  redeemed  long  before  the  Federal  Reserve  J3anks  were 
established. 


THE  ALDRICH-VREELAND  LAW 

This  Republican  Measure  Prevented  a  Panic  Even  According 
to    Democratic   Testimony 

The  experience  of  1907  convinced  the  Republicans  who  were 
then  in  power,  having  the  President  and  a  majority  in  each 
branch  of  Congress,  that  provision  should  be  made  for  the 
issuance  of  an  emergency  currency,  and  they  determined  to 
enact  a  short  and  simple  law  which  would  prevent  panics  in 
the  future  by  providing  an  emergency  currency  to  be  issued 
when  needed  and  to  be  returned  when  the  demand  had 
ceased. 

The  Republicans  in  Congress  enacted  into  law  what  has 
since  been  known  as  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Act  of  May  30, 
1908,  over  the  protest  of  the  then  Democratic  minority  in 
Congress. 

There  was  no  occasion  to*  test  this  law  during  the  remainder 
of  the  time  the  Republicans  were  in  control  of  tKe  national 
administi'ation.  The  first  real  test  was  had  in  1913,  during 
the  first  year  of  President  Wilson's  administration.  The 
Democratic  party  having  succeeded  in  electing  a  President 
and  a  majority  in  the  House  and  Senate,  an  extra  session 
of  Congress  was  called,  and  the  Democratic  majority  began 
its  old  tactics  of  changing  the  tariff  and  tinkering  with  the 
financial  policy  of  the  country.  The  result  can , be  best  told 
by  reading  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  for 
the  year  1913. 

The  Secretary,  in  his  report,  says  as  follows: 

"A  special  session  of  Congress  convened  on  April  7,  I9I3> 
and  immediately  began  to  consider  the  important  questions 
of  tariff  and  currency  reform.  In  the  early  part  of  June,  com- 
plaints began  to  reach  the  department  from  many  parts  of 
the  country  that  credits  were  being  restricted  and  that  it 
was  increasingly  difficult  to  secure  funds  for  the  normal 
needs  of  legitimate  business.  In  ord-er  to  relieve  anxiety  and 
let  the  business  interests  of  the  country  understand  that  there 
was  no  occasion  for  unreasonable  restriction  of  credits  and  to 
destroy  apprehension  based  upon  unjustifiable  fears  and  to 
assure  the  country  that  the  means  were  at  hand  to  cope  suc- 
cessfully with  any  situation  that  might  arise,  the  Secretary 
announced  that  there  was  actually  on  hand  in  the  Treasury 
and  ready  for  immediate  delivery  to  any  and  every  bank 
complying  with  the  requirements  of  the  law  $500,000,000  in 
new  national-bank  note  currency,  which  the  Secretary  said 
he  would  not  hesitate  to  issue  under  the  provisions  of  the 
Aldrich-Vreeland  Act  of  May  30,  1908,  to  banks  making  ap- 
plication therefor  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  that  act. 
The  relief  occasioned  by  this  announcement  was  instanta- 
neous. Confidence  of  the  banks  in  their  ability  to  meet  the 
demands  of  their  customers  was  largely  restored  and  the  un- 
favorable symptoms  promptly  disappeared.  So  completely 
effective  was  this  action  that  none  of  the  $500,000,000  of  cur- 
rency was  applied  for  by  the  banks." 

So  this  Democratic  administration,  by  offering  to  give  re- 
lief under  the  Republican  emergency  currency  law,  was  able 
to  restore  confidence  and  prevented  a  panic. 

Early  in  1913  the  exportation  of  gold  from  the  United  States 
began  to  increase  to  an  alarming  extent.  In  the  last  six 
months  of   1912  the   exportation  of  gold   only  amounted  to 


296         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

$13,978,006,  while  the  gold  exported  in  the  first  six  months 
of  1913  amounted  to  $63,784,616.  The  exportation  of  gold  for 
the  year  ending  June  30,  1914,  amounted  to  $112,038,529,  and 
that  exported  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1915,  amounted  to 
$146,224,148,  and  the  exportation  of  gold  did  not  decrease  until 
several  months  after  the  opening  of  the  European  war. 

The  large  exportation  of  gold  in  1913  and  1914,  the  effect  of 
the  new  tariff  law  on  the  business  of  the  country,  the  men 
without  jobs,  the  silent  factories,  the  idle  freight  cars,  and  the 
breaking  out  of  the  European  war  late  in  the  summer  of  1914 
caused  a  great  demand  for  the  issuance  of  emergency  cur- 
rency, and  again  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  his  report 
of  December  7,  1914,  tells  us  of  the  condition  of  the  country 
in  the  summer  and  fall  of  that  year  in  the  following  language: 

"The  outbreak  of  the  European  war  precipitated  many  grave 
problems.  International  credits  and  exchanges  were  com- 
pletely disorganized,  ocean  transportation  was  for  a  time 
partially  paralyzd,  the  entire  business  and  economic  structure 
of  this  country  was  shaken  to  its  foundations,  and  a  catas- 
trophe of  calamitous  proportions  was  narrowly  averted. 
*  *  *  A  paftic  *  *  *  might  easily  have  resulted,  and 
if  it  had  the  injury  to  the  country  would  have  been  incal- 
culable and  many  years  would  have  been  required  to  over- 
come its  effects.  *  *  *  Confidence  has  been  restored  and 
specie  payments  have  been  maintained  in  the  face  of  the 
world.  *  *  *  There  is  every  reason  why  the  country 
should  look  to  the  future  with  confidence  so  far  as  its  trade, 
commerce,  and  industry  are  concerned.  This  has  been  ac- 
complished notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  Federal  Re- 
serve System  authorized  by  the  act  of  December  23,  1913, 
was  at  that  time  only  in  process  of  formation  and  was,  there- 
fore, unable  to  render  any  service  in  the  situation," 

Yet,  in  the  face  of  the  statement  made  by  one  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  President's  official  f^jnily,  the  President  stated, 
in  his  speech  in  Detroit  early  in  Jiily  that  those  who  opposed 
the  Federal  Reserve  Act — 

"now  admit  that  it  saved  the  country  from  a  ruinous 
panic  when  the  stress  of  war  came  on," 

when  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  says  the  panic  wa.^pre-- 
vented  by  the  Republican  emergency  act  of  May  30,  190^ 

So  the  Republican  act  of  May  30,  1908,  was  again  r^:S^rted 
to  in  order  to  relieve  the  situation  and  between  thft<  dates 
of  August  4,  1914,  and  February  15,  1915,  inclusive,  l^ie  sum 
of  $382,502,645,  was  issued  and,  by  issuing  this  aipount  of 
emergency  currency,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  says: 

"A  country-wide  panic  of  appalling  proportions  was  threat- 
ened, but  averted.  We  had  emerged  with  our  credit  not  only 
unimpaired  but  strengthened." 

Thus  from  the  Democratic  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
for  this  Republican  measure.  If  this  Democratic  measure  ■ 
was  so  beneficial,  why  was  it  that  the  Republican  act  was , 
resortpd  to  and  the  money  issued  under  it  up  until  February,., 
1915,  more  than  a  year  after  the.  act  of  December,  1913,  had' 
been  enacted? 

So  the  Republican  Aldrich-Vreeland  law,  that  was  so  loudly - 
condemned  by  Democrats,  in  Congress  in  1908,  was  used  hv,- 
their  administration  ypon  two  occasions  within  two.  ^'eajis; 
to  avert  a  panic  and  bring  relief  to  and  restore  confidence 
among  the  people  of  the  United  States;  and  the  total  cost 
of  the  issue  was  only  $1,390,764  and  the  interest  collected 
fro^n  the  issue  exceeded  the  expenses  by  $1,588,258.85. 

By  section   27  of  the   Federal   Reserve  Act  the  life  of  the 
Vreeland-Aldrich  Act  was  extended  to  June  30,  191 5;  in  other 
words,  that  at  the  time  when  that  act  was  being  formulated 
^nd  prepared  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Act  was  deemed  of  such^ 
importance   that   its  life   was   extended   to   191 5. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         297 

The  act  was  not  put  in  operation  fo-^  the  simple  reason 
that  the  Democratic  party,  then  in  power,  did  not  have  suf- 
ficient confidence  in  it,  and  they  did  know  that  the  emergency 
law  of  the  Republicans  had  prevented  a  panic,  and  they  were 
willing  to  trust  that  law.  It  was  charged  by  the  Republicans 
in  Congress  and  upon  the  stump  that  the  Democratic  majority 
would  not  organize  under  that  law  until  after  the  election  of 
1914. 

Thus  the  Republicans  gave  a  simple,  inexpensive  remedy 
bringing  relief  to  the  people,  and  the  Government  making 
a  profit  out  of  the   transaction. 

Now,  what  has  the  Democratic  administration  given  the 
country  to  take  the  place  of  the  workable  and  successful 
Aldrich-Vreeland  Emergency  Act  of  1908?  Why,  the  Fed- 
eral Reserve  System,  which  provides  for  12  Federal  Reserve 
banks  in  different  sections  of  the  country  and  gives  employ- 
ment to  593  new  ofBceholders. 

There  has  been  no  threatened  panic,  no  chance  to  test  the 
efficiency  of  the  new  system,  but  we  do  know  that  it  has  cost 
the  Government  a  large  sum  to  establish,  operate,  and  main- 
tain the  12  reserve  banks  to  date.  The  organization  expenses 
amounted  to  $493,960;  the  cost  of  the  note  issue  was  $804,705; 
the  furniture  and  equipment  cost  $284,600;  salaries  of  officers 
and  employees  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Board  to  December  31, 
1915,  amounted  to  $108,650;  the  salaries  paid  to  the  bank  ex- 
aminers amounted  to  $396,000;  and  the  current  expenses  of 
the  12  Federal  reserve  banks  amounted  to  $1,677,639.  So 
there  is  a  total  expenditure  from  the  date  the  banks  opened 
for  business  to  December  31,  1915,  of  $3,765,554,  and  the  earn- 
ings of  the  banks  were  $2,130,610,  or  a  cost  to  the  Government 
to  that  date  of  $1,634,944. 

There  has  been  no  threatened  panic  since  the  banks  were 
opened  for  business.  The  great  European  war  has  given  the 
people  of  this  country  a  great  market,  and  our  exports  from 
the  United  States  since  the  beginning  of  the  war  have  ex- 
ceeded those  of  any  other  period  in  the  history  of  the  country. 
Yet  the  Government  has  maintained  thig  expensive  system 
when  it  has  been  demonstrated  that  the  simple  plan  provided 
by  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  law  would  have  answered  the  pur- 
pose, and  the  expense  would  have  been  very  small,  and  the 
interest  collected  on  the  notes  issued  would  more  than  have 
covered  such  expenses. 

If  the  Aldrich-Vreeland  Act  were  now  upon  the  statute 
books  of  this  country  there  never  would  be  any  danger  of 
a  panic,  because  the  country  would  know  that  they  could  be 
relieved  from  it,  as  they  have  been  twice  before. 


But  while  we  freely  criticise  opposing  programs  and  can- 
didacies we  as  freely  recognize  that  no  party  has  a  monopoly 
of  patriotic  motive  or  of  sincere  endeavor  to  contribute  to  the 
welfare  of  the  natien.  Divided  into  different  groups,  espous- 
ing different  principles  and  advocating  conflicting  methods, 
our  citizens  are  imbued  with  the  same  love  of  country  and  are 
inspired  by  the  same  devotion  to  its  interests.  We  criticise 
each  other  without  bitterness,  realizing  that  in  the  contests 
of  public  discussion  we  find  the  surest  protection  of  our  insti- 
tutions, and  that  we  may  confidently  rely  upon  the  final  judg- 
ment of  an  intelligent  and  conscious  electorate.— Charles 
K.   Hughes,  at  Youngstown,  Ohio,   1908. 


Just  as  a  soul-stirring  reminder  of  the  way  prosperity 
thrives  under  free-trade,  a  recent  report  of  the  Federal  Trade 
commission  reveals  the  fact  that  of  250,000  corporations  in 
'he  United  States,  100,000  have  no  net  income  whatever;  90,- 
500  make  less  than  $5,000  a  year,  and  only  'the  remaining 
5o,ooo  make  $5,000  a  year  and  over. 


The  Rural  Credit  Law 

By  Myron  T.  Herrick 

Through  modern  and  scientific  methods  of  cultivation  the 
farmers  have,  year  by  year,  been  enlarging  the  area  and  im- 
proving the  productivity  of  arable  lands.  The  wealth  they  have 
accumulated  amounts  to  $50,000,000,000,  and  their  gross  returns 
in  1915  were  $9,873,000,000.  With  this  proof  of  their  great  earn- 
ing power  and  capacity  for  hard  and  efficient  work  there  ought 
to  be  neither*  material  nor  moral  risk  in  extending  them  credi'c, 
since  their  integrity  in  financial  affairs  is  beyond  dispute. 

Nevertheless,  in  many  individual  instances,  and  in  whole 
sections,  agriculture  is  charged  more  than  o'cher  industries  for 
the  capital  required  for  operation  and  development.  Profits  are 
reduced  by  exorbitant  interest  rates,  work  is  halted  by  'rhe 
scarcity  or  even  lack  of  funds,  and  the  net  returns  do  not  afford 
fi^rming  sufficient  compensation  for  the  'time  and  labor  devoted 
to  it.  Since  this  trouble  does  not  arise  from  any  shortcomings 
in  the  farmer  as  a  man  nor  from  any  doubt  as  to  the  security 
he  can  offer,  i'c  must  be  attributed  to  the  absence  of  credit  facil- 
ities especially  adapted  'co  agriculture  and  to  the  very  patent  fact 
that  the  farmers  are  unorganized,  and  so  are  not  able  to  use  their 
credit  to  the  best  advantage.  With  some  notewofchy  exceptions, 
particularly  in  fruit  and  dairy  regions,  the  farmers  are  unorgan- 
ized industrially,  commercially,  and  financially. 

The  mobilization  of  their  tremendous  resources,  through 
proper  organization,  would  strengthen  the  purchasing  and  sell- 
ing power  of  the  farmers,  increase  'their  profits,  make  their 
credit  available  at  financial  centers  and  enable  them  to 
obtain  short-term  loans  at  any  current  rate  for  buying  supplies 
and  for  growing  and  marketing  their  crops.  This  is  the  most 
important  and  immediate  need  of  agriculture.  But  equal  in  im- 
portance to  it,  when  viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  the  future, 
is  the  creation  of  institutions'  to  lend  money  for  long  periods 
for  acquiring  and  improving  farms  and  homes,  and  for  convert- 
ing existing  mortgages  into  loan  contracts,  payable  by  small 
annual  instalments,  under  some  arrangen^nt  better  suited  than 
present  facilities  to  the  farmer's  income  for  extinguishing  the 
debt. 

The  accomplishment  of  these  objects  does  not  call  for  any 
=^pecial  privilege  or  financial  assistan  e  from  Government,  nor 
any  intervention  of  Government  beyond  sane  regulation  and 
supprvi<;ion.  Both  could  be  effectively  brought  about  through 
individual  initiative  and  private  enterprise,  without  using  public 
money  or  involving  Government  credit  or  imposing  extra  bur- 
dens upon  taxpayers.  And  the  best  way  to  accomplish  the  first 
object  is  through  co-operation,  or  organized  mutual  self-help, 
among  the  farmers  themselves. 

The  effectivity  of  concerted  action  and  of  private  agencies, 
when  duly  authorized  and  encouraged,  are  proved  by  the  better 
conditions  resulting  from  the  agitation  for  rural  credits  started 
in  the  Taft  Administration,  which  show  that  banks  of  the 
Federal  Reserve  System  now  have  $3.^9.000,000  available  for 
agriiculture,  that  the  life  insurance  companies  have  increased 
their  farm-mortgnge  investments  to  $695.5,'^6.ooo.  and  that  the 
total  of  farm  mortgages  in  the  country — now  $3,5q8.q8.';.ooo — is 
also  becoming  larger,  but  at  lower  interest  rates.  Moreover,  in 
States  wherein  are  laws  on  co-operative  associations,  there  are 
2, TOO  farmers'  mutual  insurance  companies,  protecting  property 
exceeding  $5,000,000,000,  while  rural  co-.operative  marketing  and 
purchasing  associations  do  more  than  $1,400,000,000  of  business 
a  year.  This  ;means  that,  in  spite  of  the  lack  or  interference  of 
legislation,  co-operative  associations,  having  a  minority  of  all  the 

298 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        299 

farmers,  tiandle  a  heavy  percentage  of  the  (country's  annual 
yield  of  farm  products  and  cover  more  than  one-third  of  the 
total  insurable  rural  property.  Does  not  this  suggest  a  remedy? 
Ought  not  such  co-operative  activities  be  enlarged? 

The  advantages  and  necessity  of  private  enterprise  and  co- 
operative organization  for  farmers  was  first  announced  in  Mr, 
Roosevelt's  Administration.  The  Country  Life  Commission, 
appointed  in   1908  reported: 

"Manifestly  Government  in  the  United  States  can  not  man- 
age the  work  of  voluntary  organization.  Personal  initiative  and 
a  cultivated  co-operative  spirit  are  the  very  core  of  this  kind  of 
work." 

President  Roosevelt,  upon  transmitting  the  report  of  the 
Commission  to  the  Senate,  said  in  a  special  message  on  February 
9,  1909: 

"The  farmers  of  every  progressive  European  country  have 
realized  this  fact  and  have  found  in  the  co-operative  system 
exactly  the  form  of  business  combination  they  need." 

In  Mr.  Taft's  Administration  Secretary  Knox  instructed  mem- 
bers of  the  diplomatic  service  to  gather  information  in  Euro- 
pean countries,  and  assigned  -to  Ambassador  Herrick  the  duty 
of  compiling  a  report  from  the  information.  President  Taft, 
upon  transmitting  this  report  to  the  Governor  of  each  State, 
presented  a  proposal  for  the  introduction  into  the  United  States 
of  long-term  farm  mortgaging  and  co-operative  banking  for 
farmers.  This  gave  the  rural  credits  movement  its  national 
scope.     Sentences  in  the  proposal  read: 

"The  handicap  placed  upon  the  American  farmer  through  the 
lack  of  such  a  system  is  readily  apparent.  It  remains  for  us 
to  reduce  the  cost  of  the  farmer's  production  by  affording  him 
the  necessary  capital  for  the  exploitation  of  the  soil  upon  the 
most  advantageous  terms.  *  *  *  ^  study  of  these  reports 
and  the  recommendations  of  Ambassador  Herrick  convinces  me 
of  the  adaptability  to  American  conditions  of  the  co-operative 
plan." 

Mr.  Wilson's  Administration,  during  its  first  years,  was  so 
favorably  impressed  by  these  Republican  plans  of  private  en- 
terprise, mutual  self-help,  and  co-operation,  that  on  conspicuous 
occasions  it  placed  itself  on  record  against  Government  aid  and 
intervention.  The  United  States  Commission,  appointed  by  Pres- 
ident Wilson  to  continue  the  European  investigations  of  his 
predecessor,  declared : 

"It  is  our  opinion  that  such  (Government)  aid  should  not  be 
extended  in  the  United  States." 

The  American  Commission,  assembled  by  the  Southern  Com- 
mercial Congress  to  accompany  the  U.  ^.  Commission,  declared : 

"The  problem  of  rural  credit  should  be  worked  out  without 
povernment  aid." 

Secretary  of  Agriculture,  Mr.  Houston,  declared  in  his  1914 
report: 

"There  appears  to  be  no  emergency  which  requires  or 
justifies  Government  assistance  to  the  farmers  directly 
through  the  usa  of  the  Government's  cash  or  the  Government's 
credit.  The  American  farmer  is  sturdy,  independent,  and  self- 
reliant.  He  is  not  in  the  condition  of  surfdom  or  semisurf- 
dom  in  which  were  some  of  the  European  peoples  for  whom 
Government  aid  was  extended  in  some  form  or  other  during 
the  last  century.  He  is  not  in  the  condition' of  many  of  the 
Irish  farmers  for  whom  encouragement  and  aid  have  been 
furnished  through  the  land-purchase  act.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
the  American  farmers  are  more  prosperous  than  any  other 
farming  class  in  the  world." 

Nay,  even  President  Wilson,  in  a  special  message  to  the  Senate 
on  December  2,  1913,  boldly  declared : 

"The   farmers,   of  course,  ask  and  should  receive  no  special 


300         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

privilege,  such  as  extending  to  them  the  credit  of  the  Govern- 
ment itself." 

While  the  bill,  which  is  now  the  Federal  Farm  Loan  Act,  was 
pending,  the  Commission  of  the  Southern  Commercial  Congress 
spread  broadcast  literature  opposed  to  it.  Senator  Fletcher,  of 
Florida,  its  President,  said:  "Governments  for  their  own  ends 
have  attempted  to  control  (farm  mortgaging),  but  the  results  of 
such  control  have  not  been  satisfactory.  1  am  opposed  to  Gov- 
ernment aid.  The  objection  (to  the  act)  is  that  it  is  largely 
paternalism  and  class  legislation." 

Congressman  Ralph  W.  Moss,  who,  like  Senator  Fletcher, 
was  then  advocating  a  bill  opposed  to  the  act,  said :  "In  no 
sense  of  the  word  in  continental  Europe  is  (land  credit)  sus- 
tained by  Government  aid — absolutely  not.  If  you  give  the 
National  Government  a  monopoly  of  the  mortgage  business,  it 
means  that  it  must  borrow  all  the  money  needed.  I  doubt  if, 
under  these  conditions,  the  National  Government  could  borrow 
a  sufficient  amount.  If  we  use  the  credit  of  Government,  inter- 
est rates  will  rise."  Further,  in  a  speech  violently  assailing  Gov- 
ernment-aid features,  Mr.  Moss  declared  that  David  Lubin,  the 
Democrats'  most  ardent  friend  of  the  farmer,  "is  absolutely  op- 
posed to  the  grants,  either  of  money  or  icredit,  by  the  Govern- 
ment, and  that  he  indorses  the  purely  mutual  associations  (pro- 
posed by  Ambassador  Herrick)  as  the  best  instrumentality  to 
secure  cheap  money  on  long-time  mortgage  security." 

Without  giving  any  reason  the  Democratic  party  suddenly 
shifted  its  ground  and  has  come  out  for  Government  aid  and 
against  private  enterprise  and  co-operation.  The  Federal  Farm 
Loan  Act,  approved  July  17,  1916,  provides  for  a  system  to  be 
established,  controlled,  and  directed  by  the  U.  S.  Government; 
for  supplying  that  system  with  public  funds,  some  to  be  without 
interest  and  'the  rest  at  low  rates ;  for  allowing  that  system  to 
use  the  credit  of  the  Government  through  the  issue  of  bonds 
deemed  instrumentalities  of  the  Government  of  tfie  United 
States;  and  for,  according  to  that  system,  exemption  from 
Federal,  State,  municipal,  and  local  taxation.  This  total  tax  ex- 
emption and  various  other  privileges  render  the  operation 
of  private  companies  and  co-operative  associations  practically 
impossible. 

Thus  the  Government  has  been  involved  in  every  conceivable 
way.  Yet,  just  before  the  vote  was  taken  on  the  act,  Sen.iior 
HoUis,  the  Democrat  leader  of  the  debate,  said:  "This  is  not  a 
plan  for  Government  aid.  It  has  been  attacked  more  severely 
because  it  is  not  a  Government-aid  plan  than  because  it  is  so." 
While  Hon.  Carter  Glass,  in  charge  of  the  bill  in  the  House,  in 
discussing  a  Governmental  character,  said:  "It  will  do  no 
good;  it  will  absolutely  do  no  harm.  The  clause  does  not  in- 
volve the  question  of  Government  ownership   in  any  sense."  > 

Such  positive  assurances  from  those  who  framed  the  act  and  "^ 
were  intrusted  with  its  passage  naturally  had  the  effect  of 
allaying  suspicion  and  objections,  especially  because  everybody 
is  generally  in  favor  of  improving  rural  credits.  It  stilled  the 
opposition  of  many  a  Republican' who  would  havf  voted  against 
the  act  if  he  had  known  its  true  motive  and  object.  No  meas- 
ure purporting  to  solve  a  great  question  was  rushed  through 
Congress  with  such  haste  and  with  so  little  opportunity  given 
to  the  people  to  study  its  merits.  No  effort  was  made  to  hear 
both  sides.  Sena'tor  Hollis  admits  that  the  committees  on  the 
bill  were  picked  to  support  its  provisions.  Its  passage  was  the 
result  of   deceptions  and   misunderstanding. 

Why  did  Senator  Fletcher  and  Congressmen  Moss  and  Glass, 
who  were  the  first  prominent  Democrats  to  become  identified 
with  the  rural  credits  movement  after  it  was  launched  by  the 
Republican  party,  and  the  whole  Democratic  Administration 
go  back  on  their  record  and  come  out  for  this  Government  but 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         801 


L 

ineffective  Federal  l^arm  Loan  Act?  The  suddenness  and  haste  of 
their  change  were  due,  of  course,  to  the  desire  of  placing  some- 
!  thing  on  the  statute  books  for  the  St.  Louis  convention.  The 
true  remedy  for  rural  financial  troubles,  by  organizing  and 
mobilizing  the  farmers'  resources,  had  to  give  way  to  this 
political  expediency.  So  they  took  a  short  cut  and  have  at- 
tempted to  solve  the  problem  through  a  Governmental  system 
whose  overhead  charges,  capital  stock,  and  business  expenses 
and  losses  are  to  be  levied  on  the  taxpayers,  and  whosp  operating 
funds  are  to  be  obtained  from  the  Treasury  Department  and  by 
bonds  issued  and,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  guaranteed  by  the 
United  States. 

Excessive  interest  races  paid  by  farmers  are  a  symptom  of  the 
deep-seated  trouble  of  lack  of  organization.  But  the  Democrats 
have,  in  a  very  unstatesmanlike  way,  ignored  this  indisputable 
deduction.  Like  an  ignorant  doctor  who  would  cure  fever  by 
external  application  of  cold  water,  instead  of  by  eliminating 
from  the  body  the  poisons  which  cause  the  fever,  they  have 
assumed  effect  for  cause  -and  granted  subsidies  of  free  and 
cheap  money,  which  can  not  be  generally  applied  nor  permanently 
continued,  and  which  will  only  conceal  the  real  troubles  for  the 
time  being  and  allow  them  to  accumulate  with  increasing  in- 
tensity until  they  end  in  disaster.  The  farmers  will  at  last  be  in 
no  better  position  to  pay  the  Federal  Land  Banks  than  they  are 
to  pay  private  lenders  at  present.  In  panics  and  drouths  the 
Government  will  have  to  stand  the  loss. 

Moreover,  the  extravagance,  favoritism,  and  recklessness,  with 
the  resultant  costs,  waste,  and  credit  inflation  of  this  makeshift 
system  will,  as  the  Democratic  Congressman  (Mr.  Moss)  has 
well  said,  assuredly  lead  to  higher  interest  rates  and  to  artificial 
increase  of  land  values.  The  benefit,  if  any,  to  farmers  will  be 
temporary  only.  This  inevitable  consequence  cannot  be  denied. 
So  the  actual  reason  for  the  Government  ai'd  feature  in  the  act 
must  be  ascribed  to  a  fear  of  not  being  able  to  accomplish  an 
ulterior  motive.  And  such  is  the  case,  as  appears  from  Senator 
HoUis'  admission  before  a  committee  when  he  said:  "We  fear 
that  if  we  withdraw  Government  aid  entirely  we  shall  meet  the 
active  opposition  of  'the  granges  all  over  the  country." 

This  ulterior  motive  is  made  dear  in  the  act  as  passed.  The 
Federal  Land  Banks  may  issue  shares  subject  to  retirement. 
They  may  receive  deposits  in  any  amounts  from  stockholders. 
Since  shares  are  $5  apiece,  and  may  be  held  by  any  individual, 
firm  or  corporation,  this  means  that  anybody  may  become  a 
depositor  upon  complying  with  the  formality  of  buying  just 
one  share.  The  Federal  Land  Banks  may  also  receive  public 
moneys,  provided  the  sums  so  deposited  shall  not  exceed  $6,ooo,- 
ooo  at  any  one  time.  They  may  issue  certificates  for  public  de- 
posits, 'to  be  paid  within  such  time  and  at  such  interest  rates 
as  the  Secretary  may  decide.  Both  Federal  and  joint  stock 
land  banks  may  be  designated  as  financial  agents  of  the  Govern- 
ment. 

Besides  this,  a  Federal  Land  Bank  may  (^en  branches  and  also 
form  as  many  national  farm  loan  associations  within  its  district 
as  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  his  four  colleagues,  com- 
posing the  Federal  Farm  Loan  Board,  may  approve.  The  associ- 
ations may  issue  withdrawable  $5  shares  in  any  amount  to 
members  and  four  per  cent  certificates  against  deposits  in  any 
amount  received  from  anybody.  True,  the  certificates  are  con- 
vertible into  land-bank  bonds.  But  since  'the  bonds  may  be  paid 
off  before  maturity,  this  is  only  a  roundabout  way  of  taking  de- 
posits on  demand  or  otherwise.  These  are  veritable  savings- 
bank  features,  having  nothing  to  do  with  land  credit. 

And  farm  mortgaging  is  neither  an  exclusive  nor  an  obligatory 
function  of  the  Federal  Land  Banks.  Their  bonds  may  be  issued 
against  any  kind  of  obligation  or  security  of  the  U.  S.  Govern- 


302        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

ment.  Funds  in  their  possession  may  be  invested  in  U.  S.  bonds, 
or,  if  they  be  current  and  subject  to  check,  placed  at  interest  in 
any  member  bank  of  the  Federal  Reserve  System.  Or  all  funds 
and  securities  may  be  used  as  security  for  borrowing  money  in 
any  way  and  at  any  interest  rate  for  buying  U.  S.  bonds  or  for 
turning  It  over  to  the  Federal  Reserve  System.  This  borrowing 
power  is  general,  and  in  addition  to  che  restricted  right  to  issue 
bonds,  the  circulation  of  which  is  limited  to  20  times  capital 
stock  aftd  surplus  in  order  to  protect  bondholders  and  sharehold- 
ers, it  nullifies  that  limitation  and  safeguard. 

Nothing  could  be  more  dangerous  than  giving  to  institutions, 
with  savings-bank  features,  this  power  to  pyramid  on  their  credit 
without  limiting  the  period,  amount  or  interest  rate,  and  to  use 
short-term  deposits  for  Governmental  purposes  or  in  long-term 
operations.  It  violates  basic  principles  of  banking  and  of  land 
credit.  None  of  the  capital  stock,  reserve,  surplus  or  other 
assets  need  be  invested  in  farm  mortgages.  Every  dollar  can 
be  diverted  from  agriculture.  Identical  clauses  wrecked  the 
Agricultural  Bank  of  France  and  divested  the  Credit  Fonder  of 
practically  all  its  farm-mortgaging  business.  Both  these  insti- 
tutions were  established  and  highly  privileged,  like  the  Federal 
Land  Bands,  ostensibly  for  farmers. 

Thus,  under  a  so-called  farm  loan  act,  the  Democratic  Admin- 
istration has  established  a  tax-exempted  and  specially  privileged 
bond-issuing  and  savings-bank  system.  This  network  of  Fed- 
eral Land  Banks,  branches  and  associations,  even  if  it  had  been 
openly  and  solely  devised  therefor,  could  not  have  been  better 
adapted  for  centralizing  the  country's  savings  under  Federal 
control  and  for  utilizmg  them  to  enable  the  Government  to 
encroach  upon  private  business  and  to  finance  any  project  on 
which  it  might  care  to  embark. 

The  main  scheme  of  the  act  would,  of  course,  be  unconstitu- 
tional were  it  not  for  the  clauses  which  give  a  Governmental 
quality  to  the  land  banks  and  their  bonds.  Perhaps  it  is  uncon- 
stitutional as  it  stands,  because  banking  and  money  lending  are 
not  mentioned  in  the  Constitution,  and  Congress  can  not  deem 
them  to  be  functions  of  the  Government.  The  assertion,  however, 
that  these  and  other  clauses  which  never  ought  to  appear  in  any 
land-credit  law  were  inserted  only  for  the  farmer's  benefit  must 
be  construed  in  the  light  of  the  ulterior  motive  disclosed.  The 
act  is  part  and  parcel  of  the  general  Government  ownership  plan 
of  the  Democrats,  and  was  passed  to  aid  that  plan.  Having 
resorted  to  subterfuge  to  pass  the  act,  they  will  not  scruple 
at  using  its  provisions  in  any  w^ay  that  suits  their  purpose, 
regardless  of  the  best  interests  of  the  farmer. 

The  act  is  a  substitute  for  direct  taxation — a  hidden,  deceptive, 
and  dangerous  means  for  bringing  money  into  the  hands  of  the 
Government  for  any  use,  without  calling  upon  Congress  for 
direct  appropriations  or  increases  of  taxes.  This  results  from 
the  powers  which  have  been  granted  to  the  system  to  receive  de- 
posits, issue  bonds,  borrow  money  in  other  ways  without  limit  as 
to  amount,  and  to  use  the  funds  for  any  Government  purposes.  It 
were  folly  to  assume  or  hope  that  these  powers  will  not  be  used 
to  their  full  extent.  The  civil  service  rules  have  been  entirely  set 
aside.  Even  the  courts  have  been  ousted  of  jurisdiction.  The 
Federal  Farm  Loan  Board,  which  creates  the  system,  has  absolute 
discretion,  without  appeal  to  higher  authority,  to  destroy  any  of  its 
units,  to  appoint  and  -dismiss  officers  and  employees,  to  control 
operations,  and  to  shift  funds  from  one  district  to  another  or  to 
direct  their  use  according  to  any  political  or  Socialistic  command 
of  the  Administration  or  its  executive. 

Farm  mortgaging  can  be  subordinated  by  the  Federal  Land 
Banks  to  a  mere  pretense;  and  these  financial  agents  of  the 
Government  may  use  their  credit  and  funds  to  finance  the 
nitrate  works,  the  armor  plate  factory,  a  steamship  line,  or  to 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         303 

mee'c  deficits  in  any  department  or  bureau  of  the  Government, 
and  so  on.  Even  a  joint  stoick  land  bank  could  be  organized 
for  such  purposes.  The  powers  of  this  misnamed  system  and 
the  possibility  of  their  use  for  intimidating  or  crushing  private 
enterprise  present  a  danger  too  re^I  and  imminent  to  be  ignored. 
Its  right  to  issue  tax-exempted  bonds  and  to  leceive  money  by 
deposit  or  share  subscription  into  its  tax-exempted  coffers  is  a 
menace  to  life  insurance  companies,  to  savings  banks,  and  es- 
pecially to  the  tens  of  thousands  of  building  and  loan  associations 
and  mutual,  fraternal,  and  benevolent  societies  which  depend  on 
local  supplies  of  money. 

The  centralization  of  these  supplies  at  Washington  for  Gov- 
ernmental purposes  will  diminish  the  volume  of  available  cash 
and  increase  interest  rates  in  outlying  sections.  And  the  worst 
of  it  is,  that  this  will  interfere  with  co-operative  associations 
formed  by  farmers  under  State  laws.  There  will  be  no  other 
alternative  for  the  farmers  except  to  join  the  Government 
associations  and  to  demand  that  the  system  shall  extend  credit 
on  security  other  than  real  estate.  If  this  should  come  to  pass 
the  farmers  would  be  tied  hand  and  foot  to  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment— an  object  which  the  Democrats  are  unmistakably  trying  to 
accomplish.  The  adverse  situation  produced  by  the  absorption 
by  the  Government  of  circulating  funds  is  intensified  by  the 
fact  that  the  bonds  shall  be  payable  either  in  gold  or  lawful 
money.  This  cuts  out  the  foreign  market.  They  can  be  offered 
as  an  investment  only  in  competition  with  securities  of  institu- 
tions and  associations  in  this  country. 

In  order  to  quiet  the  rapidly  growing  alarm,  friends  of  the 
act  refer  to  the  clauses  which  restrict  membership  in  the  national 
farm  loan  assoiciations  to  borrowers,  and  which  authorize  the 
associations  in  a  district  to  elect  a  majority  of  the  directors  and 
to  begin  to  pay  off  the  original  shares  of  the  Federal  Land  Bank 
after  their  stockholdings  reach  certain  figures.  They  assert  that 
these  provisions  will  enable  the  United  States  gradually  to 
retire  as  a  stockholder  and  as  the  manager.  They  also  claim 
that  these  provisions  give  co-operative  character  to  the  system. 
Both  these  conclusions  are  wrong.  The  Government's  control  lies 
in  the  Federal  Farm  Loan  Board,  the  registrars  and  appraisers, 
and  would  remain  unweakened  even  if  the  Government  did  not 
elect  a  single  director. 

Moreover,  the  contributions  to  capital  stock  will  eventuallv  be 
but  a  minor  portion  of  the  funds  which  the  Government  will  be 
comnelled  to  supnlv.  The  erentest  dr-iin  will  come  from  the 
clauses  which  authorize  a  Federal  Land  Bank  to  advance  money 
to  its  associations  for  expenses  and  losses  and  to  allow  them  to 
retain  as  a  loan  one-fourth  of  their  stock  subscriptions,  and 
finally  which  require  the  bank  to  advance  to  any  borrower,  upon 
his  simple  request,  the  money  needed  for  his  obligatory  shares 
and  the  costs  of  the  loan,  if  such  additions  do  not  increase  its 
size  over  the  prescribed  maximum.  The  obligatory  shares  are 
five  per  cent  of  the  loan.  Consenuently  the  Government 
will  probably  be  forced  to  invest  in  the  system  more  than  $i 
for  each  $20  of  loans  that  it  makes. 

Stress  has  been  laid  on  the  alleged  co-operative  features  of 
the  act.  The  supnort  of  farmers*  organizations  was  obtained 
mainly  bv  this  claim.  But  a  national  farm  loan  association 
is  not  co-operative,  because  it  cannot  be  voluntarily  formed  or 
disbanded,  nor  carry  on  its  business  through  officers  of  its  own 
choosing.  It  must  turn  all  its  funds  over  to  its  Federal 
Land  Bank,  and  can  make  onlv  such  loans  as  are  passed  by 
said  bank  and  Government  appraisers  of  the  district.  It  can  be 
organized  only  with  the  consent  of  said  bank  and  dissolved  only 
upon  approval  of  "the  Federal  Farm  Loan  Board.  For  similar 
reasons  the  Federal  Land  Banks  are  not  co-operative. 


/ 
304        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

The  system  will  not  develop  any  co-opera'cive,  mutual  or  fra- 
ternal spirit  or  practices,  because  a  borrower  who  has  got  a 
40-year  or  even  a  5-year  loan  will  have  no  further  use  of  the 
system  after  the  Government  has  paid  for  his  shares.  Since 
anybody  may  hold  shares  in. the  system  and  draw  dividends,  the 
obliga'cory  subscription  means  that  the  borrower,  although  he 
must  stand  good  for  losses,  can  participate  in  only  a  part  of  the 
profits.  Manifestly  this  is  not  co-operation.  The  arrange- 
ment, forcing  a  borrower  to  invest  a  percentage  of  his  loan  in 
shares,  is  now  admitted  to  be  a  fallacy  in  France,  where  it  was 
devised,  and  it  has  proved  a  failure  in  every  icountry  where  it 
was   adopted. 

What  good  will  the  system  do  the  farmer?  He  can  not  deal 
directly  with  a  Federal  Land  Bank.  The  Governmental  functions 
and  duties  of  this  Governmental  agent  and  depositary  are  so 
manifold  'chat  the  act  has  naturally  forbidden  it  to  devote  any 
of  its  time  or  attention  directly  to  the  farmer.  He  must 
apply  to  some  incorporated  money  lender,  just  as  he  does  at 
present,  or  join  some  national  farm  loan  association  and  become 
responsible  for  defaults  of  other  borrowers.  The  fee  that  may 
be  exacted  is  no  smaller  than  would  be  or  is  exacted  by  any  well 
organized  private  company.  The  shares  which  the  farmers 
may  buy  in  a  Federal  land  bank  have  no  voting  power,  while 
they  can't  even  elect  the  officers  or  manage  the  affairs  of  their 
associations,  without  approval  and  interference  of  said  bank 
and  Federal  officers. 

The  costs  of  examining  titles  and  recovering  debts  will  no'c  be 
reduced,  while  the  system  can  not  operate  in  Texas  nor  in  other 
States  whose  laws  do  not  meet  the  requirements  fixed  by  the 
Federal  Farm  Loan  Board.  The  act  has  not  attempted  to 
solve  basic  troubles.  The  system  has  the  faul'cs  of  every  cen- 
tralized Government  institution  which  subjects  all  parts  of  a 
country  to  the  same  set  of  rules.  Its  in'cricate  and  cumbersome 
machinery  would  be  too  expensive  for  business  were  it  not  for 
the  clauses  which  impose  all  overhead  charges  on  the  taxpayers. 
The  farmers,  whether  borrowers  or  no'c,  will  be  most  severely 
affected  by  'these  clauses  and  by  the  losses  and  risks  of  the 
system,  because  they  have  more  taxable  property  in  proportion 
to  their  wealth  than  any  other  class  of  persons. 

Loans  may  be  made  only  to  acquire  a  farm,  to  purchase  equip- 
ment, fertilizer,  and  live  s'cock  for  the  farm;  to  erect  buildings 
or  make  improvements  thereon,  or  to  pay  off  indebtedness  of 
the  owner  incurred  for  such  purposes,  or,  however,  for  any 
purpose  if  the  indebtedness  existed  at  the  time  the  first  na'tional 
farm  loan  association  was  organized  in  the  county.  The 
amount  of  credit  shall  not  be  less  than  $100  or  more  'than 
$10,000,  or  in  excess  of  50  per  cent  of  the  land's  value,  plus  20 
per  cent  of  the  value  of  'the  insured  permanent  improvements 
thereon.  Payment  shall  be  by  annual  or  semi-annual  instalments 
of  principal  and  interest.  Even  a  loan  for  five  years — the  short- 
est period — must  be  so  paid.  That  is,  more  than  $2,000  must  be 
paid  each  year — for  instance,  on  a  $10,000  loan  for  such  a  period. 

This,  of  course,  makes  all  loans,  except  for  small  sums,  im- 
practicable unless  they  run  for  long  periods  of  which  the 
maximum  is  40. years.  The  borrower  must  agree  to  live  upon 
and  cultivate  the  mortgage  property;  to  use  the  loan  only  for 
the  purpose  specified  in  his  application ;  to  keep  the  property 
insured  for  the  benefit  of  the  bank,  and  to  pay  his  dues  regu- 
larly and  all  lawful  liens,  judgments,  taxes  and  assessments, 
under  penalty  of  eight  per  cent  interest  for  defaults.  The 
farm  can  not  be  encumbered  with  a  second  mortgage  nor  sold 
during  the  period,  no  matter  how  long,  unless  the  Federal  Farm 
Loan  Board  permits  the  assignee  to  assume  the  borrower"* 
ebligations,  nor  can  any  prepayments  be  made  until  five  year? 
after  the  date  «f  the  lo»n.     In  other  words,  a  loan  through  the. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         805 

system  would  destroy  negotiability  of  the  farmer's  title  to  the 
mortgaged  property.  The  heirs  or  representatives  of  the  bor- 
rower have  only  60  days  to  assume  obligations  in  the  event 
of  the  borrower's  death. 

Besides  all  this,  the  borrower  must  contribute  five  per  cent 
of  his  loan  to  'che  capital  stock  of  the  Federal  Land  Bank  and 
pledge  his  shares,  along  with  a  first  mortgage,  as  security.  His 
shares  must  be  paid  in  cash,  unless  he  be  a  member  of  a 
national  farm  loan  association.  If  such  a  member  he  may,  in 
certain  circumstances,  have  the  amount  of,  his  shares  and  ex- 
penses added  to  his  loan.  But  then  he  must  assume  a  liability 
equal  to  twice  the  face  of  the  shares  for  the  defaults  of  other 
members.  Moreover,  the  loan  must  then  be  paid  within  30 
days  after  default  or  the  mortgage  be  foreelosed.  The  bor- 
rower can  not  escape  the  obligatory  share  subscription,  no  mat- 
ter in  what  way  he  deals  with  the  Federal  Land  Bank;  and  the 
amount  is  larger  than  the  fee  now  exacted  by  brokers.  The 
shares  shall  be  retired  upon  payment  of  the  loan.  That  is,  a 
farmer  who  at  the  age  of  30  years  takes  a  40-year  loan  may 
get  back  his  shares,  less  losses,  when  he  is  70  years  old.  His 
loan  may  bear  six  per  cent,  interest,  or  any  higher  legal  rate,  if 
he  applies  to  a  joint  stock  land  bank. 

Thus,  it  will  be  seen,  the  system  has  nothing  to  offer  that 
could  not  he  done  as  well  by  any  private  money  lender  without 
resorting  to  this  reckless  intervention  of  Government.  Indeed, 
its  terms  and  conditions  are  quite  novel  in  their  severity.  No 
private  lender  has  ever,  and  manifestly  could  not,  become  suc- 
cessfully engaged  in  business  which  required  the  borrower  to 
forfeit  five  per  cent  of  his  loan  and  surrender  his  right  to  sell 
or  remortgage  his  farm  or  to  use  the  proceeds  of  his  credit  as  he 
sees  fit,  under  his  own  management,  for  the  good  of  himself, 
wife,  and  heirs.  One  of  the  main  objects  of  long-term  mort- 
gaging is  to  create  an  estate,  not  only  for  one's  self,  but  for 
one's  family.    But  this  is  jeopardized  by  the  act's  60-day  clause. 

The  system,  copied  from  foreign  systems  devised  for  ignorant 
peasants,  is  not  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the  average  American 
farmer.  Nor  is  it  serviceable  to  tenants,  because  it  lacks  the 
provisions,  existing  in  the  foreign  laws,  for  supplying  a  poor 
person  with  the  money  for  the  full  purchase  price  of  a  farm. 
It  contains  all  the  severe  restrictions  imposed  by  foreign  coun- 
tries on  Government  wards,  but  lacks  about  one-half  of  the 
credit  facilities.  The  system  was  established  without  consulting 
the  majority  of  the  farmers  and  over  the  protests  of  large  num- 
bers of  them. 

These  protests  were  voiced  time  and  again  in  the  House  and 
Senate  Committees  on  Banking  and  Currency  and  elsewhere. 
Among  those  who  protested  was  Mr.  Grant  S.  Youmans,  of  the 
North  Dakota  Union  of  the  American  Society  of  Equity,  one 
of  the  greatest  and  most  influential  farmers'  organizations.  Mr. 
Youmans  said,  as  regards  the  bills  from  which  the  Federal 
Farm  Loan  Act  was  evolved:  "They  are  not  even  a  partial 
answer  to  the  long-delayed  need  for  proper  legislation.  We 
discover  what  a  mockery  they  are.  The  provisions  are  clumsy, 
cumbersome,  and  provide  an  enormous  amount  of  useless  ma- 
chinery to  do  a  very  simple  thing.  The  scheme  adds  nothing 
to  banking  facilities  for  the  farmer  and  farming  communities. 
It  merely  blocks  the  way  to  a  straightforward  rural-credit 
system.  It  is  not  a  farmers'  bill.  It  is  simply  another  bankers' 
bill.  The  provisions  would  benefit  only  established  money- 
lending  agencies." 

The  plan  of  the  Federal  Farm  Loan  Act  which  disregards  the 
Constitution,  overrides  the  rights  of  the  public,  and  impose.- 
Harsh  and  unusual  terms  on  borrowers,  has  complicated  the  rural- 
credits  probletn  zn^  retarded  its  solution.     Its  machinery  is  cum- 


306         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

bersome  and  expensive,  while  its  funds,  raised  for  farmers,  may 
be  diverted  to  Government  purposes.  The  platform  of  the  Re- 
publican Parcy  declares  that  Act  to  be  ineffective  and  promises 
effective  legislation.  As  to  land  credit,  this  can  be  accom- 
plished by  laws  authorizing  private  joint  stock  companies  and 
landowners'  associations  to  operate  without  any  interference  of 
Governmen'c  beyond  the  supervision  and  regulation  required  to 
safeguard  borrowers  from  usury  and  oppression  and  investors 
from  recklessness  or  dishonesty. 

But  the  improvement  of  farm  mortgaging  is  only  one  of  the 
problems  of  farm  finance.  The  other  is  the  mobilization  of  all 
the  resources  of  the  farmers  so  as  to  render  them  available  for 
buying  farm  supplies  and  for  growing  and  marketing  crops. 
This  would  bring  about  such  a  betterment  of  agricultural  con- 
ditions that  the  unpleasant  necessity  of  fa'-m  mortgaging  would 
gradually  become  less  pressing.  So  it  should  not  be  subordi- 
nated.to  a  second  place.  Its  vast  importance  justifies  immedi- 
ate attention.  But  the  mobilization  can  be  effected  only  through 
the  organization  of  the  farmers  themselves.  This  means  co- 
operation ^and  calls  for  legislation  that  will  give  to  voluntary 
mutual  associations  full  liberty  of  action  and  the  right  to  com- 
bine. The  Republican  Party  will  enact  all  the  necessary  laws  for 
these  objects. 


I  WILSON'S  CHANGES  OF  MIND 

A  compilation  of  the  various  subjects  from  which  President 
Wilson  has  changed  his  mind  during  his  term  of  office  shows 
the   following: 

One  term  for  President, 

Presidential  primaries, 

Free  canal  tolls. 

Protective  Tariff, 

Tariff  commission, 

Forms  of  revenue. 

Neutrality, 

Warning  Americans, 

Mexican    policy, 

Being  too  proud  to  fight, 

Serving  Mexico  first, 

Philippine    Islands, 

Preparedness, 

Army  appropriation, 

Navy  appropriation, 

The  trusts, 

Immigration, 

Child  labor. 

Rights  of  Union  labor. 

Economy, 

New  and   useless   offices. 

Woman  suffrage, 

Bryan, 

Civil  Service, 

Election  of  U.  S.  Senators. 

Lobbying, 

Central  bank. 

Publicity, 

Congressional   Caucus, 

Popular  government, 

Regulation  by  Commission, 

Free  Sugar, 

Free  Wool, 

Low  Tariff  &  Cost  of  Living. 

Tariff  revenue. 


The  Philippines 

By  Representative  Clarence  B.  Miller,  of  Minnesota 

The  Spanish-American  War  occurred  during  a  Republican 
Administration.  There  was  nothing  particularly  Republican 
either  about  the  War  or  its  causes,  nor  was  there  anything 
Democratic.  It  was  national — a  nation's  response  to  human- 
ity's call.  As  an  unexpected  incident  of  that  war  we  found 
ourselves  in  possession  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  There  was 
nothing  Republican  about  their  acquisition — they  came  to  us 
because  we  were  victorious  in  the  war  and  because  we  paid 
twenty  millions  for  them.  In  addition,  we  took  them  over  that 
they  might  enjoy  the  blessings  of  a  good  government  and 
have  that  opportunity  all  people  should  enjoy.  There  was 
nothing  else  we  could  do. 

When  the  Stars  and  Stripes  were  raised,  amid  victorious 
shouts  in  both  the  -Eastern  and  Western  Hemispheres,  the 
Spanish  Empire  fell  to  pieces.  Spain  found  it  necessary  to 
withdraw  within  the  confines  of  her  home  in  Europe.  We 
had  dispossessed  the  only  sovereignty  in  tjhe  Philippine 
Islands,  destroying  the  only  government,  the  only  protection 
to  life,  property  and  religion,  and  consequently  it  became  our 
imperative  duty  to  establish  our  own  sovereignty  and  establish 
a  proper  government.  Under  President  McKinley  a  policy 
was  adopted  toward  the  Islands  and  the  people  thereof  such 
as  forms  one  of  the  brightest  chapters  in  American  history, 
and   indeed   in   all  history  of  subject  peoples. 

The  Republican  Administration  proceeded  in  a  businesslike 
way  to  govern  the  Islands.  The  Government  at  no  time  was 
partisan — it  was  American.  Its  spirit  was  American,  its  ideals 
were  American,  its  activities  were  American.  This  does  not 
mean  Americans  filled  all  the  offices.  At'no  time  did  they  fill 
more  than  a  small  number  of  the  offices,  those  of  the  directing 
or  superintending  character.  The  people  themselves  were  at 
once  trained  to  political  responsibility  and  an  ever-increasing 
number  of  the  offices  given  to  Filipinos.  Our  Government 
recognized  that  its  mission  in  the  Philippines  was  not  one  of 
avarice,  but  one  of  humanity.  Our  Government  said  the 
Philippines  should  be  no  place  in  which  to  fight  out  partisan 
squabbles  that  affected  the  United  States.  Never  was  a 
nation's  honor  more  highly  vindicated.  The  habits,  customs 
and  capacities  of  the  people  were  accurately  ascertained  and  an 
extraordinarily  beneficent  government  established.  In  a  land 
of  dense  ignorance,  free  public  schools  were  everywhere  es- 
tablished. In  a  land  of  well-nigh  impassable  roads  and  no 
bridges,  the  finest  rural  roads  in  the  world  and  bridges  of 
wonderful  strength  and  beauty  have  been  constructed.  In 
a  land  of  primitive  industries  and  smothered  commerce,  Amer- 
ican genius  touched  with  magic  the  forces  of  nature,  and 
brought  forth  vigorous,  robust  business  making  Philippine 
marts  the  busiest  spots  in  the  Orient.  In  a  land  that  had 
known  only  the  tax  extortioner  and  the  throttling  hand  of 
tyranny,  there  was  established  individual  liberty  and  political 
institutions  as  advanced  as  any  ever  perfected  by  human 
genius.  He  who  would  find  a  spot  in  the  world  where  Ameri- 
can genius  and  patriotism  have  established  and  maintained 
the  most  efficient,  the  most  economical,  and  the  most  success- 
ful government  must  go  to  the  Philippine  Islands.  No  na- 
tion in  the  world  has  ever  governed  a  people  in  accordance 
with  such  perfectly  altruistic  principles.  No  governed  people 
ever  made  such  rapid  strides  in  all  the  elements  of  progress 
made  possible  under  a  beneficent  government.  And  all  gov- 
ernmental experience  has  been  paid  fdr  by  the  Filipinos 
themselves.  The  government  and  development  of  the  Islands 
have  never  cost  the  United  States  one  cent. 

307 


308         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 19 1< 

In  the  midst  of  this  development  and  progressively  happy 
state  of  affairs  there  came  a  sudden  change.  A  Democratic 
administration  assumed  control  of  the  United  States;  a  new 
policy  was  adopted  toward  the  Philippines  and  new  officials 
sent  out  to  represent  America.  Democracy  is  apparently  in- 
capable of  looking  at  a  question  from  a  national  standpoint. 
It  looks  at  everything  from,  a  party  viewpoint.  During  the 
campaign  of  1900  Mr.  Bryan,  the  nominee  of  the  Democratic 
Party,  led  Democracy's  hosts  in  asserting  that  the  Filipinos 
were  then  qualified  for  independence,  had  the  right  to  it 
and  should  receive  it.  Records  that  have  since  come  to  light 
disclose  that  the  insurrection  in  the  Philippine  Islands  was 
kept  alive  during  the  year  1900  largely  by  reason  of  the 
attitude  of  Mr.  Bryan  and  his  party.  Many  an  American 
soldier  in  that  distant  tropical  land  never  again  beheld  the 
land  of  his  fathers  because  of  the  encouragement  given  by 
Democracy  to  these  insurrectos  against  law  and  order,  who 
were  shooting  at  the  American  Flag. 

When  Democracy  secured  control  of  our  Government  in 
1913,  partisanship  for  the  first  time  appeared  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  Philippine  affairs.  Theretofore  a  man  was  selected 
for  office  in  those  Islands  on  account  of  his  fitness,  regardless 
of  his  home  p|rty  affiliation.  The  day  Democracy  took  con- 
trol, there  were  more  Democrats  than  there  were  Republicans 
in  the  Philippine  Government  Service.  It  was  a  distinctly 
American  Government.  With  the  coming  of  the  Democrats 
the  Administration  and  its  policies  immediately  became  in- 
tensely partisan.  The  man  sent  out  as  Governor  General, 
being  a  strong  Tammany  man  of  New  York,  was  well  qual- 
ified for  the  work.  Immediately,  the  Administration  began 
to  turn  out  the  experienced  and  efficient  men  in  the  Philip- 
pine Service  and  instituted  in  their  pface  deserving  Demo- 
crats. In  addition,  they  determined  completely  to  Filipinize 
the  Service  and  regardless  of  the  havoc  wrought  upon  the 
government's  efficiency,  turned  out  the  skilled  Americans  to 
put  in  unskilled  and  untrained  natives  for  no  reason  on 
earth  excepting  that  they  were  natives.  A  splendid  Civil 
Service  had  grown  up  in  the  Islands.  It  was  supposed  to  be 
protected  by  law.  The  present  Administration  has  destroyed 
practically  every  vestige  and  feature  of  the  Civil  Service  in 
the  Philippine  Islands.  In  this  wholesale  scuttle  the  Admin- 
istration has  turned  out  of  office  many  hundreds  of  former 
soldiers,  whose  heroic  deeds  had  brought  order  and  hope 
to  that  country;  turned  them  out  in  disgrace  and  left  them 
stranded  in  that  distant  land. 

At  the  outset  this  Administration  made  one  tremendous 
blunder.  Theretofore  the  Legislative  branch  of  the  Philippine 
Government  consisted  of  an  Assembly  of  80  members,  all 
natives,  elected  by  the  people.  The  Upper  Branch  consisted 
of  a  Commission  of  9  members,  4  of  whom  were  Filipinos  and 
5  Americans,  the  Governor  General  being  the  Chairman. 
While  this  gave  much  opportunity  to  the  Filipinos  to  legislate 
for  themselves,  it  nevertheless  kept  in  American  hands  a  check 
and  a  balance.  This  Administration  changed  the  membership 
of  the  Commission  such  that  there  are  now  5  Filipinos  and  4 
Americans.  In  other  words,  destroying  effective  check  and 
direction.  This  reckless  and  wholly  indefensible  move  pro- 
duced consequences  of  the  most  far-reaching  and  serious 
character.  From  these  causes  there  has  resulted  a  general 
disintegration  of  efficiency  and  a  decided  lowering  of  govern- 
mental  standards    throughout   the    Islands. 

When  it  became  somewhat  known  in  America  that  whole- 
sale violations  of  the  Civil  Service  rules  were  being  made 
by  this  Administration  in  the  Philippines,  and  finding  thfi 
scheme  of  individuarl  removals  rather  a  slow  one  at  best, 
this  Administration  put  into  effect  a  most  remarkable  plan, 
one    they    thought    would    protect    them    from    Civil    Service 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— I9l6         JOf 

charges  and  one  that  would  immediately  clear  the  islands  of 
American  civil  employees.  It  was  a  subtle,  far-reaching  pol- 
icy of  wholesale  scuttle,  as  far  as  efficiency  of  administration 
and  American  control  are  concerned. 

They  passed  a  new  law  through  the  Philippine  Legislature 
inviting  all  American  employees  in  the  government  there 
who  had  served  six  years  in  the  islands  to  resign  prior  to 
July  I,  1916,  holding  out  to  them  the  inducement  that  if  they 
did  so  they  would  put  them  on  part  pay  for  a  period  of  three 
years.  The  presenting  of  this  bribe  to  retire  under  circum- 
stances indicating  that  American  tenure  of  office  in  the 
Islands  would  be  very  uncertain  in  the  future,  produced  the 
desired  result,  and  Americans  resigned  by  the  wholesale. 
This  artful  and  yet  reckless  expedient  presents  two  pro- 
nounced items.  It  is  a  wholesale  plan  of  scuttle  without 
regard  to  decent  government,  welfare  of  the  people  or  Ameri- 
can honor.  It  is  also  a  use  of  the  public  funds  of  the 
Philippine  Islands  for  a  wholly  improper  and  unjustifiable 
purpose.  No  Government  has  a  right,  in  order  to  get  men 
out  of  office,  to  bribe  them  with  the  taxpayers'  money  in  this 
fashion. 

Consider  for  a  moment  business  in  the  islands.  In  1899 
the  exports  and  imports  of  the  Philippine  Islands  together 
amounted  to  $27,756,729.  In  ten  years  they  leaped  up  100 
per  cent,  amounting  to  $58,838,940.  In  1909  the  Republican 
tariff  law  enacted  by  Congress  gave  to  the  Philippine  Islands 
free  admission  into  the  United  States  of  certain  of  their  great 
commodities.  Instantly  business  in  the  Philippine  Islands 
boomed  everywhere.  Business  prosperity  suddenly  sprang 
into  being.  Never  had  such  an  incentive  been  given  to  indus- 
try in  the  history  of  the  Archipelago,  and  in  three  years  there- 
after, of  between  1909  and  1912,  the  total  exports  and  imports 
had  leaped  to  $105,869,816.  It  may  be  interesting  to  note 
what  part  of  this  business  was  with  the  United  States.  In  1899 
the  United  States  had  a  trade  with  the  Philippine  Islands 
amounting  to  the  insignificant  sum  of  $4,691,507.  Ten 
years  later  it  had  gradually  grown  to  $14,847,918,  but  imme- 
diately after  these  favorable  provisions  in  the  bill  to  which 
I  have  called  attention  became  a  law  it  leaped  up  to  $42,390,- 
222,  the  amount  in  1912. 

Consideration  ought,  in  addition,  be  given  to  the  collections 
from  internal  revenue  sources.  In  1906,  the  first  year 
available,  we  find  total  collections  of  internal  revenue 
amounting  to  $4,434,364.  In  six  years  this  had  leaped 
up  over  100  per  cent  to  $9,035,922.  One  further  item 
may  properly  be  considered  in  anything  like  a  picture  of  the 
wonderful  growth  of  business  in  the  islands.  There  exists  in 
the  islands  a  tax  upon  the  gross  business  conducted  by  mer- 
chants and  manufacturers.  The  first  year  of  this  tax  for 
which  we  have  figures  was  1909.  The  figures  of  that  year 
show  a  total  business  of  $190,000,000,  and  three  years  there- 
after, in  1912,  that  had  leaped  up  to  $286,000,000.  So,  from 
the  standpoint  of  exports  and  imports,  from  the  standpoint 
of  internal  revenue  collections,  from  the  standpoint  of  inter- 
nal business  of  the  islands,  there  was  marked  progress  dur- 
ing all  of  those  years.  True,  indeed,  it  is  that  prior  to  1913 
there  had  been  a  regular  growth  in  business  prosperity  in 
the  islands  from  the  hour  of  American  occupation,  a  growth 
steady  and  progressive  always;  expanding  enormously  after 
the  tariff  act  of  1909. 

We  need  not  be  surprised  that  a  marvelous  change  in  these 
conditions  has  occurred  in  the  Islands.  Business  is  prac- 
tically at  a  standstill.  Property  values  have  declined  enor- 
mously 50  per  cent  or  more  in  many  regions.  Foreign  cap- 
ital has  ceased  to  flow  to  the  Islands,  in  fact,  is  being  with- 
drawn.    Business  is  hopeless  and  stagnant. 

Extravagance  in  appropriations  has  characterized  this  Ad- 


3i0         REt>UBLiCAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

ministration  in  the  Islands  as  well  as  in  America.  Taking 
over  the  Government  at  a  time  when  there  was  a  very  re- 
spectable balance  in  the  Treasury,  we  find  colossal  extrava- 
gance and  recklessness  has  placed  the  Philippine  Govern- 
nient  in  a  most  precarious  condition.  The  revenues  of  the 
Government  on  account  of  the  decline  in  business  have 
shown  a  great  falling  off,  this  notwithstanding  that  additional 
taxes  of  unheard  of  character  have  been  imposed  upon  the 
people.  The  estimated  revenues  of  the  Government  for  the 
next  year  are  about  $14,000,000.  Nevertheless,  this  last  Leg- 
islature has  appropriated  more  than  $20,000,000.  An  addi- 
tional huge  deficit  must  result. 

But  this  isn't  all.  This  Administration  has  just  started  a 
bank  to  have  $10,000,000  capital,  and  nobody  on  earth  knows 
where  the  capital  is  to  come  from.  But  this  isn't  all  by 
any  means.  They  have  just  passed  a  law  to  purchase  the 
big  railroad  in  the  Islands;  they  are  to  pay  so.me  $4,000,000 
down  and  nobody  can  see  a  dollar  in  sight  for  this  purpose. 
They  further  have  assumed  a  bond  obligation  of  about 
$20,00,000  connected  with  this  railroad  and  no  provision  of 
any  kind  is  made  to  take  care  of  these  bonds.  For  a  Gov- 
ernment rapidly  being  bankrupted,  to  assume  these  enormous 
obligations  is  quite  outside  sane  and  wholesome  administra- 
tion. 

We  suspicion  where  some  of  the  money  will  come  from 
to  make  the  initial  start  on  these  obligations.  They  have  a 
gold  standard  fund  in  the  Islands  corresponding  to  the  one 
we  have  in  the  United  States,  to  maintain  the  value  and 
stability  of  their  currency.  In  order  to  meet  the  current 
deficits  from  year  to  year  the  Administration  there  has  been 
using  this  gold  standard  fund.  It  is  now  going  to  use  this 
gold  standard  fund  to  furnish  capital  for  the  bank  and  to 
make  these  early  payments  on  the  railroad.  Colossal,  stu- 
pendous folly.  This  will  undermine  the  monetary  system  of 
the  country,  and  unless  something  is  done  to  check  it,  great 
depreciation  will  occur  in  their  currency,  and  a  consequent 
financial  panic  of  far-reaching  proportions  result. 

Prior  to  American  occupation,  the  Philippines  constituted 
one  of  the  plague  spots  of  the  world.  All  manner  of  tropical 
diseases  carried  away  the  people  in  such  wholesale  quantities 
that  the  population  was  practically  at  a  standstill.  Up  until 
Democracy  took  control  such  attention  was  given  this  feaure 
that  the  Philippines  became  one  of  the  health  places  of  the 
world.  Cholera  was  eradicated,  plague  had  become  only  a 
mernory,  smallpox  was  practically  wiped  out  and  other 
tropical  diseases  ceased  to  be  a  serious  menace.  A  complete 
change,  however,  has  occurred.  During  the  past  year  and 
a  half  cholera  has  been  sweeping  over  the  Islands  generally. 
At  first  it  appeared  in  the  Moro  country,  going  from  end  to 
end  like  a  forest  fire.  It  was  permitted  to  burn  itself  out.  No 
real  effort  was  made  either  to  relieve  the  suffering  of  the 
afflicted," to  cure  those  diseased  or  to  protect  regions  from  its 
extension.  It  thereafter  appeared  in  several  places  through- 
out the  Islands. 

Rinderpest,  a  plague  that  destroys  domestic  animals,  previ- 
ously had  been  completely  under  control,  but  recently  is  rav- 
aging every  district  in  the  Islands,  causing  enormous  loss  to 
the  natives,  and  threatens  to  paralyze  their  agricultural  in- 
dustries. 

The  standard  of  schools  has  been  greatly  lowered  during 
the  past  year  and  a  half,  and  the  quality  of  instruction  de- 
cidedly impaired.  One-half  the  area  of  the  Philippines  is  in- 
habited by  non-Christian  or  wild  tribes.  For  reasons  not 
necessary  to  discuss,  these  wild  people  think  they  are  of  a 
race  different  from  the  Filipinos,  and  between  the  two  classes 
exists  a  deep  antipathy.  The  American  Government  is  prac- 
tically the  first  one  that  has  even  been   efficiently  extended 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        311 

over  these  non-Christian  people.  These  wild  people  have 
come  to  rely  upon  Americans  with  a  childlike  simplicity.  They 
vigorously  protested  with  all  the  earnestness  they  could  com-* 
mand  against  the  removal  of  American  officials  over  them 
and  the  imposition  of  inexperienced  Filipino  officials  upon 
them.  Nevertheless,  this  is  exactly  what  has  been  done,  with 
consequences  exceedingly  serious.  If  the  wishes  of  the 
governed  ever  should  be  respected,  then  the  wishes  of  these 
simple,  trusting,  loyal  wild  children  should  be  listened  to  by 
our  Government. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  present  Administration  the  Demo- 
crats started  to  pass  a  bill  to  reorganize  the  government  of 
the  Philippines,  Their  experience  had  taught  them  the  utter 
foolishness  of  giving  early  independence  to  the  Islands — 
taught  them  that  all  they  had  said  in  1900  was  wrong,  and  that 
the  policies  they  had  already  adopted  were  wrong.  Conse- 
quently their  proposed  reorganization  did  not  contemplate 
early  independence.  They  did  not  get  the  bill  through.  In 
the  present  Congress  Democracy  proposed  that  we  scuttle 
the  Islands  and  abandon  them  to  their  fate,  no  matter  how 
foolish  such  a  course  might  be.  Not  a  word  was  ever  said 
or  a  suggestion  made  that  the  people  in  the 'Islands  were  in 
a  condition  to  establish  and  maintain  successfully  a  good 
government  over  there,  in  case  of  our  withdrawal.  Neverthe- 
less, Democracy  under  the  leadership  of  President  Wilson 
proposed  the  infamous  .Clarke  Amendment  to  the  pending 
Philippine  Bill,  passed  it  in  the  Senate  and  tried  to  pass  it 
in  the  House,  a  proposition  that  meant  to  haul  down  the 
American  Flag  within  not  less  than  two  nor  more  than  four 
years;  haul  it  down  over  eight  millions  of  people  who  are 
learning  to  cherish  the  spirit  of  free  institutions;  haul  it  down 
over  a  people  we  have  but  started  on  the  road  to  nationality 
and  capacity  for  independence;  haul  it  down  over  American 
property,  American  citizens  and  American  honor. 

With  early  independence  of  the  Islands  thus  threatened, 
the  thinking,  responsible  Filipinos  became  greatly  alarmed. 
For  the  first  time  Filipinos  in  large  numbers  and  of  the 
highest  respectability  and  having  the  interests  of  their  country 
foremost  in  their  hearts,  petitioned  Congress  against  this 
scuttle  policy.  The  Republicans  stood  a  unit  against  tliis 
humiliation  and  dishonor  to  Americanism  and  this  disloyalty 
to  the  cause  and  welfare  of  the  Filipinos,  A  few  Democrats 
decided  to  place  country  ahead  of  their  party's  lash,  joined 
with  the  solid  Republican  forces,  and  the  iniquitous  policy 
was  defeated. 

In  the  meantime,  conditions  in  the  Philippines  under  this 
Administration  are  growing  worse.  Of  the  four  Democrats 
sent  out  by  this  Government  as  Commissioners  two  remained 
but  a  short  time,  resigning  because  they  could  not  countenance 
the  anti-American  policy  which  their  brethren  and  the  Ad- 
ministration had  inaugurated  and  were  continuing.  There 
remain  only  the  Governor  General  and  the  Vice  Governor 
as  members  of  the  Commission,  until  recently  a  deserving 
Democrat,  wholly  inexperienced  in  Philippine  affairs  was 
appointed  to  act  as  Secretary  of  Commerce  and  Police,  Now 
it  is  announced  that  the  Vice  Governor  is  coming  home  to 
America  to  stay.  These  recent  years  demonstrate  that  the 
Republican  policy,  one  of  pure  and  unadulterated  American- 
ism in  the  Philippine  Islands,  was  correct  and  sound.  They 
have  demonstrated  that  the  Democratic  claims  respecting  the 
Philippines  have  been  and  are  erroneous  and  unsound.  They 
demonstrate  that  the  policies  inaugurated  by  this  Administra- 
tion in  the  Islands  have  been  ruinously  improper,  both  as 
regards  American  honor  and  the  welfare  of  the  people  of  the 
Archipelago.  They  demonstrate  that  there  must  be  a  re- 
organization and  rehabilitation  of  the  government  in  the 
Philippines.     In  order  that  it  may  be  American  in  its  ideals 


312        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

and  proceed  along  sound  lines,  that  reorganization  must  be 
in  the  hands  of  a  Republican  Administration,  one  that  will 
look  only  to  our  Nation's  honor  and  the  well-being  of  the 
Philippine  people. 

The  clause  in  the  Clarke  Amendment  to  the  Jones  Bill, 
which  was  stricken  from  the  measure  on  May  i,  1916,  by  the 
votes  of  183  Republicans  and  30  Democrats,  was  as  follows: 

The  President  is  hereby  authorized  and  directed  to  withdraw  and  sur- 
render all  right  of  possession,  supervision,  jurisdictjon,  control  or  sov- 
ereignty now  existing  and  exercised  by  the  United  States  in  and  over  the 
territory  and  people  of  the  Philippines,  and  he  shall  on  behalf  of  the 
United  States  fully  recognize  the  independence  of  the  said  Philippines  as 
a  separate  and  self-governing  nation  and  acknowledge  the  authority  and 
•control  over  the  same  of  the  government  instituted  by  the  people  thereof, 
and  full  power  to  take  the  several  steps  necessary  to  institute  such 
government  is  hereby  conferred  upon  the  said  Philippines  acting  by  and 
through  governmental  agencies  created  by  this  Act.  This  transfer  of 
possession,  sovereignty,  and  governmental  control  shall  be  completed  and 
become  absolute  not  less  than  two  years  nor  more  than  four  years  from 
the  date  of  the  approval  of  this  Act,  under  the  terms  and  in  the  manner 
hereinafter  prescribed:  Provided,  That  if  the  President,  prior  to  the 
exi  iration  of  the  said  period  of  four  years,  shall  find  that  the  condition 
of  the  internal  or  external  affairs  of  said  Philippines  in  respect  to  the 
stability  or  efficiency  of  the  proposed  government  thereof  is  such  as  to 
warrant  him  in  so  doing,  he  is  hereby  further  authorized,  by  proclama- 
tion duly  made  and  published,  to  extend  the  said  time  to  and  including 
the  date  of  the  final  adjournment  of  the  session  of  Congress  which  shall 
convene  next  after  the  date  of  the  expiration  of  the  said  period  of  four 
years,  and  thus  afford  the  Congress  an  .opportunity  in  its  discretion  to 
further  consider  the  situation  in  the  said  Philippines;  but  any  such  exten- 
sion of  time  by  the  President  shall  not  otherwise  suspend  or  nullify  the 
operative  forcp  of  this  Act,  unless  the  Congress  shall  hereafter  so  direct. 


PHILIPPINE  FACTS 

Under  the  Administrations  of  Presidents  McKinley,  Roose- 
velt and  Taft,  American  partisan  politics  was  not  allowed  to 
enter  into  the  administration  of  the  Philippine  Islands.  Of  the 
five  Governors  General  up  to  that  time,  two  were  lifelong  Demo- 
crats, two  were  Republicans,  and  one  had  no  party  affiliations. 
Of  the  American  judges  who  were  appointed  under  the  three 
Republican  Administrations  the  majority  were  Democrats.  The 
Bureau^  Chiefs  were  as  often  Democrats  as  Republicans,  and 
the  entire  Civil  Service  under  them  had  no  rela'cion  whatever  to 
party  affiliations.  Every  man  appointed  to  the  Philippine 
Islands  was  appointed  because  of  some  presumably  special  quali- 
fication for  the  particular  work  he  had  to  do.  Filipinos  were 
chosen  for  every  position  which,  in  'che  opinion  of  the  Governor 
General,  they  were  qualified  to  fill,  and  the  result  was  that  each 
year  there  was  an  increasing  percentage  of  Filipinos  engaged  in 
Government  sevrice.  For  a  number  of  years  there  have  been 
from  500,000  to  600,000  children  in  the  public  schools,  a  large 
majority  of  whom  were  boys.  These  boys  are  beginning  'to  come 
of  age  and  to  be  able  to  take  part  in  the  Government. 

The  whole  purpose  of  the  various  Administrations  there  had 
been  to  fit  the  Filipinos  for  as  large  a  participation  in  the 
Government  as  they  were  capable  of  sustaining.  These  con- 
ditions prevailed  until  the  advent  of  Wilson's  Administration. 
He  appointed  a  Governor  General  whose  avowed  purpose  was 
to  sever  'che  sovereigntv  of  the  United  States  as  soon  as  possible. 
Under  his  administration  the  Filipino  politinl  partv  in  the  ma- 
ioritv  has  been  practically  put  in  control  of  the  Islands.  Every 
instrumentalirv  of  the  Government  has  been  used  to  assist  this 
oarty.  Officials  of  every  other  Filipino  groun  were  hamnered 
in  the  discharore  of  their  duties  in  every  possible  way.  Active 
members  of  this  nolitical  narty  had  been  the  recipients  of  pardon 
if  convicted  of  crime,  and  if  'the  necessitv  arose  for  their  dis- 
■rharge  from  public  office  because  of  malfeasance  of  any  char- 
acter,  thpy  have  been   fflven   a   letter  from   the  Governor  Gen- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAiGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         «1$ 

eral  sustaining  their  integrity.  The  result  is  that  this  group 
has  been  more  s'crongly  entrenched  in  the  Government  than  ever 
before.  Filipinos  who  stand  for  the  integrity  of  the  Adminis- 
tration have  been  ruthlessly  set  aside.  Americans  ■  have  been 
similarly  separated  from  the  service  either  by  dismissal,  by  a 
request  for  their  resignation,  by  the  abolishment  of  their  po- 
sition by  law  (to  be  recreated  when  they  had  gone),  by  failure 
to  appropriate  the  salaries  for  their  positions,  by  the  reduction 
of  the  salary  of  their  positions,  or  by  some  method  of  humili- 
ation that  a  red-blooded  man  could  not  brook.  By  this  method 
many  were  gotten  rid  of,  and  a  few  months  ago  a  bill  was 
passed  by  the  Legislature  providing  that  all  persons  in  che  public 
service  who  should  resign  prior  to  July  i,  1916,  and  who  had 
served  six  years  or  more,  should  receive  an  additional  amount 
of  pay,  varied  according  to  the  number  of  years  of  their 
service,  and  if  the  resignation  were  not  forthcoming  by 
July  I,  and  they  lost  their  position  for  any  cause,  they 
should  no'c  receive  the  additional  pay.  The  result,  of  course,  is 
that  practically  every  American  in  the  service  has  tendered  his 
resignation,  and  most  of  these  resignations  have  been  accepted, 
and  the  public  service  is  thereby  completely  demoralized,  for 
while  the  average  Filipino  has  many  good  qualities,  and  many 
of  them  have  ability  of  a  certain  kind,  he  has  so  far  in  very  few 
leases  demonstrated  executive  ability.  It  will  be  a  very  great 
problem  to  again  build  up  the  Civil  Service  to  a  point  where 
i'c  was  left  by  the  Republican  Administration.  Inefficiency 
characterizes  practically  every  department  of  the  Government. 
Trust  funds  have  been  depleted  to  pay  current  expenses.  Collec- 
tions of  amounts  due  the  Government  for  Friar  lands  have 
been  largely  discontinued,  and  financially  the  Government  is  in  a 
very  precarious  position,  although  obligations  to  the  amount  of 
nearly  100,000,000  pesos  have  been  incurred  for  the  purchase 
of  a  railroad  by  the  Government,  and  a  considerable  further  sum 
for  the  establishment  of  a  Government  bank,  which  is  intended 
to  compete  with  private  institutions. 

The  development  of  the  Philippine  Islands  prior  to  the  present 
Democratic  Administration  was  |)henomenal.  Thousands  of 
miles  of  good  roads  were  constructed,  reaching  into  parts  of  the 
Islands  which  never  before  had  had  access  to  markets.  An 
interisland  steamship  service  was  built  up  under  private  owner- 
ship which  enabled  the  people  in  every  part  of  the  Archipelago 
to  dispose  of  their  products.  Harbors  were  constructed.  Light- 
houses and  beacons  were  eretcted  which  made  navigation  safe 
and  regular.  The  courts  were  put  u^on  a  basis  which  com- 
manded the  respect  of  all.  Sanitation  and  the  health  of  the 
people  were  made  paramount  and  the  death  rate  of  the  city  of 
Manila  decreased  below  that  of  many  American  cities.  Scientific 
investigations  were  conducted  by  men  eminent  in  their  various 
professions  which  reduced  disease  both  of  man  and  beast. 
Rinderpest,  which  had  reduced  the  number  of  work  animals  in 
the  Islands  very  seriously,  had  been  practically  driven  out. 
Local  governments  had  been  established  under  the  direction  and 
control  of  the  central  government,  which  showed  a  considerable 
degree  of  virility.  The  public  schools  had  been  extended  into 
all  parts  of  the  Islands,  under  the  direction  of  nearly  a  thousand 
American  teachers.  Capital  from  America  and  foreign  coun- 
tries had  began  to  flow  into  the  Islands  for  the  development  of 
natural  resounces  which  had  always  been  dormant.  All  this 
has  been  changed.  No  dollar  of  American  or  foreign  capital 
has  been  turned  toward  these  shores  since  the  day  of  Wilson's 
election,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  in  the  year  previous 
$10,000,000  or  $12,000,000  was  so  diverted.  The  efficiency  of 
every  bureau  has  been  larp-elv  destroyed.  Scientific  experts 
have  been  dismissed.  The  IBureau  of  Health  has  been  turned 
over  largely  to  a  board  of  Filipino  physicians,  lacking  skill  and 


314        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

experience.  The  repair  and  maintenance  of  lighthouses  has  been 
neglected.  No  new  harbors  have  been  constructed.  Many  roads 
which  had  fbrmerly  been  built  are  falling  into  disrepair.  Most 
of  the  experienced  educators  in  the  Bureau  of  Education  have 
been  separated  from  the  service.  And  the  magnificent  work  of 
many  years,  built  up  under  the  guidance  of  Governors  General 
Taft,  Wright,  Ide,  Smith,  and  Forbes,  has  been  destroyed. 
The  business  of  the  Philippine  Islands  is  at  a  standstill;  it 
awaits  the  result  of  the  November  election. 

The  importance  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  however,  is  not 
alone  in  the  opportunity  which  America  has  to  assist  the  Filipino 
and  place  him  in  position  to  compete  wth  the  rest  of  the  world, 
but  it  is  of  importance  to  America  herself.  The  trade  of  the 
Philippine  Islands  with  America  has  increased  from  practically 
nothing  to  $60,000,000  a  year,  and  this  is  only  the  beginning  of 
the  results  which  should  be  achieved.  And  Manila  lies  at  the 
gateway  to  all  of  Asia.  It  should  be  the  depot  from  which 
we  should  furnish  goods  to  the  countless  millions  of  China. 
China  demands  everything  that  America  produces.  The 
Chinese  are  our  friends.  They  believe  that  we  are  their  friends. 
The  policy  of  the  open  door  which  John  Hay  introduced,  she 
believes,  saved  her  from  dismemberment.  The  return  of  the 
Boxer  indemnity  to  be  used  for  educational  purposes  in  China 
convinced  her  of  our  altruistic  intentions.  Her  trade  with 
Europe  is  now  sorely  crippled.  She.  must  buy  of  Japan  or  of 
America.  She  regards  Japan  as  her  commercial  rival,  and  Amer- 
ica has  only  to  offer  goods,  to  have  them  accepted  upon  terms 
of  cash.  The  Philippine  Islands  offer  the  opportunity  to 
secure  and  maintain  that  trade,  and  while  it  will  benefit  all 
of  the  United  States,  it  will  benefit  the  Filipinos  as  well. 


MR.  WILSON'S  SECRET  CIVIL  SERVICE 

Only  one  construction  cai>  be  put  on  President  Wilson's^ 
refusal  to  give  to  the  National  Civil  Service  Reform  Associa-' 
tion  the  information  it  vainly  sought  to  obtain  concerning 
the  examinations  for  fourth  class  postmasters.  It  is  that 
these  examinations  were  not  fairly  conducted;  that  they 
were  devised  to  further  political  ambitions,  and  not  to  pro- 
tect the  public  service  against  incompetence  and  unfit  ap- 
pointments. The  reason  assigned  for  the  adoption  of  a  policy 
of  secrecy  was  that  investigation  by  the  association  "might 
lead  to  such  criticism  of  the  Administration  as  would  seriously 
embarrass  it."  Herein  is  confirmatory  evidence  that  private 
purposes  instead  of  the  national  welfare  have  guided  the 
conduct  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission. 

It  is  obvious  that  a  secret  system  of  examining  and  certify- 
ing applicants  for  Federal  jobs  must  defeat  the  object  of 
the  civil  service  law.  Its  essence  is  that  the  tests  of  capacity 
shall  be  uniform  as  between  candidates,  that  the  operation  of 
the  machine  shall  be  public,  that  there  shall  be  no  hidden 
passages,  no  short  cuts  to  the  eligible  list.  Only  the  actual 
questions  prepared  for  each  examination  should  be  withheld 
from  the  public  until  they  have  been  answered.  Having 
served  their  purpose,  they  are  useless. 

But  the  Administration  has  endeavored  to  hide  all  the 
transactions  of  the  commission  with  reference  to  fourth  class 
postmasterships.  It  has  sought  to  keep  from  public  knowl- 
edge the  manner  in  which  the  selections  were  made;  and  in 
so  doing  it  has  opened  the  way  for  all  the  abuses  known  to 
the  spoils  system,  which,  the  public  is  justified  in  believing, 
have  been  revived  under  cover  of  Mr.  Wilson's  cloak  of 
mystery. — New  York  Sun. 


Diplomatic  Service  Spoils    . 

After  most  of  the  changes  had  been  made  in  the  Diplomatic 
Service,  Representative  Rogers,  of  Massachusetts,  summed 
up  the  situation,  April  2,  1914,  as  follows: 

It  is  my  purpose  to  develop  as  briefly  as  may  be  the  precise 
changes  in  our  Diplomatic  Service  w^hich  the  year  just  past 
has  witnessed.  I  shall  deal  more  especially  with  the  diplo- 
matic situation  in  Latin  America,  because  in  that  quarter  of 
the  earth's  surface  lies  our  commercial  future,  and  because, 
too,  owing  to  the  present  interpretation  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, we  are  forced  to  scan  with  peculiar  closeness  the  at- 
titude which  the  Republics  to  the  South  of  us  assume  to- 
ward this  country.  The  United  States  today  is  not  receiving 
anything  like  its  fair  share  of  the  trade  of  Latin  America. 
Suffice  it  to  say  here  that  the  latest  figures  available  show  that 
the  United  States  was  responsible  for  but  22.9  per  cent  of  the 
total  imports  of  Latin  America;  if  Mexico  and  Cyiba  be 
omitted — which  countries,  from  geographical  and  historical 
reasons,  have  always  had  close  trade  relations  with  the  United 
States — the  figure  of  22.9  per  cent  is  reduced  to  16  per  cent. 
The  United  States  is  responsible  for  but  11  per  cent  of  the 
imports  of  Brazil,  but  12  per  cent  of  the  imports  of  Chile, 
and  but  14  per  cent  of  the  imports  of  Argentina.  Clearly, 
if  the  United  States  is  to  receive  its  rightful  share  of  the 
commerce  of  these  great  and  very  rapidly  growing  sister  Re- 
publics of  the  American  Hemisphere,  it  is  incumbent  upon 
her  to  be  diligent  in  promoting  close  and  cordial  relations 
with  each  and  every  one  of  these  Republics,  whether  large  or 
small.  One  way,  and  certainly  an  important  way,  is  to  raise 
the  Diplomatic  Service  with  these  countries  to  the  highest 
possible  plane  of  efficiency.  The  possibilities  for  good  re- 
sultant upon  the  sending  of  a  skillful,  experienced,  tactful,  and 
capable  minister  or  ambassador  to  any  one  of  these  countries 
can  scarcely  be  overemphasized. 

In  the  Roosevelt  and  Taft  administrations  a  sincere  attempt 
was  made  to  place  our  Diplomatic  Service  upon  a  merit  basis. 
Appointments  became  more  and  more  the  rewards  of  ef- 
ficient service  during  those  12  years.  The  country  looked 
forward  confidently  to  a  continuance  of  this  policy  under  the 
stalwart  leadership  of  President  Wilson.     As  he  said  himself: 

My  warm  advocacy  and  support  both  of  the  principle  and  of  the  bona  fide 
practice  of  civil  service  reform  is  known  to  the  whole  country,  and  there  is 
no  danger  that  the  spoils  system  will  creep  in  with  my  approval  or 
connivance. 

Having  in  mind  the  tremendous  importance  of  the  Latin 
American  situation,  from  whatever  point  of  view  examined, 
and  having  in  mind,  too,  the  straightforward  policy  of  the 
President  upon  the  merit  system,  thus  ably  declared,  I  have 
been  interested,  after  a  full  year  of  President  Wilson's  term, 
to  examine  with  the  greatest  possible  care  the  nature  of  the 
appointments  to  the  Diplomatic  Service  which  are  the  fruit 
of  the  present  regime.  I  confess  that  I  have  been  some- 
what handicapp^ed  in  learning  in  detail  the  careers  of  the  new 
diplomats  to  Latin  America,  because  of  the  fact  that  almost 
all  are  entirely  unknown  to  the  publishers  of  that  most  use- 
ful handbook.  Who's  Who  in  America.  That  excellent 
manual,  as  is  well  known,  does  not  err  on  the  side  of  ex- 
clusiveness.  Its  preface  tells  us  that  27,000  names  are  listed 
therein.  Yet  of  the  15  new  appointments  to  legations  in  Latin 
America  but  4  are  known  even  by  name  to  the  editor.  For 
further  information  as  to  one  of  these— a  most  unkind  cut — 
we  are  referred  to  an  earlier  edition  in  the  series,  as  if  the 
gentleman  in  question,  though  actually  living,  were  legally 
dead.    Two  of  the  others  are  listed,  because  15  years  ago  they 

31S 


316         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

were  Members  of  Congress.  The  fourth  is  listed  as  a  retired 
clergyman,  but  also,  fortunately  for  his  chances  of  diplomatic 
preferment,  as  a  "Progressive  Democrat."  The  other  ii  of 
the  15  are  unknown  even  to  such  fame  as  inclusion  in  Who's 
Who  holds  out  to  the  ambitious.'  For  much  of  the  informa- 
tion concerning  their  careers  which  I  have  been  able  to  com- 
pile I  am  indebted  to  the  various  numbers  of  the  Pan  Amer- 
ican Union  Bulletin.  The  editor  of  this  publication,  as  fast 
as  Latin  American  appointments  are  confirmed  by  the  Senate, 
writes  to  the  appointee  for  authentic  information  as  to  his 
life,  character,  and  achievements.  Such  information  as  ap- 
pears is  therefore  largely  autobiographic,  and  wherever  I 
have  quoted  it  below  it  may  be  accepted  as  at  least  repre- 
senting the  opinion  of  the  subject  of  the  sketch. 

I  do  not  need  to  point  out  that  a  vast  amount  of  criticism 
has  been  directed  against  the  administration  in  connection 
with  its  diplomatic  appointments.  For  example.  Dr.  Charles 
W.  Eliot,  president  of  the  National  Civil  Service  Reform 
League,  said  at  the  annual  convention  of  that  body  last 
December: 

Of  the  22  Ministers  displaced,  13  had  had  several  years'  experience  in 
Diplomatic  Service,  while  none  of  the  new  appointees  had  had  any  experi- 
ence. Several  of  the  appointments  of  obscure  men  to  diplomatic  posts  have 
seemed  to  the  public  to  be  made  in  payment  of  political  debts. 

It  is  very  easy  to  make  a  general  arraignment  of  a  prin- 
ciple or  a  policy,  but  it  !s  much  more  convincing  to  assemble 
the  actual  facts  bearing  upon  a  given  proposition  so  that  the 
reader  may  judge  for  himself  what  general  conclusions  shall 
be  drawn.  I  therefore  incorporate  at  this  point  a  brief  sketch 
of  the  men  who  have  been  serving  this  country  in  the  Latin 
American  diplomatic  posts  and  of  those  who,  since  the  advent 
of  President  Wilson,  have  taken  their  places. 

Bolivia 

O'Rear,  John  D.  (appointed).  Born  in  Mexico,  Mo.,  in 
1870,  and  has  lived  there  ever  since.  His  diplomatic  qualifi- 
cations, if  any,  arise  from  the  name  of  the  town  in  which  he 
has  resided;  certainly  he  has  had  no  discoverable  experience. 
The  Pan  American  Union  Bulletin,  speaking  presumably  auto- 
biographically,  says: 

He  also  served  the  Democratic  State  Committee.  He  brings  ,to  his 
new  post  the  energy  and  enthusiasm  of  youth,  combined  with  the  prudence 
and  forethought  of  a  trained  lawyer. 

If  the  gentleman  himself  is  to  be  believed,  what  more  can 
the  country  ask? 

Knowles,  Horace  G.  (displaced).  Was  born  in  1863;  is  a 
graduate  of  Delaware  College,  and  a  lawyer.  He  entered  the 
Consular  Service  in  1889  and  since  that  time  has  been  min- 
ister to  Roumania  and  Servia,  diplomatic  agent  to  Bulgaria, 
minister  to  Nicaragua,  minister  and  consul  general  to  Santo 
Domingo,  and  minister  to  Bolivia.  He  has  thus  been  en- 
gaged in  various  branches  of  the  foreign  service  for  25  years. 

Colombia 

Thomson,  Thaddeus  A.  (appointed).  Mr.  Thomson  was 
born  in  Texas  in  1853,  and  has  always  lived  there;  his  present 
home  is  Austin,  Tex.  He  is  a  planter,  ranch  owner,  and 
locator  of  public  lands.  No  diplomatic  qualifications  have 
been  detected  other  than  a  presumable  acquaintance  with 
those  kings  of  Democratic  patronage  and  first  citizens  of 
Austin,  Col.  E.  M.  House  and  Postmaster  General  Burleson. 
The  trustworthy  Pan  American  Union  Bulletin  informs  us 
that— 

though  a  prominent  factor  in  State  and  National  politics,  he  has  never  held 
any  official  position  prior  to  his  appointment  to  this  very  important  diplo- 
matic post. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         317 

Du  Bois,  James  T.  (displaced).  Mr.  Du  Bois  was  born  in 
1851  and  is  a  graduate  of  Cornell  and  of  Columbian  Uni- 
versity Law  School.  He  was  appointed  commercial  agent 
at  Aix  la  Chapelle  in  1877  and  consul  in  1880.  Since  then  he 
has  been  consul  at  Callao  and  Leipzig,' consul  general  at  St. 
Gall,  law  clerk  in  the  Department  of  State,  consul  general 
at  Singapore,  and  minister  to  Colombia.  His  foreign  service 
thus  covers  a  period  of  37  years. 

Costa  Rica 

Hale,  Edward  J.  (appointed).  Born  in  North  Carolina  in 
1839  and  has  lived  there  ever  since.     Newspaper  editor. 

Einstein,  Lewis  (displaced).  Born  1877.  Holds  two  de- 
grees from  Columbia.  Appointed  secretary  in  the  Diplo- 
matic Service  in  1903  at  Paris;  then  successively  secretary  at 
London,  at  the  Moroccan  conference,  at  Constantinople,  and 
at  Peking.    In  191 1  promoted  to  be  minister  at  Costa  Rica. 

Cuba  I 

Gonzales,  William  E.  (appointed).  Born  in  Charleston, 
S.  C,  in  1866  and  has  lived  there  ever  since.  Editor.  The 
Pan  American  Union  Bulletin  tells  us  that  his  father  was  con- 
cerned in  the  first  filibustering  expedition  from  the  United 
States  to  Cuba  in  1850,  and  goes  on  to  say  that — 

his  ancestry  and  training     •     ♦     •     ^jn  give  him  the  advantage  of  a  sym- 
pathetic understanding  of  the  nature  of  the  Cuban  people. 

The  report  of  the  treasurer  of  the  Democratic  National 
Committee,  Mr.  Rolla  Wells,  chronicles — page  8 — that  Gon- 
zales Bros.,  Columbia,  S.  C,  contributed  $500  to  the  true 
cause  in  the  National  Campaign  of  1912.  Perchance  here  is 
another  qualification  beyond  those  alluded  to  in  the  Pan 
American  Union  Bulletin. 

Beaupre,  A.  M.  (displaced).  Mr.  Beaupre  was  born  in 
Illinois  and  was  appointed  after  an  examination  secretary  of 
the  legation  and  consul  general  at  Guatemala  in  1897;  succes- 
sively charge  d'affaires,  secretary  of  the  legaUon,  and  consul 
general  at  Bogota,  minister  to  Colombia,  minister  to  Argen- 
tina, minister  to  the  Netherlands  and  Luxemburg,  and  min- 
ister to  Cuba;  a  record  of  16  years  in  the  foreign  service  of 
the  United  States. 

Dominican  Republic 

Sullivan,  James  M.  (appointed).  Born  in  1873,  now  a  crimi- 
nal lawyer  in  New  York  City.  Col.  Harvey  tells  us  that  he 
achieved  eminence  by  defending  "Bald  Jack"  Rose  in  the 
notorious  Becker  trial,  and  that  his  cousin  is  a  contractor 
interested  in  railway  concessions  in  the  Dominican  Republic. 
He  is  also  known  to  fame  as  an  indefatigable  organizer  of 
Democratic  clubs  in  the  campaign  of  1912. 

Russell,  W.  W.  (displaced).  Mr.  Russell  was  born  in  Wash- 
ington, D.  C,  in  1859.  He  is  a  graduate  of  the  United  States 
Naval  Academy,  and  has  been  civil  engineer  and  surveyor  in 
South  America,  Mexico,  and  the  United  States.  He  was  ap- 
pointed secretary  of  the  legation  at  Caracas  in  1895.  He  was 
successively  secretary  and  charge  d'affaires  at  Panama,  min- 
ister to  Colombia,  minister  to  Venezuela,  commissioner  to 
Ecuador,  and  minister  and  consul  general  to  the  Dominican 
Republic. 

Ecuador 

Hartman,  Charles  S.  (appointed).  Mr.  Hartman  is  a  lawyer 
of  Bozeman,  Mont.  He  was  a  Member  of  Congress  from 
1893  to  1899  I  have  taken  occasion  to  examine  the  Congres- 
sipnal  Record  to  learn  of  his  activities  while  in  Washington. 
His  principal  endeavors  seem  to  have  been  in  the  advocacy 
•f  the  cause  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver.     On  February  7, 


318         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

1896,  for  example,  he  made  a  ringing  speech  in  favor  of  free 
silver  in  the  course  of  which  he  referred  to  the  fact  that 
the  condition  of  Mexico,  a  silver-using  country,  is  so  much 
better  than  that  of  the  United  States  under  a  gold  standard 
that  he  felt  that  dignified  silence  on  the  part  of  the  gold 
men  would  be  beneficial.  Doubtless  the  accuracy  of  his  in- 
formation about  Mexico  and  of  his  prophetic  vision  caused 
him  to  be  selected  as  minister  to  a  neighboring  Republic  in 
the  troubled  year  of  grace  1913.  Those  who  are  interested 
An  studying  more  in  detail  Mr.  Hartman's  free-silver  views 
will  find  other  speeches  on  the  same  subject  reported  in 
the  Congressional  Record  for  August  24,  1893;  March  i, 
1894;  February  6,  1895;  and  January  27,  1898.  Whatever  his 
shortcomings,  diplomatic  Or  otherwise,  he  seems  to  have  been 
a  consistent  performer  on  this  subject  at  least. 

Schuyler,  Montgomery,  Jr.  (displaced).  Born  in  Connec- 
ticut in  1877.  Holds  two  degrees  from  Columbia  University. 
University  scholar  in  Indo-Iranian  languages;  university  fel- 
low. Appointed  second  secretary  at  St.  Petersburg  in  1902. 
t  Successively  secretary  and  consul  general  at  Bangkok;  sec- 
retary and  consul  general  to  Roumania  and  Servia;  secretary 
at  St.  Petersburg,  Tokyo,  and  Mexico;  and  minister  to 
Ecuador. 

Speaking  of  this  particular  substitution,  the  New  York 
Times,  on  July  20,  1913,  said  editorially: 

No  further  evidence  is  needed  of  the  intention  of  the  State  De- 
partment to  disregard  the  merit  system  altogether  in  diplomatic  ap- 
pointments and  to  undo  the  good  work  already  done  toward  the  formation 
of  an  efficient  service  than  the  displacement  of  Mr.  Montgomery  Schuy- 
ler, Jr.,  by  Mr.  Charles  S.  Hartman,  of  Bozeman,  Mont.,  a  politician 
long  out  of  office  and  a  statesman  of  the  true  Bryan  following.  Mr. 
Schuyler,  a  young  man  of  good  education  and  uncommon  ability,  took  to 
the  diplomatic  career  under  the  inducements  offered  to  such  men  in  the 
three  Administrations  preceding  President  Wilson's.  He  is  not  a  politician 
but  h.6  has  served  the  State  Department  efficiently  and  with  considerable 
distinction  in  many  positions  *  »  «  He  has  proved  his  fitness  in  these 
positions,  and  is  of  the  type  most  needed  in  our  Diplomatic  Service. 

Mr.  Hartman,  on  the  other  hand,  has  done  the  State  no  service  which 
is  on  the  records  since  his  retirement  from  the  House  of  Representatives,  of 
which  he  was  a  somewhat  inconspicuous  member  from  1893  to  1899.  Mr. 
Hartman  was  not  then  a  Democrat,  whatever  he  may  be  now,  and 
beyond  the  intr^uction  of  a  bill  for  ihe  free  coinage  of  silver  and  a  few 
private  pension  bills,  he  did  nothing  much  in  Congress.  If  Mr.  Hartman 
possesses  any  special  fitness  to  serve  his  country  as  Minister  to  Ecuador 
he    has   acquired    if   lately    while    practicing   law    in    Boseman. 

Mr.  Schuyler's  appointment  to  Quito  is  not  six  months  old;  it  was  not 
a  political  appointment,  but  a  promotipn  for  merit  after  many  years  of 
good  service.  He  has  not  had  time  to  get  settled  in  his  new  office  when 
he  is  swept  aside,  without  consideration,  to  make  way  for  a  worn-out 
political  henchman  of  the  former  advocate  of  16  to   i. 

Guatemala 

Leavell,  William  H.  (appointed).  Was  born  in  South  Caro- 
lina in  1850  and  has  been  a  clergyman  since  1870.  For  one 
of  his  parishes  he  was  fortunate  to  be  settled  in  the  good 
city  of  Austin,  Tex.,  the  home,  as  has  been  previously  pointed 
out,  of  Messrs.  House  and  Burleson.  Who  can  say  what 
fruitful  consequence  to  the  Republic  of  Guatemala  resulted 
from  the  pastorate?  An  expectant  world  is  informed  in  the 
Pan  American  Union  Bulletin  that — 

his  attainments   attracted  wide  interest  as  well  as  many  calls  for  lectures 
and  discussions. 

Although  there  is  no  specific  mention  of  the  Chautauqua 
circuit,  the  bond  of  union  with  the  Secretary  of  State  is  really 
too  obvious  for  comment.  The  important,  though  perhaps 
not  uncommon,  distinction  had  been  accorded  him  at  the  time 
the  Bulletin  went  to  press  of  being  received  by  the  President 
of  Guatemala.  The  press  of  the  capital  city  of  Guatemala  is 
said  to  be  "loud  in  its  praise  of  the  new  minister."  The  secret 
of  his  success,  however,  is  revealed  by  an  interview  whiclf  he 
gave  as  he  was  about  to  take  ship  for  his  new  post.    He  said; 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         319 

1  expect  to  find  diplomacy  easy.  I  have  never  been  a  diplomat  offi- 
cially,  but   I  have  been  a  minister  40  years. 

Hitt,  R.  S.  R.  (displaced).  Mr.  Hitt  was  born  in  1876,  and 
is  a  graduate  of  Yale  and  of  Harvard  Law  School.  He  was 
appointed  to  a  secretaryship  at  Paris  in  1901.  He  served 
successively  as  secretary  at  Berlin,  at  Rome,  and  again  at 
Berlin,  and  as  minister  to  Panama,  Venezuela,  and  Guatemala. 

Haiti 

Smith,  Madison  R.  (appointed).  Mr.  Smith  was  born  in 
Missouri  in  1850,  and  has  been  a  lawyer,  newspaper  editor, 
and  Member  of  the  Sixtieth  Congress. 

Furniss,  Henry  W.  (displaced).  Mr.  Furniss  was  born  in 
1868,  and  holds  four  university  degrees  In  1898  he  was  ap- 
pointed, after  examination,  consul  at  Bahia,  and  in  1905  min- 
ister to  Haiti. 

Honduras 

Ewing,  John  (appointed).  Mr.  Ewing  was  born  in  Ala- 
bama in  1857,  and  has  lived  in  Missouri  and  Louisiana.'  He 
has  been  a  collection  teller,  deputy  collector  of  customs, 
customs  broker,  land  agent,  road  overseer,  lawyer,  and  news- 
paper man — a  veritable  jack-of-all-trades.  His  various  pur- 
suits had  been  so  lucrative  that  he  was  able  to  contriljute 
$500  to  the  Democratic  national  campaign  of  1912.  (See  p. 
7  of  Mr.  Well's  report.)  The  following  facts  are  culled 
from  the  Pan  American  Union  Bulletin: 

When  quite  a  young  man  he  hung  out  his  shingle  and  soon  had  clients 
of  his  own — he  has  become  greatly  appreciated  by  the  public.  Having 
lived  in  the  South  all  his  life  and  having  been  brought  into  business  and 
social  contact  with  the  peoples  of  Central  America  through  direct  steam- 
ship connections,  the  new  Minister  will  not  be  a  stranger  to  life  and 
environments  with  which  he  will  be  surrounded.  His  friends  predict  for 
him   a   most  successful  and   useful   career. 

The  President  is  indeed  fortunate  to  happen  upon  a  man 
who  has  had  direct  steamship  connections  with  the  Republic 
to  which  he  is  assigned.  Incidentally,  his  brother,  Robert 
Ewing,  is  Democratic  National  Committeeman  from  Louisi- 
ana and  the  political  boss  of  that  State.  A  mere  coincidence, 
doubtless. 

White,  Charles  D.  (displaced).  Mr.  White  was  born  in 
Ithaca  in  1868,  and  is  a  graduate  of  Princeton  and  of  two 
German  universities.  He  was  appointed  secretary  at  Buenos 
Aires  in  1904.  He  then  served  successively  as  secretary  to  the 
Netherlands  and  Luxemburg,  Christiania,  Habana,  and  to  the 
arbitration  tribunal  at  The  Hague.  He  was  appointed  min- 
ister to  Honduras  in   191 1. 

Of  this  substitution  Mr.  Edward  G.  Lowry,  Washington 
correspondent  of  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  writing  in 
Collier's  of  February  7,  1914,  says: 

One  of  the  Ministers  Mr.  Bryan  found  in  office  and  who  is  now  out 
of  the  service  was  C.  D.  White,  who  was  Minister  to  Honduras.  He 
came  up  through  the  secretarial  grades  by  promotion.  Mr.  White  was 
graduated  from  Princeton  in  1891,  and  one  of  the  persons  who  was  in 
a  degree  sponsor  for  him  and  for  his  character  and  attainments  when 
he  made  application  for  a  place  in  the  Diplomatic  Service  was  Woodrow 
Wilson,  then  president  of  Princeton.  Mr.  Bryan  knew  of  this  letter  of 
President  Wilson's  when  Mr.  White  was  retired  from  the  service  and 
another  man  appointed  Minister  to  Honduras.  With  regard  to  this  previ- 
ous indorsement  Mr.  Bryan  took  the  view  that  the  President's  action 
at  that  time  was  not  to  be  taken  as  implying  that  as  President  of  the 
United  States  Mr.  Wilson  would  keep  Mr.  White  in  office  or,  in  effect, 
guarantee  him  permanent  or  continued  tenure  of  office  as  a  Minister  or 
in  any  grade  of  the  Diplomatic  Service  above  that  of  Secretary  of  Lega- 
tion. At  any  rate,  Mr.  Bryan  appointed  another  man  more  to  his  liking 
without  alleging  any  incapacity  or  delinquency  on  the  part  of  Mr.  White. 

Nicaragua 

Jefferson,  Benjamin  L.  (appointed).  Mr.  Jefferson  was  born 
in  Georgia  in  1871,  and  has  been  a  physician  at  Steamboat 
Springs,  Colo.     He  was  a  Bryan  elector  in  1908.    The  princi- 


220         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 191« 

pal  knowledge  of  his  recent  career  is  gained  from  the  Pan 
American  Union  Bulletin,  which  states  that — 

At  the  time  of  his  appointment  he  was  serving  his  State  as  Registrar 
(jf  the  State  Board  of  Land  Commissioners,  in  which  office  he  is  said  t» 
have  shown   great  executive  ability. 

Weitzel,  George  T.  (displaced).  Mr.  Weitzel  was  born  in 
1873;  is  a  graduate  of  Harvard  College  and  Harvard  Law 
School  and  a  veteran  of  the  Spanish  War.  In  1907  he  was 
appointed,  after  examination,  secretary  to  Nicaragua  and 
Costa  Rica.  Me  then  served  successively  as  secretary  at 
Panama,  diplomatic  adviser  to  Admiral  Kimball,  secretary  at 
Mexico,  on  service  in  the  Division  of  Latin-American  Affairs 
in  the  Department  of  State,  again  (this  time  on  special  duty) 
at  Mexico,  Assistant  Chief  of  the  Division  of  Latin-American 
Affairs,  and  minister  to  Nicaragua. 

Panama 

Price,  William  Jennings  (appointed).  Mr.  Price  was  born 
in  Kentucky  in  1873,  and  has  practiced  law  there  in  more 
recent  years.  The  invaluable  Pan  American  Union  Bulletin 
tells  us  that  "in  1906  he  became  a  leading  candidate  for  Con- 
gress," and  further,  of  even  greater  importance,  that  he  is 
"of  courtly  and  dignified  demeanor."  As  Mr.  O'Rear  had  the 
name  of  his  native  town  of  Mexico  to  give  the  needed  diplo- 
matic touch;  as  Mr.  Ewing  had  direct  steamship  connections 
with  foreign  lands;  as  Mr.  Jefferson  hails  from  the  town  of 
Steamboat  Springs,  which  smacks  of  foreign  travel,  so  the 
propriety  of  Mr.  Price's  diplomatic  selection  is  greatly  en- 
hanced by  the  name  William  Jennings.  Diplomatically,  at 
least,  Mr.  Price  can  never  ask  again,  "What's  in  a  name?" 

Dodge,  H.  P.  (displaced).  Mr.  Dodge  was  born  in  Boston 
in  1870,  and  is  a  graduate  of  Harvard  College  and  Harvard 
Law  School.  In  1899  he  was  appointed  third  secretary  at 
Berlin.  He  served  successively  as  second  secretary  and  sec- 
retary at  Berlin,  secretary  at  Tokyo,  minister  to  Honduras 
and  Salvador,  minister  to  Morocco,  Chief  of  the  Division  of 
Latin-American  Affairs  in  the  Department  of  State,  and  min- 
ister to  Panama. 

Paraguay 

Mooney,  D.  F.  (appointed) — Mr.  Mooney  was  born  in  Ohio 
in  1865,  and  is  a  lawyer.  We  are  told  in  the  Pan  American 
Union  Bulletin  that — 

In  1908  Mr.  Mooney  was  honored  with  election  to  the  .State  Senate  of 
Ohio,  and  served  therein  for  a  full  term  of  two  years. 

Beyond  his   Senate   service  history  does  not  enlighten   us. 

Grevstad,  N.  A.  (displaced).  Mr.  Grevstad  was  born  in  1851 
in  Norway,  and  prior  to  his  appointment  in  191 1  as  minister 
to  Paraguay  and  Nicaragua  had  been  a  newspaper  man.  It 
will  be  noticed  that  he  is  the  first  man  in  the  entire  list  of 
retired  ministers  up  to  this  point  who  has  not  worked  his 
way  either  from  the  rank  of  consul  or  of  secretary  to  that  of 
minister. 

'     Peru 

McMillin,  Benton  (appointed).  Mr.  McMillin  was  born 
in  1845  in  Kentucky  and  has  resided  most  of  his  life  in  Ten- 
nessee. He  served  20  years  in  Congress.  He  has  been  gover- 
nor of  his  State.  The  Pan  American  Union  Bulletin  tells, 
us  that  his  appointment  is  "a  compliment  to  Peru."  In  his 
leisure  moments  Mr.  McMillin  is  an  insurance  agent,  and  is 
known  to  fame  as  the  "War  Horse  of  the  Democracy  of 
Tennessee." 

Howard,  Henry  C.  (displaced).  Was  born  in  Kentucky  in' 
i860  and  holds  two  degrees  from  Columbia  University.  When 
appointed  minister  to  Peru  in  191 1  was  a  county  judge  in: 
Kentucky. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         321 

Uruguay 

De  Saulles,  John  L.  (appointed).  Mr.  De  Saulles,  accord- 
ing to  the  Washington  Post  of  March  12,  has  at  least  four 
claims  to  the  appointment  as  minister  to  Uruguay:  First,  he 
is  an  old-time  Yale  football  captain;  second,  he  married  the 
daughter  of  one  of  the  richest  men  in  Chile;  third,  he  is  well 
known  in  South  America  as  a  duelist;  fourth,  he  was  a  valiant 
organizer  of  Democratic  clubs  of  college  men  in  the  1912 
campaign. 

Mr.  De  Saulles,  when  interviewed,  used  the  following  diplo- 
matic language: 

I  am  in  hearty  sympathy  with  President  Wilson's  policy  as  to  the 
South  American  Republics,  which,  as  I  understand  it,  is  to  establish  a 
common   understanding  with  them   all. 

Uruguay  has  just  been  given  a  legation  separate  from  that 
of  Paraguay.  Mr,  Grevstad,  above  referred  to,  formerly  acted 
as  minister  to  both  countries. 

Venezuela 

McGoodwin,  Preston  (appointed).  Mr.  McGoodwin  was 
born  in  Kentucky  in  1880,  but  has  lived  most  of  his  life  in 
Oklahoma.  In  the  vivid  and  inspired  words  of  the  Pan 
American  Union  Bulletin — 

Journalism    is    the    route    by    which    he    traversed    to    the    high   position. 
As   managing   editor    of  the    Oklahoman   he   rendered   conspicuous   services 
for  several  years   prior   to   his   selection.      As  a  writer  his  work  is  forceful 
\     and  progressive. 

j  Northcott,  Elliott  (displaced).  Mr.  Northcott  is  a  West 
i  Virginian,  born  in  1869.  He  was  appointed  minister  to  Co- 
p  lombia  in  1909,  and  thereafter  served  as  minister  to  Nicaragua 
\    and  to  Venezuela. 

Summary 

This  completes  the  recital  of  the  history  of  the  United  States 
diplomatic  appointments  to  Latin-America,  in  the  year  just 
past.  I  have  tried  to  make  the  story  absolutely  fair  to  both 
sides  and  as  full  as  the  demands  of  reasonable  brevity  would 
allow.  It  may  be  well  at  this  point  to  stop  and  attempt  to 
summarize  what  has  been   set  forth  in  detail. 

Of  the  15  men  who  have  been  displaced  as  Latin-American 
ministers  during  the  past  year  11  had  worked  up  by  sheer 
merit  from  subordinate  places,  either  as  consul  or  as  secre- 
tary, 3  of  the  II  having  originally  entered  the  foreign  service 
as  the  result  of  competitive  examination.  The  4  others  were 
appointed  without  such  previous  experience,  but  i  of  the  4 
was  serving  at  his  fifth  diplomatic  post  when  removed  and 
another  was  serving  at  his  third  post.  It  is  perhaps  not  a  vio- 
lent presumption  to  assume  that  these  2,  in  addition  to  the  11 
merit  men,  were  possessed  of  experience  likely  to  make  them 
more  useful  to  their  country  than  those  who  replaced  them, 
not  one  of  whom  had  had  the  slightest  diplomatic  experience. 

The  average  age  of  the  14  new  ministers,  the  date  of  whose 
birth  I  am  able  to  ascertain,  is '52;  the  a,verage  age  of  the 
men  displaced,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  one  had  served  36 
years,  another  24,  and  a  half  dozen  or  more  between  10  and 
20  years,  was  47.  Evidently  no  argument  can  be  based  upon 
the  fact  that  the  new  men  were  so  much  younger  and  more 
vigorous  than  the  old  that  the  service  was  likely  to  be  im- 
proved by  the  change.  One  of  the  new  ministers  is  75  years 
old,  and  four  more  are  between  60  and  70. 

The  average  number  of  posts  occupied  by  the  men  removed 
was  six;  the  average  number  of  years  of  experince  was  13. 

Of  the  14  men  who  replaced  those  already  in  office,  10  were 
born  and  bred  in  the  South  and  appointed  from  some  Southern 
State.     One  other,  though  appointed  from  the  North,  is   of 


322         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

southern  birth.  But  three  are  out  and  out  northerners.  Is 
there  any  reason  to  thnk  that  men  from  the  South  are  per  se 
more  capable  in  the  diplomatic  world  than  northerners  or  than 
rnen  who  have  given  the  best  years  of  their  lives  to  the  study 
and  practice  of  the  diplomatic  profession? 

I  w,ish  that  the  limits  of  time  would  allow  a  similar  detailed 
examination  into  the  other  diplomatic  changes  which  have 
marked  the  first  quarter  of  the  Wilson  administration.  The 
United  States  sends  out  some  44  ambassadors  and  ministers 
to  represent  it  in  foreign  capitals;  but  7  of  the  men  who 
represented  it  when  President  Wilson  took  the  oath  of  office 
are  still  in  the  harness  today,  and  no  man  can  say  that  any 
one,  even,  of  these  7  will  be  left  a  month  hence. 

Perhaps  the  grossest  case  in  the  old  world  of  deliberate 
departure  from  the  merit  system  is  found  in  the  removal  of 
Mr.  William  W.  Rockhill,  who,  a  year  ago,  was  our  ambas- 
sador to  Turkey.  Mr.  Rockhill  was  born  in  Philadelphia  in 
1854,  and  is  a  graduate  of  the  military  school  at  St.  Cyr, 
France.  He  served  three  years  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  French 
Army  in  Algeria.  In  1884  he  was  appointed  second  secretary 
of  the  legation  at  Peking,  and  in  the  30  years'  diplomatic 
service  which  he  has  seen  since  that  time  he  has  served  the 
country  in  between  15  and  20  important  diplomatic  capacities. 
As  the  crown  and  culmination  of  his  long  and  distinguished 
service  he  was  appointed  ambassador  to  Russia  in  1909,  and 
transferred,  still  as  ambassador,  to  Turkey  in  191 1.  He  is 
displaced  by  Mr.  Henry  Morganthau,  the  millionaire  real 
estate  operator  of  New  York.  Mr.  Rockhill  is  turned  adrift 
to  shift  for  himself.  The  explanation  is  not  difficult  to  find: 
Mr.  Morganthau  was  chairman  of  the  Democratic  National 
Finance  Committee  in  the  campaign  of  1912,  and  he  alone — 
to  say  nothing  of  large  contributions  by  members  of  his 
family — contributed  $10,000  to  the  funds. 

A  somewhat  similar  case  is  that  of  Mr.  John  B.  Jackson, 
minister  to  Bulgaria,  Roumania  and  Servia.  Mr.  Jackson  was 
born  in  1862,  and  is  a  graduate  of  the  United  States  Naval 
Academy,  New  York  University,  and  Princeton.  He  was  ap- 
pointed second  secretary  of  legation  at  Berlin  in  1890,  and 
had  worked  his  way  up  to  the  rank  of  minister  through  a 
dozen  intervening  posts. 

His  successor  is  Mr.  Charles  J.  Vopicka,  of  Chicago,  who 
also  was  a  liberal  contributor  to  the  Democratic  fund  of  1912. 
most  of  it,  possibly  with  an  eye  to  the  future,  being  turned 
into  the  treasurer  after  the  President  was  actually  elected.  A 
dispatch  from  Londo^  to  the  New  York  Sun,  reprinted  in 
the  Washington  Evening  Star  of  March  20,  is  of  some  in- 
terest in  this  connection.  It  must  be  remembered  that  Air. 
Vopicka  is  a  Bohemian,  having  been  born  in  Dolni  Hbity: 

[From  the    New  York    Sun.] 
Queen    "Carmen    Sylva"    Says    He    Is    "Curious" — American    Minister    to 
Balkan    States    Is   Amazing   the    Near    East — Mr.    Vopicka,   a   Chicago 
Brewer,    Owes   Appointment  to   Senator  J.    Hamilton    Lewis. 

LONDON,    March   20. 

Information  which  has  reached  the  London  office  of  the  Sun  from  re- 
sponsible sources  would  seem  to  suggest  that  the  Washington  Government 
might  be  interested  irf  the  sayings  and  doings  of  Charles  J.  Vopicka,  of 
Chicago,  the  American  Minister  to  the   Balkan  States. 

Mr.  Vopicka  was  sent  to  the  Balkan  States  as  the  United  States  official 
representative  handicapped  not  only  by  lack  of  previous  diplomatic  ex- 
perience, but  by  a  name  which  wouldn't  guarantee  him  entrance  to 'court 
circles  in  any  of  the  States  to  which  he  is  accredited.  The  Washington 
Government,  it  has  been  learned,  was  notified  of  this  fact  when  Mr. 
Vopicka  was  suggested  as  successor  to  Minister  Jackson.  But  what  is  a 
name  of  opprobium  in  the  language  of  the  Near  East  is  of  sufficient 
dignity  in  English,  it  seems,  to  be  not  at  all  out  of  place  with  the  prefixed 
title  "Minister." 

Offensive    Speech   at   Prague 

The  instructions  which  Secretary  of  State  Bryan  sent  to  Mr.  Vopicka 
to  proceed  direct  to  his  post  after  he  had  delivered  an  offensive  speech 
at   Prague,    Bohemia,   apparently   have   had  little  or  no   effect,    for  the   be- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         328 


havior  of  the  Minister  since  he  has  taken  over  his  post  has  staggered  the 
diplomatists  of  other  nations,  who  are  constantly  wondering  "what  Vo- 
picka  is  going  to  do  next." 

Mr.  Vopicka,  who  owes  his  appointment  to  Senator  J.  Ham  Lewis, 
was  a  brewer,  who  was  very  popular  with  the  Bohemians  of  Chicago. 
He  attended  a  dinner  at  Prague,  where  he  made  a  speech  which  showed 
no  appreciation  of  his  position  as  a  Minister  of  the  American  Diplo- 
matic Service.  He  talked  freely  and  candidly  and  made  some  criticisms 
of  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  of  Austria.  The  speech  was  such  an  extra- 
ordinary one  that  the  American  Consul  General  at  Prague  sent  a  cable 
disf)atch  to  the  American  State  Department  calling  attention  to  it  and 
intimating  that  it  was  calculated  to  offend  a  friendly  foreign  power.  The 
story  goes  that  Secretary  of  State  Bryan  immediately  wired  Mr.  Vopicka 
to  proceed   to   his   post   without    further  delay. 

Visits    King   in    $12    Shirt 

At  Bucharest,  where  Mr.  Vopicka  makes  his  headquarters,  the  stories 
of  his  doings  are  reported  to  have  caused  Queen  Elizabeth  ("Carmen 
Sylva")  to  remark  to  one  of  her  intimates:  "The  American  Minister,  I 
am  told,   is  a   very   curious  person.   " 

At  Sofia  Mr.  Vopicka  drove  up  to  the  palace  in  a  state  carriage  in  all 
the  formality  with  which  the  arrival  of  a  new  Minister  is  accompanied. 
He  said  to  an  American  acquaintance  as  he  got  out  of  the  carriage, 
pointing  to  the  soft  shirt  he  wore:  "That  shirt  cost  me  $12.  I  wore 
it  when  I  saw  King  Charles  and  King  Peter,  and  now  I  am  wearing  it 
to    see    Ferdinand." 

Mr.  Vopicka  was  then  carrying  his  credentials  wrapped  up  in  a  small 
silk  American  flag,  in  which  he  presented  them  to   King  Ferdinand. 

The  story  of  the  rest  of  that  audience  is  almost  incredible,  but  the 
correspondent  of  the  Sun  is  assured  that  Mr.  Vopicka  adopted  a  familiar 
confidential   tone,   saying  in  effect  to   King   Ferdinand: 

"I  have  met  Kings  Charley  and  Peter  and  understand  that  there  has 
been  some  difficulty  in  the  Balkan  States.  If  there  is  any  more  trouble 
come  to  me.     I  think  I  will  be  able  to  arrange  matters." 

Queen    "Awaits"    His    Pleasure 

Even  less  pleasant  is  the  story  that  Queen  Eleanora  of  Bulgaria,  who 
is  soon  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  United  States,  having  suggested  that  she 
would  take  Mr.  Vopicka  on  a  visit  to  the  hospitals,  in  which  she  is 
very  deeply  interested,  sent  an  equerry  to  ask  the  American  Min- 
ister to  appoint  a  day  on  which  he  would  accompany  her.  Mr.  Vopicka 
replied  that  he  was  unable  to  name  a  day  at  the  moment,  but  that  he 
would  telephone  Queen  Eleanora  and  let  her  know.  The  proposed  visit 
was  naturally  canceled,  as  it  is  not  customary  for  royalty  to  await  the 
pleasure  of  even  diplomatic  representatives.  The  admiration  of  the  Bul- 
garians for  Mr.  Vopicka  was  not  heightened  when  they  learned  that  he 
saw  the  new  year  in  at  a  prominent  beer  hall  in  Sofia. 

The  discussions  between  Mr.  Vopicka  and  his  private  secretary,  Mr. 
Kendricks,  over  matters  have  become  almost  a  matter  of  common  gossip. 
An  Englishman  who  told  the  story  to  the  correspondent  of  the  Sun  had 
the  misfortune  to  be  called  in  as  arbitrator  between  the  two  men. 

In  a  recent  manifesto  to  our  foreign  representatives  Mr. 
Dooley  has  enjoined  them,  in  the  words  of  a  once  popular 
song,  to  "Always  Leave  Them  Laughing  When  you  Say 
*Good-by.'  "  From  this  point  of  view,  at  least,  Mr.  Vopicka 
is  evidently  a  pearl  beyond  price. 

Mr.  Leishman,  who  had  served  in  various  diplomatic  posts 
for  16  years,  working  up  from  minister  tp  ambassador,  is 
displaced  by  Mr.  James  W.  Gerard,  of  New  York,  who  con- 
tributed $13,500  to  the  Wilson  campaign  committee,  and  who 
is  referred  to  by  the  Outlook  as  "a  popular  member  of  Tam- 
many Hall."  Mr.  Penfield,  the  new  ambassador  to  Austria- 
Hungary,  also  contributed  $10,000  to  the  Democratic  cam- 
paign fund.  Col.  Harvey,  after  quoting  President  Wilson's 
announcement,  shortly  after  his  inauguration,  that  he  would 
select  for  the  Diplomatic  Service  "men  without  wealth,  but 
possessing  every  other  form  of  qualification,"  says,  referring 
to  this  financial  side  of  diplomacy: 

With  the  single  exception  of  Mr.  Walter  H.  Page,  who  contributed  only 
Wi;iiam  Bayard  Hale  and  $100  in  cash,  all  of  those  appointed  are  men 
who,  at  one  time  or  another,  supplied  pecuniary  aid  to  his  [President 
Wilson's]    canvass. 

I  do  not  care  to  discuss  the  famous  Pindell  case,  which 
is  recent  and  notorious  history.  Of  Mr.  Pindell  it  can  at  least 
be  said,  as  Malcolm  said  of  Cawdor,  "Nothing  in  his  (diplo- 
matic) life  became  him  like  the  leaving  it." 

Nor  do  I  care  to  criticise  the  still  more  recent  speech  be- 


324        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


fore  the  chamber  of  commerce  in  London  delivered  by  our 
ambassador  to  the  Court  of  St.  James,  Mr.  Page,  in  the  course 
of  which   he   said: 

I  will  not  say  that  we  have  constructed  the  Panama  Canal  for  you, 
for  I  am  speaking  with  great  frankness  and  not  with  what  is  some- 
times called  diplomatic  indirection,  but.  I  will  say,  most  truly,  that  it 
adds  greatly  to  the  pleasure  of  building  that  great  work  that  it  is 
you  who  will  most  profit  by  it.  I  can  say  a  similar  thing  about  the 
recent  lowering  of  our  tariff.  We  did  not  lower  it  in  order  to  please 
you,  it  was  for  purposes  that  we  considered  economically  sound  for 
ourselves.  Nevertheless,  it  added  to  the  pleasure  of  doing  that  to  reflect 
that  thereby  we  should  receive  more  trade  from  you.  His  [Presi- 
dent Wilson's  as  he  delivered  the  Panama  tolls  message]  was  the  voice 
of  the  people.  Nevertheless,  it  adds  to  the  pleasure  of  hearing  that 
voice  to  know  that  it  does  please  you.  The  Monroe  Doctrine,  you  know, 
meant  only  this,  that  the  United  States  would  prefer  that  no  European 
Government   should  gain  more  land  in  the  New  World. 

Perhaps  the  most  charitable  comment  on  this  utterance  to 
the  English  people  is  that  which  Speaker  Clark  is  reported  to 
have  made: 

I  can  not  comment  on  what  was  said  late  in  the  night  after  a  banquet ; 
it  was  walnuts  and  wine. 

The  London  press  and  the  foreign  press  generally  realize 
as  well  as  we  the  depths  to  which  our  Diplomatic  Service 
has  been  allowed  to  sink.  The  London  Daily  Telegraph,  for 
example,  said  on  November   i8  last: 

With  few  exceptions,  it  is  complained,  other  diplomatists  owe  their 
appointment  as  much  to  the  fact  that  they  assisted  the  Democratic 
Party  in  the  last  campaign  as  to  anything  else.  Of  the  veterans  of  the 
service  there  remain  only  five.  It  is  not  even  considered  probable  that  all 
these  will  be  permitted  to  serve  through  the  present  Administration,  so 
insistent  is  the  demand  for  places  by  spoilsmen.  Never  before  the 
Wilson  Administration,  say  the  critics,  has  the  Progressive  movement 
toward  building  up  a  real  Diplomatic  Service,  in  which  politics  should 
play  a  diminishing  part,  been  so  rudely  checked. 

President  Eliot  is  reported  in  the  New  York  Times  of  De- 
cember 12  to  have  said: 

■  Out  of  II  Ambassadors  8  have  been  replaced,  and  out  of  35  Ministers 
22  have  been  replaced — these  replacements  would  be  materially  increased 
to-day — with  the  result  that  some  men  of  long  experience  have  been 
replaced  by  untrained  men.  Of  the  22  Ministers  displaced,  13  had  had 
several  years'  experience  in  Diplomatic  Service,  while  none  of  the  new 
appointees  had  had  any   experience. 

Commenting  on  the  above,  the  New  York  Times  said  the 
nextyday : 

It  is  notorious  that  the  higher  appointments  in  the  Diplomatic  Service 
have  largely  been  made  from  personal  or  political  favoritism.  Able  and 
experienced  men  have  been  allowed  to  go  and  a  number  of  men  with  no 
experience  whatever  have  been  appointed.  It  is  said  that  the  Ambassador 
to  the  Court  of  St.  James  was  the  only  one  of  the  new  appointees  who 
could  talk  flluently  the  language  of  the  capital  to  which  he  was  accredited. 

I  desire  now  to  refer  briefly  to  a  few  of  the  less  known 
European  appointments  of  the  present  Administration. 

As  Ambassador  to  Spain  we  find  Mr.  Joseph  E.  Willard.  a 
millionaire  hotel  proprietor  and  real  estate  operator  of  Rich- 
mond, Va.  He  contributed  $2,000  to  the  Wilson  campaign  of 
1912.  In  comparing  him  with  his  predecessor.  Colonel  Har- 
vey, after  commenting  favorably  upon  the  selection  of 
Thomas  Nelson  Page  as  minister  to  Italy,  says.: 

So  much,  unhappily,  can  not  be  said  of  his  fellow  Virginian,  Mr. 
Willard,  the  new  Ambassador  to  Spain,  whose  sole  qualification  is  his 
wea  th  and  whose  appointment  can  only  be  attributed  to  his  gqnerous 
donations  to  the  cause.  As  the  successor  of  Mr.  Ide,  former  Chief 
Justice  and  Governor  General  to  the  Philippines,  who  is  fully  acquainted 
with  the  language  and  customs  of  Spain  and  a  gentleman  of  modest 
fortune,  Mr.  Willard  appears  as  a  complete  reversal  of  the  President's 
aspiration. 

Like  Mr.  Walter  Hines  Page,  who,  since  his  Panama-tolls 
speech  above  referred  to,  seems  to  be  so  enormously  popular 
in  England,  Mr.  Willard  is  apparently  on  the  best  of  terms 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         325 

with  the  King  of  Spain,  at  least.  I  quote  from  a  dispatch 
which  appears  in  the  Washington  Post  under  date  of  March 
i6: 

Alphonso  seized  an  occasion  when  he  was  talking  to  Ambassador 
Willard  recently  to  ask  whether  he,  likfe  most  Americans,  had  ever  served 
in  the  Army  or  Navy.  Mr.  Willard  replied  that  he  had  only  been  in  a 
militia  regiment,  whereupon  the  King  asked :  "Then  why  don't  you  Avear 
a  uniform  when  you  come  to  court?  I  should  delight  to  see  an  American 
militia  uniform  'there."  So  Colonel  Willard,  who  has  never  made  use  of 
his  military  title,  will  appear  at  the  next  court  in  the  full  regimentals  of  a 
Virginia  militiaman,  though  this  will  be  a  breach  of  court  sartorial  prece- 
dent, for  it  is  not  a  diplomatic  uniform. 

Perhaps  Mr.  Willard  had  in  mind  the  experience  of  his 
diplomatic  colleague  upon  the  Iberian  Peninsula.  In  the 
words  of  Colonel  Harvey: 

Colonel  Thomas  H.  Birch  is  well  known  in  New  Jersey  as  a  gallant  ani 
spirited  staff  officer,  who  could  hardly  have  failed  to  absorb  a  modicum 
of  wisdom  while  serving  as  personal  aide  to  the  predecessor  of  Governor 
Fielder.  Although  the  propriety  of  making  his  first  official  appearance 
in  the  uniform»of  a  New  Jersey  colonel  may  be  questioned  by  cavaliers, 
the  fact  that  Mr.  Birch  began  somewhat  extensive  preparations  for  his 
diplomatic  labors  by  ordering  a  quantity  of  embossed  stationery  under 
the  misapprehension  that  the  Legation  at  Lisbon  is  an  Embassy  need  not 
be  regarded  as   prejudicial. 

Other  experienced  officers  who  have  been  removed  after 
long  and  distinguished  service  are  Charles  H.  Graves,  once 
a  colonel  in  the  Civil  War  and  in  the  regular  army,  who 
had  served  acceptably  nine  years  as  minister  to  Sweden  and 
Norway,  and  Peter  A.  Jay,  who  had  entered  the  Diplomatic 
Service  as  secretary  in  1902  and  had  worked  up  through  six 
intermediate  positions  to  be  agent  and  consul  general  at 
Cairo. 

It  may  be  said  by  some  defenders  of  the  Administration 
that  much  of  what  I  have  collated  here  is,  while  undoubtedly 
true,  not  of  a  sort  to  en,able  us  to  judge  accurately  the  kind 
of  service  which  the  new  gentlemen  will^  render;  that,  al- 
though they  may  have  their  peculiarities  like  the  rest  of  us, 
they  may  also  render  admirable  service  to  their  country.  Of 
course,  this  is  true.  The  fact  that  a  man  is  an  eccentric  or 
a  buffoon  does  not  exclude  the  possibility  of  efficiency.  But 
it  is  also  clearly  true  that  there  is  an  almost  unrebuttable 
presumption  that  men  who  have  risen  in  the  service  as  the 
result  of  years  of  toil  will  be  on  the  average  vastly  more 
useful  in  the  delicate  missions  which  they  are  constantly 
called  upon  to  perform  than  those  who  have  grown  old  with- 
out a  scintilla  of  training  or  experience  in  their  new  duties. 

Foreign  countries — all  of  them — regard  their  diplomatic 
service  seriously,  if  we,  or  some  of  us,  do  not.  Many  of 
our  neighbors — especially,  perhaps,  in  Latin  America — are 
fond  of  ceremony  and  lay  great  store  by  the  strict  etiquette 
and  usages  of  the  diplomatic  world.  It  does  not  make  our 
new  representatives  any  less  worthy  or  estimable  gentlemen 
if  they  do  not  know  how  to  save  themselves  from  being  ridic- 
ulous, but  it  does  undeniably  weaken  their  position  in  the 
sphere  which  they  are  called  upon  to  fill. 

The  newspapers  have  from  time  to  time  referred  to  vari- 
ous cases  of  this  description  in  addition  to  those  which  I 
have  already  mentioned.  I  have  no  knowledge  of  the  ac- 
curacy of  these  incidents  other  than  the  reputability  of  the 
newspapers  in  which  they  are  printed  and  the  fact  that  al- 
though I  have  kept  somewhat  close  watch  I  have  seen  none 
of  them  denied.  I  shall  not  mention  the  names  of  the  min- 
insters  involved,  because,  after  all,  my  indictment  is  not  of 
any  of  these  gentlemen,  but  of  the  system  which  makes  their 
diplomatic  existence  possible. 

One  new  minister  purchased  a  pony  of  his  predecessor, 
giving  him  his  personal  check  therefor;  the  check  came  back 
from  the  bank  a  few  days  later  stamped  on  the  back,  "No 
funds."     In  another  case  the  President  of  a  Latin-American 


326         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Republic  was  asked  what  he  thought  of  our  new  minister. 
"The  same  as  you  do,"  was  his  more  or  less  diplomatic  re- 
sponse. 

LFrom  the  New  York  Tribune,  December  26.] 
So  bad  has  the  situation  become  in  one  Latin-American  country  that 
the  State  Department  actually  had  to  send  a  special  agent  to  the  capital 
of  that  nation  to  give  the  new  American  Minister  a  course  in  the  rudi- 
ments of  diplomatic  procedure  and  even  in  the  routine  matters  having  to 
do   with   carrying  on    business   with   the   State   Department. 

[From  the  Outlook,  March  7,  19 14.] 
One  at  least  of  the  new  Ministers  to  Latin-America  is  known  to  have 
come  to  Washington  in  quest  of  a  "job"  in  the  customs  service.  He  was 
made  Minister  to  a  small  Republic.  He  protested,  saying  that  he  had  no 
qualification  for  diplomacy  and  knew  nothing  of  the  work  of  a  Legation. 
This  was  of  no  avail ;  he  was  compelled  to  accept.  A  job  was  a  job.  It 
was  a  $10,000  job.  What  more  did  he  want?  Of  one  appointee  in  the 
field  of  our  delicate  relations  with  the  other  Americas  it  is  said  that 
"since  the  day  of  his  arrival  at  his  post  he  has  hardly  known  a  sober 
moment;  his  vice  and  vulgarity  have  caused  consternation  there."  And 
this  report  is  confirmed  from  other  independent  sources.  This  man  has 
succeeded  a  service  Minister  of  irreproachable  record,  public  and  private. 
*  *  *  The  new  appointments  to  Latin-America  are  in  general  such  as 
to  bring  a  blush  of  shame  to  the  cheek  of  every  high-minded  American. 

[From  the  New  York  Sun,  September  21.] 
It  is  known  in  Washington  that  when  one  South  American  Government 
was  sounded  on  the  acceptability  of  one  of  Mr.  Bryan's  selections,  of 
whom  naturally  no  one  connected  with  it  had  ever  heard,  it  cabled  a  reply 
asking  that  the  actual  Minister  be  retained,  the  actual  Minister  having 
"served  up"  to  his  rank  through  three  Administrations. 

[From  the  New   York   Sun,   December  21.] 

The  records  of  the  displaced  officers  are  mostly  to  be  found  in  so 
accessible  a  manual  as  "Who's  Who  in  America,"  which  has  been 
searched  by  inquirers,  mostly  in  vain,  for  the  life  story  of  their  suc- 
cessors. We  happen  to  know  that  application  to  the  publishers  of  that 
excellent  publication  for  such  information  about  the  latent  diplomatic 
geniuses  whom  Mr.  Bryan  has  discovered  have  resulted  in  comparative 
failure.  One  such  application  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  a  new  Envoy 
Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  who  gave  his  address  as  the 
"American  Consulate"  of  the  capital  to  which  he  has  newly  been  ac- 
credited, he  clearly  being  unaware  that  in  the  bright  lexicon  of  the 
diplomacy  which  has  been  thrust  upon  him  there  was  such  a  word  as 
"Legation." 

The  same  Sun  article  just  referred  to  points  out  that  the, 
situation  which  we  have  been  describing  is  by  no  means  con- 
fined to  our  foreign  posts.  The  Department  of  State  in 
Washington  is  equally  a  prey  to  the  spoilsmen. 

It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the  present  Administration  has  made  as 
clean  a  sweep  of  all  competent  diplomatic  officers  within  the  department 
as  without  it.  There  are  only  two  men  in  the  department  who  know  how 
to  draw  up  a  diplomatic  dispatch  in  the  form  current  and  accepted  in 
the  international  usage  of  the  world.  Those  are  Mr.  Moore  and  Mr. 
Adee.  The  Secretary  has  made  a  clean  sweep  of  everybody  within  his 
reach,  whether  in  the  department  or  on  foreign  service,  who  had  any 
special  or  general  diplomatic  capacity.  Nobody  is  left  in  the  department 
who  is  not  protected  by  Civil  Service  rules. 

Since  the  above  was  written  Mr.  John  Bassett  Moore,  one 
of  the  two  competent  men  mentioned,  has  resigned  his  post 
in  despair.  In  the  words  of  a  newspaper  which  has  been 
extremely  friendly  to  the  Administration: 

Well,  the  pilot  has  been  put  overboard  and  good  old  Admiral  Piffle 
treads  the  bridge  alone.  John  Bassett  Moore,  for  a  year  or  so  the  real 
brains  of  the  State  Department,  has  retired  and  goes  back  to  what  must 
be  a  more  agreeable  job  at  Columbia.  In  his  term  of  service  as  counsellor 
of  the  State  Department  he  has  earned  the  thanks  of  a  nation  of  people, 
who  will  view  his  departure  with  regret  and  the  future  with  misgiving. 
The  wonder  is  that  Professor  Moore  was  content  to  hold  on  so  long, 
with  the  exasperation  necessarily  incident  to  serving  under  a  man  with 
the  predilections — and  the  mentality — of  Mr.  Bryan.  Professor  Moore 
served  well,  however.  He  stuck  to  the  ship  while  Mr.  Bryan  went  lec- 
turing around  the  country  on  his  vaudevile  circuit.  He  knew  something 
of  navigation  and  employed  that  knowledge  to  the  advantage  of  the  Ship 
of  State  when  the  chief  officer  very  obviously  knew  nothing.  We  fear 
that  Mr.  Wilson  will  miss  this  very  useful  man  more  than  he  may  know. 
Whether  Mr.  Bryan  will  have  the  wit  to  miss  him  is  more  than  doubtful. 
But   that  the   country   as  a   whole   will    regret  his   departure   goes   without 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        327 

saying,  and  for  the  moment  one  may  be  justified  in  wondering  what  the 
department  will  do  without  at  least  one  man  of  broad  experience  and 
intelligence   of  international    scope. 

The  Washington  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Times 
says  that  the  most  potent  cause  of  Mr.  Moore's  dissatisfac- 
tion "was  the  displacement  of  experienced  officers  in  the  State 
Department  to  make  way  for  persons  of  no  experience  in 
diplomatic  affairs,"  and  the  Tribune  refers  to  his  despair  at 
the  "incompetent  horde  of  retainers  now  infesting  foreign 
capitals." 

So  far  as  I  can  learn  the  secretaryships  and  the  consuls 
have,  in  general,  been  left  undisturbed.  It  is  a  matter  of 
merest  conjecture,  however,  just  how  soon  the  onslaught 
upon  these  branches  of  the  service  will  begin.  Indeed,  per- 
haps it  may  be  said  to  have  already  begun.  Frank  W.  Mahin, 
a  university  and  law  school  graduate,  once  a  regent  of  Iowa 
State  University,  was  appointed,  after  examination,  to  the 
Consular  Service  in  1897;  he  had  worked  up  to  be  consul  at 
Amsterdam,  to  which  post  he  was  appointed  in  1910.  I  quote 
from  the  Boston  Record  of  March  2: 

A  very  interesting  story  of  the  discipline  of  a  former  United  States 
Consul  has  recently  beendbrought  to  light  in  Washington.  It  seems  that 
the  gentleman  in  question,  Frank  W.  Mahin,  recently  United  States 
Consul  at  Amsterdam,  was  found  guilty  by  Secretary  Bryan  of  having 
given  his  charwoman  $2  a  week  when  the  regular  price  for  such  service 
is  so  cents.  Of  course,  this  encouraged  the  poor  woman  to  extravagance 
and  created  discontent  among  the  laboring  classes,  and,  quite  naturally, 
many  persons  objected.  Mr.  Bryan  was  not  slow  to  act.  He  removed 
Mr.  Mahin.  That  was  many  weeks  ago.  Recently  it  seems  that  Mr. 
Mahin  was  able  to  clear  himse;f  of  the  charge.  Whether  he  revoked  the 
$1.50  per  week  from  the  woman  is  not  known  with  certainty.  Like  a 
true  man.  Secretary  Bryan  publicly  exonerated  him  from  the  charge,  but 
his  place  had  gone  in  the  meantime.  The  present  incumbent  of  the  Con- 
sulate at  Amsterdam  is  a  good  Democrat,  and  Mr.  Mahin  has  been  a 
stanch  Republican,  but,  of  course,  these  facts  have  nothing  to  do  with 
the  case. 

In  conclusion,  I  desire  to  quote  a  few  more  editorial  com- 
ments, mostly  from  newspapers  which  have  been,  in  the  main, 
extremely  approving  of  President  Wilson  and  of  almost  every 
aspect  of  his  Administration.  The  New  York  Journal  of 
Commerce,  under  date  of  November  17,  says: 

The  Secretary  of  State  writes  in  a  most  edifying  strain  about  the 
obligation  to  cultivate  closer  relations  with  the  Latin-American  Republics 
and  facilitate  an  intellectual  exchange  between  our  people  and  theirs,  and 
sends  to  Nicaragua  a  doctor  turned  politician ;  to  Honduras  a  jack  of  all 
trades  and  casual  incumbent  of  petty  political  offices ;  to  Guatemala,  a 
reverend  gentleman  whose  sole  title  to  distinction  seems  to  be  his  Bryan- 
ism  ;  to  Ecuador,  an  ex-Congressman  who  left  the  Republican  Party  to 
become  a  silver  Democrat;  to  Colombia,  a  Texas  ranch  owner;  and  to 
the  Dominican  Republic,  an  obscure  criminal  lawyer.  If  any  one  of 
these  gentlemen  knows  the  Spanish  language,  it  is  a  mere  accident  in 
determining  his  c'aim  to  the  appointment ;  the  diplomatic  experience  of 
one  and  all  of  them  is  nil,  and  tlieir  capacity  to  represent  the  country 
abroad  in  any  diplomatic  position  whatever  more  than  questionable.  And 
yet  we  expect  the  Latin-Americans  to  respect  and  esteem  us  when  we 
send  an  assortment  of  political  hacks  to  do  work  which  other  countries 
reserve   for  trained   diplomats  and  cultivated  gentlemen. 

Speaking  of  the  same  group,  the  New  York  Sun  said,  under 
date  of  December  21: 

They  will  remain  so  long  as  they  are  suffered  to  remain,  at  worst 
scandals,  at  best  jokes ;  jokes  to  the  officials  with  whom  they  have  to 
deal,  jokes  to  their  diplomatic  colleagues,  contributing  to  the  gaiety  of 
other  nations  and  to  the  shame  and  disgrace  of  their  own.  It  is  this 
miserable  state  of  things  that  Mr.  Bryan  has  what  can  only  be  called 
the  impudence  of  pretending  that  the  motive  to  it  has  been  a  desire  to 
improve  the  Diplomatic  Service.  A  more  brazenly  and  shameless  false 
pretense   was  never  made. 

Colonel  Harvey,  writing  in  the  February  North  American 
of  the  Latin-American  appointments,  gays: 

Twelve  trained  and  capable  representatives,  several  of  whom  entered  the 
service  under  competative  examination  and  all  of  whom  had  long  since 
forsaken    partisanship,    are    superseded    by    mere    party    hacks    whose    ages 


328         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


clearly  disqualify  them  for  continuance  in  office  for  sufficient  timtf  to 
equip  themselves  for  proper  performance  of  their  duties.  A  clearer  case 
of  partisan  political  debauchery  can  not  be  imagined. 

This  from  the  "discoverer"  of  President  Wilson. 
The  New  York  Sun,  on  September  21,  said  of  the  diplo- 
matic appointments: 

As  to  their  special  or  even  general  fitness  for  the  places  they  are  to 
occupy,  it  is  absurd  to  conceive  that  Mr.  Bryan  ever  troubled  himself 
with  that  consideration.  If  he  had,  he  would  have  begun  by  questioning 
himself  as  to  his  own  fitness  for  the  Secretaryship  of  State,  and  the 
result  of  a  candid  inquiry  on  that  score  would  have  been  a  vacancy  in  the 
office  within  24   hours. 

The  New  York  Times,  in  a  similar  strain,  says.  December 
16: 

In  only  three  of  the  cases  have  the  appointees  been  men  whose  station 
and  activity  would  justify  the  expectation  that  they  would  bring  special 
qualifications  to  their  work.  In  most  instances  the  presumption  that  they 
would   not   do   so    is    warranted. 

I  have  quoted  very  freely  throughout  the  above  from 
newspaper  articles  of  flie  past  six  months  and  from  editorial 
reference  to  these  news  items.  It  will  be  observed,  as  I 
have  before  pointed  out,  that  in  almo#t  every  instance  the 
newspaper  cited  is  regarded  as  a  Democratic  organ  or  sym- 
pathizer, and  in  most  departments  of  governmental  activity 
has  been  a  warm  admirer  of  the  Administration.  How  much 
more  damning  is  their  indictment  than  when  they,  with  every 
inclination  to  approve,  make  these  bitter  denunciations  of  the 
diplomatic  changes.  Many  criticisms  of  the  Administration 
are  necessarily  matters  of  opinion  on  which  equally  consci- 
entious and  well-informed  men  may  differ.  Here,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  a  state  of  affairs  based  on  definite,  specific  facts 
and  information  with  regard  to  which  there  can  not  be  the 
slightest  opportunity  for  difference  of  opinion.  Every  fair- 
minded,  reasonable  man,  whatever  his  party,  must  think  the 
same  way  here.  That  eminent  Democrat,  Colonel  Harvey, 
refers  to  the  Diplomatic  Service: 

Whose  reformation  upon  a  higher  plane,  initiated  by  Secretary  Hay 
and  scrupulously  safeguarded  by  Secretary  Root  and  Secretary  Knox, 
with  the  full  approval  of  Presidents  McKinley,  Roosevelt,  and  Taft, 
reflects  the  highest  credit  upon  the  Republican  Party. 

And  the  Outlook  for  March  7,  after  adversely  criticising 
the  twenty-odd  new  appointments  to  Latin  America,  "for  the 
reason  that  with  those  countries,  with  which  we  need  to  be 
in  increasingly  good  relations,  the  men  who  have  been  occu- 
pying ministerial  posts  and  who  have  earned  those  posts  by 
promotion  have  now  been  replaced  by  men  of  no  experience," 
says: 

The  political  sweep  would  indicate  some  abandonment  of  the  policy 
begun  by  John  Hay.  Convinced  that  our  foreign  relations  were  of  too 
much  moment  to  be  the  plaything  of  spoilsmen,  Mr.  Hay  established  a 
system  of  examinations  for  entrance  to  the  Diplomatic  Service.  Some  of 
the  very  men  whose  places  have  now  been  filled  by  new  appointees  began 
their  careers  in  diplomacy,  as  is  shown  above,  by  examination,  and 
reached  the  higher  grades  only  through  the  system  of  promotion,  also 
inaugurated  by  Mr.  Hay.  Since  his  day  the  retention  of  such  men  has 
been  fostered  by  Secretaries  Root  and  Knox,  and  has  now  come  to  be 
accepted  as  the  principle  governing  our  service,  no  matter  who  may  be 
President   in   the   White   House. 

Any  onslaught  on  such  reforms  would  be  a  most  objectionable  feature 
in  any  new  Administration.  Exactly  this  is  true  of  Mr.  Bryan's  record. 
The  principle  actuating  the  three  Secretaries  who  preceded  him  was  that 
politics  should  play  a  diminishing  part  in  the  service.  The  contrary  has 
been  true  of  him,  for  he  has  put  out  experienced  men  at  home  and  abroad 
to  make  room  for  his  appointees. 

I  do  not  pretend  that  the  record  of  the  Republican  Party 
in  this  respect  is  unimpeachable,  but  no  man  who  has  taken 
the  trouble  to  inform  himself  in  the  least  degree  can  fail  to 
be  convinced  that  at  least  it  had  in  the  last  decade  made  a 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         329 

long  and  noteworthy  stride  toward  the  establishment  of  the 
Diplomatic  Service  upon  a  merit  basis.  And  now  in  less  than 
a  year  all  this  has  been  thrown  away;  at  best  it  will  take 
many  years  to  repair  the  damage.  The  handicap  in  the  past 
to  getting  the  best  men  for  our  Diplomatic  Service  had  been 
its  lack  of  permanency.  This  handicap  was  being  rapidly 
overcome. 

The  Democratic  Party,  recognizing  this  condition  when  it 
cost  it  nothing,  said  in  its  1912  platform: 

Merit  and  ability  should  be  the  standard  of  appointment  and  promotion 
rather  than  service  rendered  to  a  political  party. 

We  have  already  observed  the  ringing  words  of  President 
Wilson  to  much  the  same  effect.  What  an  opening  had  he,  a 
former  officer  of  the  National  Civil  Service  Reform  League 
and  always  an  avowed  leader  of  the  merit  system,  to  get  away 
from  such  traces  of  the  spoils  system  as  the  Republican  Party 
had  not  already  eliminated  from  the  .Diplomatic  Service 
There  was  his  golden  opportunity,  to  recognize  the  service 
of  the  men  who  had  reached  a  high  position  by  promotion 
after  years  of  continuous  and  efficient  service.  We  should 
not  have  been  satisfied,  in  view  of  his  professions,  if  he  had 
merely  continued  without  improvement  a  most  commendable 
policy  of  the  Republican  Party  in  its  recent  years.  We  felt 
confident  that  a  man  of  his  record  could  be  absolutely  de- 
pended upon  to  root  out  the  last  hint  of  Jacksonism,  in  the 
Diplomatic  Service  at  least.  But  to  how^  low  a  degree  has 
the  service  been  brought  within  the  short  space  of  a  year. 
What  hope  of  the  future  is  held  out  to  the  secretaries  now 
in  the  service  to  continue  with  the  confidence  that  merit  will 
mean  promotion?  What  appeal  is  there  to  the  right  men  to 
embark  upon  this  career  as  their  life  work?  The  Secretary 
of  State  does  not  "favor  or  look  with  sympathy  upon  the  idea 
of  building  up  a  trained  and  permanent  diplomatic  force  with 
a  permanent  tenure  of  office  such  as  obtains  in  the  Army 
and  Navy  and  the  Federal  Judiciary.  Indeed,  he  is  quoted 
as  having  said  that  he  regards  the  chance  of  displacement  as 
"one  of  the  current  risks  of  the  business  of  being  a  minister." 
There  is  summed  up  in  a  dozen  words  the  present  diplomatic 
policy  of  a  great  nation.  Is  it  the  right  policy?  Is  it  a 
policy  which  in  these  days,  when  skill  and  specialization  are 
demanded  as  never  before,  is  likely  to  raise  the  United  States 
to  that  position  among  its  fellow  nations  which  we,  as  patri- 
otic Americans,  demand  that  it  shall  occupy? 


AN    UNFIXED    QUALITY 

President  Wilson  discloses  in  his  campaign  plans  his  cus- 
tomary fixity  of  purpose.  At  one  time  he  was  determined 
to  let  his  record  speak  for  him.  At  another  he  planned  to 
sit  on  the  porch  of  Shadow  Lawn  and  write  notes  to  friends 
and  opponents.  Again,  he  would  cross  the  continent  on  the 
trail  of  Mr.  Hughes.  Now  he  is  undecided  as  to  this  scheme, 
owing,  it  is  alleged,  to  vexation  arising  from  the  premature 
disclosure  of  his  decision;  but  he  retains  the  privilege  of 
changing   his   program. 

In  these  revisions  of  unalterable  purposes,  resolving  them- 
selves at  last  into  an  unyielding  determination  to  adhere  to  no 
resolution,  Mr.  Wilson  exhibits  once  more  the  curious  lack 
of  stability  that  has  so  often  baffled  and  mystified  his  friends. 
He  will  and  he  won't;  in  Mexico,  in  transactions  with  other 
foreign  Powers,  in  national  defence,  in  problems  from  trivial 
to  grave,  the  project  seriously  put  forward  to-day  is  upset 
by  the  impulse  of  to-morrow. — New  York  Sun. 


330        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

CAMPAIGN  CONTRIBUTORS  AND  THEIR  APPOINT- 
MENT TO  OFFICE 

An  examination  of  the  contributors  to  the  Democratic  cam- 
paign fund  of  1912  and  an  examination  of  the  appointments 
which  have  been  made  by  President  Wilson  shows  a  striking 
similarity  of  names  and  individuals.  Men  who  were  on  the 
list  of  contributors  to  the  last  campaign  have  been  rewarded 
by  appointments  to  office  or  offered  such  appointments. 
Among  the  men  thus  rewarded  there  stands  out  prominently 
the  name  of  Henry  Morgenthau.  of  New  York  City,  who  is 
credited  with  a  contribution  of  $30,000  and  who  received  the 
appointment  as  ambassador  to  Turkey.  Charles  R.  Crane, 
of  Illinois,  was  offered  the  ambassadorship  to  Russia.  His 
contribution  to  the  1912  campaign  was  $50,000.  On  the  long 
list  of  men  who  made  contributions  to  the  Democratic  cam- 
paign fund  of  1912  and  w^ho  afterwards  received,  or  were 
offered  Presidential  appointments  are  the  following: 

William  J.  Bryan.  Secretary  of  State. 

William  G.  McAdoo,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

A.  S.  Burleson,  Postmaster  General. 

Josephus  Daniels,  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Williarn  C.  Redfield,  Secretary  of  Commerce. 

Thomas  W.  Gregory,  Attorney  General. 

James  C.  McReynolds,  Attorney  General  and  Justice  of 
the  U.  S.  Supreme  Court. 

John  H.  Clarke,  Ohio,  Justice  of  the  U.  S.  Supreme  Court. 

Louis  D.  Brandeis,  Massachusetts,  Justice  of  the  U.  S.  Su- 
preme Court. 

John  Burke.  North  Dakota,  Treasurer  of  the  United  States. 

Henry  D.  Clayton,  Alabama,  Federal  District  Judge. 

W.  M.  Daniels,  of  New  Jersey,  Interstate  Commerce  Com- 
mission. 

James  W.  Gerard,  of  New  York,  Ambassador  to  Germany. 

William   G.   Sharp,   Ohio,  Ambassador  to   France. 

David  R.  Francis,  Missouri,  Ambassador  to  Russia. 

George  W.  Guthrie,  of  Pennsylvania,  Ambassador  to  Japan. 

Frederick  C.  Penfield,  Pennsylvania,  Ambassador  to 
Austria. 

H.  M.  Pindell,  Illinois,  (offered)  Ambassadorship  to  Russia. 

Frederick  J.  Stimson,  Massachusetts,  Minister  to  Argentina. 

Joseph  E.  Willard,  Virginia,  Ambassador  to  Spain. 

C.  W.  McAlpine,  of  New  York,  Minister  to  Netherlands. 

Charles  Vopicka,   Illinois,   Minister  to   Roumania. 

Meredith  Nicholson,  Indiana,  (offered  Minister  to  Portugal). 

John  L.  De  Saulles,  New  York,  Minister  to  Uruguay. 

F.  A.  Delano,  Illinois,  Chairman  Federal  Reserve  Board. 

Thomas  D.  Jones,  Illinois,  Federal  Reserve  Board. 

John  Skelton  Williams,  Virginia,  Comptroller  of  the  Cur- 
rency. 

John  E.  Osborne,  Wyoming,  Assistant  Secretary  of  State. 

Andrew  J.  Peters,  Massachusetts,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury. 

A.  A.  Jones,  New  Mexico,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Interior. 

Frank  P.  Walsh,  Missouri,  Chairman  Industrial  Relations 
Committee. 

A.  M.  Dockery,  Missouri,  Assistant  Postmaster  General. 

Thomas  Ewing,  New  York,  Commissioner  of  Patents. 

Cato  Sells,  Texas,  Indian  Commissioner. 

S.  H.  Thompson,  Jr.,  Colorado,  Assistant  Attorney  General. 

Robert  B.  Glenn,  North  Carolina,  International  Boundary 
Commission. 

Among  the  contributors  to  the  Democratic  campaign  fund 
was  Charles  A.  Douglas,  District  of  Columbia.  Carranza's 
legal  adviser  in  the  United  States. 


Preparedness 


Preparedness — Military  Preparedness  and  Industrial  Pre- 
paredness— the  first  to  insure  Peace,  the  second  to  insure 
Prosperity  are  issues  upon  which  the  two  parties  differ 
widely — and   have  always   so   differed. 

Today  we  are  woefully  unprepared  in  every  way.  For  over 
three  years  the  Democratic  Party  has  been  in  power  and 
only  during  the  past  few  weeks,  when  actually  driven  to  it,  has 
anything  been  done  by  that  responsible  party  to  meet  the  exi- 
gencies of  the  times.  The  whole  history  and  experience  of 
the  Democratic  Party  show  its  hostility  to  either  military  or 
industrial  preparedness  till  forced  to  do  what  little  it  will. 

The  attitude  of  the  Democratic  Party  towards  industrial 
preparedness  has  always  been  clear  and  distinct.  The  Dem- 
ocratic policy  has  always  been  and  is  today  not  only  negative 
but  destructive.  It  denies  our  Constitutional  right  to  prepare 
and  it  goes  still  further  and  whenever  possible  leaves  us  at 
the  mercy  of  the  foreign  producer.  It  did  this  in  1816,  in 
1832,  in  1846,  in  1857,  in  1894  and  again  in  1913  and  in  every 
instance  without  exception  it  brought  idleness  to  labor  and 
disaster  to  industry  and  distress  to  the  people. 

An  issue  of  this  campaign  is,  shall  we  keep  in  power  the 
Democratic  Party  which  is  against  all  forms  of  National  pre- 
paredness or  return  to  power  the  Republican  Party  which 
will  provide  for  every  necessity  and  emergency. 

The  Republican  Party  since  its  birth  has  been  constant  in 
making  the  country  financially  and  industrially  prepared,  as 
well  as  caring  for  every  emergency  during  and  following  two 
wars.  The  Democratic  Party  has  not  only  given  but  little  at- 
tention to  preparedness  but  ignored  both  our  industrial  and 
our  military  position.  Such  has  been  the  tendency  of  De- 
mocracy from  the  beginning  of  its  existence. 

During  the  Confederacy,  foreign  nations  refused  to  make 
comrnercial  treaties  with  the  United  States,  preferring  a 
condition  of  affairs  in  which  they  could  lay  any  desired 
burden  upon  American  commerce  without  fear  of  retaliation 
by  an  impotent  Congress.  The  national  standing  army  had 
dwindled  to  a  corps  of  eighty  men.  In  1785  Algiers  declared 
war  against  the  United  States.  Congress  recommended  the 
building  of  five  40-gun  ships  of  war,  but  Congress  had  only 
power  to  recommend.  The  ships  were  not  built,  and  the 
Algerines  were  permitted  to  prey  on  American  commerce 
with  impunity.  The  Government  was  despised  abroad  and 
disobeyed  at  home.  Then  came  the  Convention  of  1786,  fol- 
lowed by  an  attempt  to  strengthen  Congress,  and  the  Federal 
Government  was  finally  inaugurated  in  1789.  There  were 
early  developed  two  parties  called  the  Federalists  and  the 
Anti-Federalists,  corresponding  respectively  to  the  Republican 
and  the  Democratic  Parties  of  today.  The  Federalists  gained 
power  and  the  first  years  of  the  new  Government  were  occu- 
pied in  various  forms  of  legislation  and  constitutional  amend- 
ments. The  Federalists  soon  wished  to  form  a  navy,  and  to 
maintain  neutrality  between  England  and  France  and  for  a 
prohibition  of  trade  with  England,  or  at  the  least,  for  dis- 
criminating duties  against  English  imports,  but  the  Repub- 
lican (Democratic)  or  Anti-Federalist  policy  was  opposed  to 
any  naval  preparation.  Parties  were  so  evenly  divided  that  no 
decided  result  was  reached.  Between  '97  and  '98,  during  the 
Administration  of  John  Adams,  the  war  spirit  manifested  itself 
by  a  number  of  acts  placing  the  nation  in  readiness  for  hostili- 
ties. The  cry  of  the  Federalists  was,  "Millions  for  defense; 
not  one  cent  for  Tribute."  This  cry  converted  many  of  the 
Republicans  (Democrats)  and  silenced  the  rest.  A  provisional 
army  was  ordered,  of  which  Washington  was  commissioned 

331 


332        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Lieutenant-General.  American  men-of-war  were  ordered  to 
seize  any  French  vessels  which  should  commit  depredations  on 
American  commerce.  Then  followed  the  Alien  and  Sedition 
Laws,  and  the  Kentucky  and  the  Virginia  Resolutions  of 
1798  were  passed. 

A  species  of  warfare  existed  upon  the  ocean,  in  which 
American  privateers  and  armed  merchantmen  engaged  in 
conflicts  with  French  vessels.  Both  parties  agreed  in  voting 
an  increase  of  the  navy  but  an  increase  of  the  army  was 
earnestly  opposed  by  the  Republicans,  (Democrats)  who  be- 
lieved that  this,  and  similar  warlike  measures  were  only  urged 
by  the  Federalists  from  a  desire  for  party  aggrandizement. 
Jefferson's  election  brought  about  a  political  revolution  and 
his  first  inaugural  message  announced  the  future  policy  of  the 
Republican  (Democratic)  Party  to  be  the  careful  fostering  of 
the  State  governments,  the  restriction  of  the  powers  of  the 
Federal  Government  to  their  lowest  constitutional  limit,  and 
the  reduction  of  the  Army,  the  Navy,  the  taxes  and  the  duties 
on  imports,  to  the  lowest  available  point.  In  the  Ninth 
Congress,  during  Jefferson's  second  Adminstration  there  was 
an  overwhelming  Republican  (Democratic)  majority  in  both 
branches,  it  must  be  understood  tliat  this  word  Repub- 
lican as  used  at  this  period  of  our  history,  was  based  on 
the  party  known  as  the  Democratic  Party  in  1828  and  since 
that  time.  Jefferson  continued  to  keep  from  increasing  the 
expenses  of  his  Administration  by  building  a  Navy  but  he 
did  recommend  the  building  of  a  number  of  small  gun-boats 
as  more  economical  than  ships  of  war.  This  gun-boat  system 
was  a  source  of  ridicule  by  the  Federalists.  Our  commerce 
was  now  being  rapidly  destroyed  and  so  followed  the  Em- 
bargo Act. 

Soon  after  the  inauguration  of  the  Administration  of  Madi- 
son was  the  war  of  1812.  Here  came  the  abandonment  of  the 
economical  and  retrenching  policy  of  Jefferson  and  prepara- 
tions were  begun  for  hostilities.  In  Congress  both  parties 
united  in  rewarding,  encouraging,  and  increasing  the  Navy 
whose  brilliant  exploits  had  thrilled  the  whole  Nation.  Dur- 
ing the  Administration  of  Monroe,  Henry  Clay  headed  or 
advocated  every  attempt  to  increase  the  Army  and  Navy,  to 
make  the  tariff  protective,  to  begin  a  system  of  general  public 
improvements  at  national  expense.  Very  little,  however,  was 
done  for  20  years  till  the  eve  of  the  War  with  Mexico  when 
Congress  provided  thfe  necessary  funds  to  carry  on  that  con- 
flict. Then  came  the  Civil  War  and  after  that  the  Spanish 
War,  which  were  conducted  by  the  Republicans  who,  not  only 
during  activities,  but  afterwards,  met  every  emergency. 

On  August  I,  1914,  seventeen  months  after  the  present  Ad- 
ministration assumed  control  of  all  branches  of  the  Govern- 
ment the  European  War  broke  out  and  has  continued  till  the 
present  time.  And  yet  no  preparations  were  made  to  meet 
any  emergency  which  might  follow  the  conflict  abroad'  till 
during  the  past  few  months. 

At  the  very  outset  of  the  present  Democratic  Administra- 
tion the  Mexican  situation  became  acute  and  grew  more  and 
more  menacing  to  tlie  lives  and  property  of  American  citizens. 
Yet  for  three  years  and  longer  very  little,  if  any,  prepara- 
tion was  made  to  meet  emergencies  that  were  sure  to  come. 

On  August  27,  1913,  in  an  address  delivered  at  a  joint  ses- 
sipn  of  Congress  President  Wilson  said: 

While  we  wait  the  contest  of  the  rival  forces  will  undoubtedly  for  a 
little  while  be  sharper  than  ever,  just  because  it  will  be  plain  that  an 
end  must  be  made  of  the  existing  situation,  and  that  very  promptly ;  and 
with  the  increased  activity  of  the  contending  factions  will  come,  it  is  to 
be  feared,  increased  danger  to  the  noncombatants  in  Mexico  as  well 
as  to  those  actually  in  the  field  of  battle.  The  position  of  outsiders 
is  always  particularly  trying  and  full  of  hazard  where  there  is  civil  strife 
and  a  whole  country  is  upset.  We  should  earnestly  urge  all  Americans  to 
leave  Mexico  at   once,  and   should   assist   them   to   get  away  in  every  way 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        333 


possible — not  because  we  would  mean  to  slacken  in  the  least  our  efforts  to 
safeguard  their  lives  and  their  interests,  but  because  it  is  imperative 
that  they  should  take  no  unnecessary  risks  when  it  is  physically  possible 
for  them  to  leave  the  country.  We  should  let  every  one  who  assurnes  to 
exercise  authority  in  any  part  of  Meocico  known  in  the  most  unequivocal 
way  that  we  sha!l  vigilantly  watch  the  fortunes  of  those  Americans  who 
can  not  get  away,  and  shall  hold  those  responsible  for  their  sufferings  and 
losses  to  a  definite  reckoning.  That  can  be  and  will  be  made  plain  beyond 
the  possibility  of  a  misunderstanding. 

And  so  followed  a  long  period  of  watchful  waiting. 

In  the  Spring  of  1916,  the  country  became  alive  to  the  neces- 
sity for  preparedness  against  both  a  foreign  foe  or  foes  and 
those  just  over  our  border  line.  Addresses  were,  made  by 
prominent  men,  the  periodicals  and  daily  newspapers  were 
filled  with  articles  and  editorials,  immense  parades  took  place 
in  nearly  every  large  city,  all  inspired  by  the  universal  de- 
mand for  Preparedness.  All  at  once  the  President  and  both 
Houses  of  Congress  awoke  to  the  fact  that  we  were  thor- 
oughly unprepared  in  every  way  not  only  for  war  but  for 
peaceful  negotiations.  The  Democratic  Party  had  been 
asleep  for  three  years  and  then  had  to  be  prodded  into  the 
activity  which  has  resulted  in  increased  appropriations  for 
the  Army  and  Navy  and  for  a  readiness  to  repel  Mexican 
invaders  across  our  border  line  and  to  punish  those  who  had 
taken  the  lives  and  destroyed  the  property  of  our  citizens. 
Finally  the  President  called  out  the  militia  of  the  States, 
exceeding  one  hundred  thousand  in  number,  and  then  it  was 
found  how  inadequate  was  the  equipment  and  facilities  of 
getting  these  men  where  they  would  be  available  if  needed. 
Had  there  been  one  hundredth  part  of  the  preparedness 
shown  previously  there  would  have  been  no  necessity  of 
calling  out  the  militia  at  all  which  means  an  expense  of  over 
ten  million  dollars  a  month.  The  expenditure  of  a  few 
millions  some  months  ago  would  have  made  unnecessary 
the  expenditure  of  a  hundred  million  dollars  now.  When 
it  became  necessary  to  move  the  troops  it  was  found  in  al- 
most every  instance  that  regiments  and  companies  were 
not  only  short  in  number  but  short  in  equipment  of  every 
kind.  Not  only  that  but  no  provision  or  preparation  what- 
ever had  been  made  for  transportation  with  the  result  that 
the  entire  mobilization  was  in  a  muddle  from  the  time  the 
order  was  given. 

The  President  and  members  of  his  Cabinet  marched  in  the 
great  Preparedness  Parade  at  Washington  and  yet  nothing 
had  been  done  towards  actual  preparedness  to  meet  the  emer- 
gency that  was  bound  to  arise.  It  was  the  same  old  Demo- 
cratic party  which  had  always  opposed  Preparedness  of  every 
kind  for  nearly  a  hundred  years.  We  are  not  prepared  for 
war  and  we  are  not  prepared  for  peace.  Should  the  foreign 
war  end  this  fall  we  shall  be  economically  and  industrially 
so  unprepared  that  there  will  be  no  way  of  checking  the 
floods  of  imports  that  will  come  to  our  shores  or  the  mil- 
lions of  dollars  worth  of  foreign  productions  that  will  be 
dumped  into  our  markets.  Factories  will  have  to  close  and 
men  be  thrown  out  of  employment  just  as  was  the  case  dur- 
ing the  first  ten  months  under  the  operation  of  the  present 
tariff  law.  Hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  will  have  to 
be  sacrifi-ced  in  revenue  and  wages  because  of  this  unprepared- 
ness  just  as  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  and  many  lives 
may  have  to  be  sacrificed  because  of  the  unpreparedness  to 
meet  the  Mexican  situation. 

Now,  spurred  on  by  the  demands  of  the  people,  the  Demo- 
cratic party  has  at  last  awakened  to  the  necessity  of  doing 
something  not  only  in  the  way  of  increased  appropriations 
for  the  Army  and  Navy  but  in  measures  to  meet  any  Mexican 
emergency. 

No  steps,  however,  have  been  taken  towards  industrial 
Preparedness  and  none  will  be  taken  by  this  Dernocratic  Ad- 


334         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

ministration.  Only  through  the  election  of  a  Republican 
President  and  both  branches  of  Congress  can  we  be  as- 
sured of  such  industrial  Preparedness  as  will  give  us  Pro- 
tection against  not  only  the  productions  of  the  nations  now 
at  war  but  also  against  imports  from  Oriental  countries  which 
are  now  pouring  into  our  country  month  after  month  in  in- 
creasing volume. 


DEMOCRATIC   UNPREPAREDNESS 
By  The  Editor  o£  the  North  American  Review 

Military  unpreparedness  is  now  tangibly  demonstra'ced.  Some 
details  of  the  matter  of  forwarding  the  National  Guard  to 
the  Mexican  frontier  may  still  be  controversial.  Of  some  essen- 
tial features  of  the  case  there  is  no  room  for  question,  and 
these  are  sufficient  to  show  the  urgent  need  of  a  far  higher 
degree  of  efficiency  and  a  far  greater  degree  of  preparation 
than  now  exist. 

The  'chief  counts  in  the  indictment  are  three.  One  is  'chat  of 
equipment.  It  is  indisputable  that  some  levies  of  the  National 
Guard  were  held  at  their  home  camps  for  some  time  because 
supplies  of  clo'ching,  etc.,  were  not  forthcoming  from  Washing- 
ton ;  in  at  least  one  case  for  so  long  a  time  that  the  State 
authorities  seriously  considered  providing  the  supplies  them*- 
selves.  It  is  indisputable  'that  some  of  the  troops  were  landed  in 
the  semi-tropical  climate  of  Texas  in  midsummer  with  nothing 
but  heavy  winter  clothing. 

The  second  point  was  that  of  transporta'cion.  Men  were 
packed  into  antiquated  wooden  day  coaches,  so  old  and  dilapi- 
dated that  there  seemed  some  justification  for  the  sugges'cion 
that  they  were  the  same  in  which  troops  had  been  shipped  to  the 
front  in  1861 !  There  was  much  delay  in  providing  even  such 
accommoda'dons,  troops  being  kept  waiting  for  hours  before 
they  were  entrained,  and  then  kept  lying  in  train  yards,  or 
shunted  to  and  fro  on  sidings  for  hours  more.  Now  it  is  all 
very  well  to  say  that  it  is  a  part  of  the  soldier's  duty  'co  endure 
discomforts  and  hardships.  But  there  are  enough  of  these  that 
are  inevitable  withou'c  adding  others  that  are  unnecessary  and 
avoidable.  Such  treatment  of  the  troops  in  the  process  of 
mobilization  did  much  more  than  cause  discomfort.  It  caused 
delay,  which  might  have  been  costly,  if  not  disastrous,  and  it 
impaired  the  efficiency  of  the  troops  after  they  had  reached  their 
destination.  Instead  of  being  landed  in  Texas  in  good  con- 
dition, "fit  as  a  fiddle,"  they  were  landed  'there  jaded  and  worn 
and  needing  some  time  to  recover  from  the  hardships  and  pri- 
vations of  the  passage. 

The  third  point  was  that  of  food.  Both  on  the  journey  and' 
after  reaching  'their  destination  many  of  the  troops  suffered  the 
pangs  of  hunger.  We  heard  indisputably  authentic  stories  of 
some  being  twenty-four  hours  without  food,  and  even  with  an 
insufficient  supply  of  drinking  water.  Also  on  some  occasions 
the  hungry  men  took  mat'ters  into  their  own  hands  and  forcibly 
raided  eating  houses.  This  latter  was,  of  course,  a  reprehen- 
sible thing  to  do.  Soldiers  should  preserve  the  peace,  not 
break  it.  But  starving  men  are  not  always  squeamish  over 
the  law  of  meum  et  tuum.  If  the  men  were  culpable  for 
stealing  the  food,  those  who  drove  them  through  famine  to 
desperation  were  not  blameless.  Nor  can  we  accept  as  con- 
vincing the  statement  that  the  sufficient  regulation  rations 
were  supplied  to  the  men,  but  they,  being  greenhorns  in  the 
service,  were  wasteful  of  it  and  did  not  make  it  last  as  they 
should  have  done.  To  say  that  is  simply  to  shift  the  burden 
of  unpreparedness. 

There  can  be  no  exculpation  on  th^  ground  of  excessive  de- 
mand^.  The  number  of  'troops  mobilized  was  small,  so  small  as 
to  be  trifling  in  comparison  with  the  multitudes  transported  in 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         335 

the  great  European  armies.  Otirs  were  numbered  by  tens  of 
thousands ;  theirs  by  hundreds  of  thousands  and  even  by  millions. 
What  should  we  have  done  if  we  had  beeni  called  upon  ':o  equip 
and  transport  the  million  men  who  Mr.  Bryan  said  would 
spring  to  arms  in  a  day  at  the  President's  call?  Nor  can  we 
accept  the  plea  of  distance,  which  of  course  could  have  nothing 
to  do  with  the  ma'cter  of  equipment  or  accommodations,  but  with 
only  that  of  time  in  transportation.  Great  Britain  has  trans- 
ported more  troops  from  India,  from  Canada,  from  Australia 
and  from  New  Zealand,  co  France,  than  we  have  sent  across  the 
country  to  Texas.  Russia  has  probably  sent  as  many,  all  the 
way  across  Asia  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  thence  through  the 
Indian   Ocean   and  the   Suez   Canal   and   Mediterranean. 

Least  of  all  is  there  validity  in  the  plea  of  unexpec'ced'  emerg- 
ency. The  fact  is  that  we  had  abundant  warning.  For  three 
years  we  had  been  confronting  a  Mexican  problem  which  in- 
volved potendal  intervention.  For  months  ac'mal  military 
operations  had  been  in  progress  and  the  probability  of  vastly 
greater  operations  had  been  recognized.  The  whole  nation  had 
been  expecting  just  what  did  actually  happen — the  sending  of 
our  whole  available  army  land  a  lailge  contingent  of  the 
National  Guard  to  the  border,  if  not  into  Mexico  itself.  And 
after  these  months  of  warning  and  knowledge  we  were  un- 
prepared. 

It  is  not  pleasant  to  say  'these  things.  But  it  is  immeasurably 
less  pleasant  to  have  such  things  happen.  Indeed,  this  deplor- 
able an-d  costly  lack  of  readiness  is  largely  to  be  'charged  to  the 
failure  of  men  to  speak  out  plainly  about  our  slipshod  and 
happy-go-lucky  way  of  doing  things.  We  have  cast  unmeasured 
scorn  upon  the  Third  Empire  in  France,  w'hich  boasted  that  the 
army  was  ready  "to  the  last  shoe  button,"  only  to  find  that  a 
whole  army  had  been  provided  with  shoes  all  for  the  right  foot. 
Was  it  better  to  ship  an  army  to  the  tropics  wi'th  nothing  but 
\rctic  clothing? 


THE  RECLAMATION  SERVICE 

The  Reclamation  Act,  which  originated  in  a  Republican  Con- 
gress in  1902,  is  to-day  generally  recognized  as  one  of  the  wisest 
laws  ever  enacted  by  Congress,  and  second  only  in  importance 
to  that  other  great  Republican  enactment — the  Homestead  Law. 

Under  the  provisions  of  the  law  national  irrigation  has  already 
become  a  most  important  factor  in  western  development,  and 
its  economic  value  in  providing  a  safety  valve  against  the  im- 
pending dangers  of  congestion,  of  population  in  the  older  settled 
portions  of  the  country  can  not  be  estimated.  Conservative 
engineers  believe  that  at  least  25,000,000  acres  of  desert  land  can 
be  converted  by  irrigation  to  small  farms.  This  vast  area, 
capable  of  supporting  millions  of  people,  may  be  brought  to 
cultivation  without  entailing  a  loss  of  a  single  dollar  to  the 
national  treasury  as  the  land  reclaimed  is  assessed  for  'the 
benefits  received,  the  settlers  returning  to  the  United  States  the 
cost  of  reclamation. 

The  Reclamation  Service,  a  separate  Bureau  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  Interior,  has  had  charge  of  the  engineering  work 
from  its  inception,  and  notwithstanding  the  enormous  area  em- 
braced in  the  arid  States— two-fifths  of  the  United  States — has 
completed,  or  has  under  active  construction,  many  projects.  On 
most  of  these  construction  has  progressed  sufficiently  to  irrigate 
areas  that  are  now  producing  crops.  No  better  evidence  of  the 
wisdom  of  the  law  and  the  business-like  and  practical  methods 
of  its  administration  could  be  submitted  than  the  fact  that  homes 
are  actually  being  made  in  large  numbers  on  the  land  reclaimed, 
and  the  cost  of  the  work  is  being  returned  by  the  settlers. 


The  American  Merchant 
Marine 

By  Senator  Jacob  H.  Gallinger 

The  story  of  the  decline  of  the  American  merchant  marine  is 
one  of  the  saddest  chapters  in  American  history.  It  would  take 
too  much  space  to  review  it  in  detail,  and  point  out  the  mistakes 
that  have  been  made  by  our  Government  in  failing  to  adequately 
protect  that  great  industry  against  the  lower  cost  of  construction 
and  operation  of  ships  by  foreign  governments,  and  also  against  the 
advantages  that  they  possess  in  the  matter  of  the  granting  of  subsi- 
dies to  their  ships. 

The  Need  of  Protection 

The  disaster  to  our  merchant  marine  is  illustrative  of  the  value 
of  protection  on  the  sea  as  well  as  on  the  land.  Every  American 
industry  on  the  land  has  been  properly  safeguarded  by  the  Republi- 
can party  in  the  matter  of  import  duties  on  foreign  goods,  but  the 
industry  of  shipbuilding  and  overseas  navigation  has  been  almost 
entirely  neglected.  Had  the  same  wise  policy  that  the  Republican 
party  has  employed  in  the  matter  of  protecting  our  industries  on 
land  been  extended  to  the  great  shipbuilding  industry  we  would 
now  have  an  adequate  merchant  marine,  and  our  flag  would  be  seen 
in  the  ports  of  all  the  world. 

Discriminating  Duties 

It  will  be  recalled  that  in  the  early  days  of  the  Republic  men 
like  Washington,  Adams,  Jefferson,  and  Madison  were  all  warmly 
in  favor  of  protecting  merchant  shipping,  the  very  first  act,  that  of 
July  4,  1789,  containing  a  clause  allowing  a  discount  of  ten  per 
cent  on  tariff  duties  on  all  goods  imported  in  ships  built  and  owned 
by  American  citizens.  That  had  a  wonderful  effect  upon  the  ship- 
ping interests  of  this  country,  the  remarkable  fact  being  that  more 
than  100  years  ago,  when  the  population  of  the  country  was  not 
much  more  than  one-fifteenth  what  it  is  today,  we  were  carrying 
under  the  American  flag  91.5  per  cent  of  our  imports  and  exports, 
while  in  the  last  fiscal  year  only  about  8.6  per  cent  of  our  imports 
and  exports  were  carried  in  American  bottoms. 

A  Marvelous  Growth  and  Remarkable  Decline 

As  before  suggested  it  would  be  an  interesting  study  to  trace  in 
detail  the  remarkable  and  pathetic  decline  of  this  great  industry. 
The  marvelous  growth  of  American  shipping  from  1789  to  1807  is 
said  to  have  been  without  parallel  in  the  history  of  the  world,  and 
that  growth  was  directly  the  result  of  the  discriminating  duty  policy 
which  gave  the  ships  of  our  country  an  advantage  over  those  of 
foreign  nations. 

The  British  monopoly  having  been  destroyed  it  was  natural  that 
the  great  maritime  nations  of  the  world  should  use  every  possible 
means  to  break  down  the  wonderful  success  that  we  had  achieved. 
The  first  great  blow  that  came  to  American  shipping  was  brought  about 
by  what  was  called  reciprocity  on  the  sea,  in  the  shape  of  com- 
mercial agreements  with  foreign  governments,  which  provided  that 
there  should  be  no  discrimination  between  our  ships  and  those  of 
foreign  governments  in  the  matter  of  tariff  and  tonnage  duties. 
This  practically  destroyed  the  discriminating  duties  policy  of  the 
founders  of  the  Government,  and  it  immediately  resulted  in  a  great 
decline  in  American  shipping,  accentuated  by  the  fact  that  iron 
and  steel  steamships  were  being  built  at  atlower  cost  by  foreign 
governments  than  they  could  be  built  in  tnis  country,  and  were 
manned  and  navigated  at  a  much  lower  wage  scale  than  that  of 
the  United  States.  Added  to  this,  foreign  governments  resorted  to 
the  payment  of  large  subsidies,  which  was  a  tremendous  handicap 

S36 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        337 

to  American  shipping,  and  which  in  one  sense  was  a  violation  of 
the  principle  of  reciprocity  which  we  had  entered  into  with  the 
other  maritime  nations  of  the  world.  It  will  readily  be  seen  that 
under  those  circumstances  it  was  an  absolute  impossibility  for 
the  ships  of  this  country  to  successfully  compete  with  those  of 
Great  Britain,  France  and  Germany. 

Foreign  Subsidies 

The  payment  of  subsidies  began  as  early  as  1834  and  has  con- 
tinued up  to  the  present  time.  The  amount  of  subsidies  paid  by 
foreign  governments  seven  years  ago  is  found  in  the  report  of  the 
United  States  Commissioner  of  Navigation  for  1909  and  is  as  follows 

Great  Britain  and  Colonies $9,689,384 

France 13,423,737 

Japan 5,413,700 

Italy 3,872,917 

Spain 3,150,012 

Austria-Hungary 2,984,530 

Germany 2,301,029 

Russia 1,878,328 

Norway 1,102,143 

Netherlands 880,011 

Sweden 277,752 

Denmark 145,000 

Belgium 55,970 

Portugal 50,000 

Total $45,224,513 

In  addition  to  those  subsidies,  sixteen  million  dollars  have  been 
paid  by  certain  smaller  nations  such  as  Chile,  Mexico,  and  Brazil, 
making  a  grand  total  of  $46,907,220.  To  offset  this  the  United  States 
is  paying  in  subsidies  to  American  steamships  annually  the  sum 
of  $1,089,361.83,  which  does  not  fully  compensate  the  steamships 
for  the  work  they  are  performing  if  the  mails  were  being  conveyed 
on  a  weight  basis.  It  may  properly  be  noted  that  in  addition  to 
direct  subsidies  Germany  grants  rebates  to  the  shipbuilding  in- 
dustry by  conveying  on  the  railroads  all  material  used  in  the  con- 
struction of  ships  at  a  reduced  rate. 

Other  Aids  to  Foreign  Ships 

As  an  illustration  of  the  aid  that  other  governments  have  given 
to  their  merchant  marine  may  be  cited  the  fact  that  when  the 
Lusitania  and  Mauretania  were  built  for  the  Cunard  Line  Great 
Britain  advanced  thirteen  million  dollars  for  that  purpose,  which 
was  to  bear  two  per  cent  interest,  and  to  be  repaid  at  the  convenience 
of  the  steamship  company.  Another  striking  illustration  is  con- 
tained in  a  dispatch  from  Paris  under  date  of  January  14,  1916, 
which  says  that  the  government  of  France  had  decided  to  ask 
parliament  to  authorize  an  advance  by  the  treasury  of  100,000,000 
francs  ($20,000,000)  to  buy  additional  ships,  the  money  to  go  to 
ship  owners  to  enable  them  to  make  purchases  from  the  allied  or 
neutral  powers.  It  was  first  proposed  that  the  government  should 
purchase  the  ships  itself,  but  after  examining  various  plans  it  was 
decided  that  the  best  method  was  to  encourage  private  enterprise 
by  assisting  owners  to  purchase  the  necessary  fleets.  Such  liberal 
encouragement  to  the  shipping  interests  by  the  Governments 
of  Europe  are  in  striking  contrast  to  the  parsimonious  policy  that 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  has  pursued,  and  it  is  not 
to  be  expected  that  under  such  conditions  private  ship  owners 
will  advance  the  requisite  money,  and  engage  in  a  business  in 
which  they  are  handicapped  in  every  possible  way. 

A  Mistaken  American  Policy 

In  an  exceedingly  interesting  and  instructive  publication  re- 
cently issued  by  the  special  committee  on  merchant  marine  of  the 
Boston  Chamber  of  Commerce  occurs  this  {paragraph: 


338         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

The  United  States  has  been  outwitted  by  British  diplomacy  and  statesmanship. 
First,  the  preferential  policy  of  Washington  and  his  colleagues  had  made  American 
shipping  the  most  prosperous  in  existence.  "That  starred  flag,"  the  London 
Times  lamented,  "is  now  conspicuous  on  every  sea,  and  will  soon  defy  our  thunder." 
But  we  were  adroitly  persuaded  to  lay  aside  the  weapons  that  had  served  so  well 
and  when  we  had  bound  ourselves  by  solemn  treaty  no  longer  to  employ  them,  the 
British  government  introduced  the  new  and  potent  expedient  of  subsidy  which  the 
treaties  and  agreements  did  not  forbid. 

It  is  true  that  the  United  States  Government  undertook  to  off- 
set the  effect  of  foreign  subsidies  by  adopting  a  somewhat  similar  pol- 
icy, many  prominent  men  giving  the  movement  their  support,  and  a 
subsidy  about  one-half  that  paid  to  the  Cunard  Line  was  granted  to 
an  American  line  of  steamships  to  France  and  Germany.  Other 
subsidies  were  likewise  granted,  notably  to  the  Collins  Line  in  1847, 
cut  the  cry  of  "subsidy"  was  raised  against  the  system  in  this 
bountry,  which  has  been  continued  to  the  present  time,  and  the 
system  broke  down  as  a  result. 

Another  Disastrous  Blow 

The  next  great  blow  to  American  shipping  was  dealt  immediately 
preceding  and  during  the  Civil  War,  and  in  the  years  immediately 
following  its  close.  It  appeared  that  the  shipbuilding  industry 
was  almost  entirely  confined  to  the  Northern  States,  and  as  a 
result  the  Southern  statesmen  made  violent  attacks  upon  the  in- 
dustry in  the  halls  of  Congress,  and  from  1861  to  1865  the  Anglo- 
Confederate  cruisers  destroyed  almost  one-third  of  our  fleet  en- 
gaged in  overseas  commerce.  An  attempt  was  made  after  the 
war  to  revive  American  shipping,  and  for  a  brief  time  with  apparent 
success,  but  it  did  not  long  last,  as  the  advantages  that  foreign 
governments  had  over  the  United  States  were  too  great  for  success- 
ful competition. 

An  Honest  Effort  Defeated  by  Democrats 

In  1891,  under  the  able  leadership  of  the  late  Senator  William  P. 
Frye  of  Maine,  who  was  then  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Commerce  of  the  Senate,  the  ocean  mail  law  now  on  our  statute 
books  was  enacted.  Unfortunately  when  the  bill  went  to  the  House 
of  Representatives  the  provision  for  a  subsidy  for  cargo  vessels 
was  stricken  out,  and  the  subvention  for  carrying  the  mails  was  re- 
duced about  one-third.  This  was  a  serious  crippling  of  the  law, 
which  has  worked  to  the  great  disadvantage  of  overseas  commerce 
from  that  day  to  the  present  time,  but  notwithstanding  that  fact 
it  has  been  of  great  advantage  to  the  American  merchant  marine. 
As  before  suggested  under  that  law,  we  are  paying  a  little  over  one 
million  dollars  a  year  annually  to  American  ships,  which  has  enabled 
us  to  substantially  aid  the  American  Line  across  the  North  Atlantic, 
and  to  maintain  the  Ward  Line  from  New  York  to  Cuba  and  Mexico, 
the  Red  D  Line  from  New  York  to  Venezuela,  and  also  to  give 
substantial  help  to  certain  other  lines,  including  the  Oceanic  Line 
from  San  Francisco  to  Australasia,  which,  however,  has  been 
abandoned. 

The  Merchant  Marine  Commission  and  Its  Work 
In  1904,  recognizing  the  great  necessity  for  an  investigation  of 
the  entire  subject,  the  Merchant  Marine  Commission  was  created, 
consisting  of  five  Senators  and  five  members  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, both  of  the  great  political  parties  being  represented  on 
the  Commission.  The  result  of  that  investigation,  which  covered 
every  leading  city  and  port  of  the  United  States,  was  published  in 
three  volumes,  and  a  bill  was  framed  by  the  Republican  members  of 
the  Commission,  which  was  introduced  in  the  Senate,  granting  a 
subsidy  to  both  mail  and  cargo  vessels.  That  bill  passed  the  Senate 
by  a  vote  of  38  to  29,  and  passed  the  House  in  an  amended  form 
by  a  vote  of  157  to  145.  When  it  came  to  the  Senate  an  effort  was 
made  to  agree  to  the  House  amendment,  but  a  Democratic  filibuster 
defeated  it. 

Other  Efforts  of  Republicans 

Since  then  the  writer  has  introduced  several  bills,  which  have 
failed  to  become  law,  usually  by  a  very  close  vote.  A  bill  was 
introduced  on  December  4,  1907,  Sixtieth  Congress,  First  Session, 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         339 

which  proposed  to  increase  the  mail  subvention  in  the  Act  of  1891 
to  a  point  that  would  have  enabled  the  United  States  to  establish 
steamship  lines  between  the  United  States  and  South  America,  and 
also  between  this  country  and  the  Orient.  That  bill  passed  the 
Senate  by  a  viva  voce  vote,  but  it  was  rejected  in  the  House  by  a 
vote  of  172  to  175.  In  the  Post  Office  Appropriation  Bill  of  that 
session  the  bill  was  offered  as  an  amendment.  It  was  agreed  to 
by  the  Senate,  but  the  House  of  Representatives  rejected  it  by  a 
vote  of  153  to  145.  In  the  Sixty-first  Congress,  Second  Session,  a 
bill  was  again  introduced  increasing  the  subvention  for  carrying 
the  mails,  which  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  39  to  39,  Vice 
President  Sherman  voting  in  the  affirmative  and  thus  passing  it, 
but  the  House  committee  failed  to  report  it.  In  the  Sixty-third 
Congress,  First  Session,  a  similar  bill  was  introduced,  but  no  action 
was  taken  on  it,  and  at  the  present  time  there  are  two  bills  intro- 
duced by  the  writer,  which  are  now  in  the  custody  of  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Commerce,  one  proposing  a  direct  subsidy,  and  the 
other  proposing  a  return  to  the  discriminating  duties  policy,  but  the 
Democratic  majority  in  the  Committee  on  Commerce  refuse  to  report 
the  bills. 

Democratic  Opposition 

In  the  votes  on  all  those  bills  the  Democratic  members  of  both 
Houses  of  Congress  have  been  practically  unanimous  in  opposition, 
while  the  Republicans  have  favored  them  with  a  few  exceptions. 

Failure  of  the  Free  Ship  Policy 

Yielding  to  the  Democratic  clamor  that  free  ships  would  solve 
the  problem,  and  assure  an  American  merchant  marine,  a  provision 
was  inserted  in  the  Panama  Canal  Act  of  August  24,  1912,  and 
again  in  the  emergency  measure  of  August  18,  1914,  to  admit  to 
American  registry,  for  the  purposes  of  foreign  commerce,  foreign- 
built  vessels,  but  while  it  added  some  ships  to  our  fleet,  it  has  proved 
practically  a  failure,  as  the  Merchant  Marine  Commission  prophesied 
would  be  the  result. 

Wooden  vs.  Iron  and  Steel  Ships 

It  is  a  historical  fact  that  during  the  time  that  wooden  ships 
conveyed  the  commerce  of  the  world  the  United  States  outclassed 
all  other  nations,  as  American  skill  and  enterprise  were  conspicuously 
superior  to  that  of  other  countries  in  the  building  of  such  ships. 
The  Clipper  ships  of  the  United  States  were  the  admiration  of  the 
maritime  world,  and  were  in  every  way  superior  to  those  of  any 
other  country,  but  when  iron  and  steel  ships  replaced  wooden  ships 
the  superiority  was  transferred  from  our  country  to  Europe,  and, 
as  a  result,  we  soon  lost  advantages  that  we  had  formerly  possessed. 
This  fact,  coupled  with  other  reasons  that  I  have  enumerated, 
created  a  condition  that  we  have  been  unable  thus  far  to  succeessfully 
meet,  and  the  pathetic  decline  of  American  ocean  shipping  has  been 
the  result.  Just  how  the  handicap  under'Vhich  American  shipping 
now  labors  is  to  be  overcome  is  a  serious  problem,  but  it  is  a  self- 
evident  fact  that  permanent  relief  cannot  be  secured  unless  the 
industry  in  this  country  is  given  a  fair  chance  in  the  intense  rivalry 
that  will  always  exist  in  the  matter  of  ocean  transportation. 

Republican  vs.  Democratic  Policy 

While  the  Republicans  in  Congress  have  been  struggling  for 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  to  secure  legislation  that  would 
tend  to  the  rehabilitation  of  the  American  merchant  marine  the 
Democratic  party  during  that  time  has  been  in  open  hostility  to 
every  measure  that  has  been  presented,  and  has  never  suggested 
any  constructive  legislation  on  the  subject.  At  last,  however,  they 
have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  relief  may  be  obtained  through 
the  appropriation  of  money  for  the  construction,  purchase,  or  lease 
of  ships,  domestic  or  foreign,  to  be  controlled  by  a  Shipping  Board 
under  the  direction  of  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Starting 
out  with  the  bald,  proposition  of  government  ownership  they  are 


340         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

now  driven  to  a  modification  of  their  views  by  providing  that  the 
government-controlled  shipping  corporation  shall  be  dissolved 
at  the  end  of  five  years  from  the  conclusion  of  the  European  war, 
and,  further,  that  said  corporation  shall  not  operate  any  vessel 
until  after  the  Shipping  Board  has  failed  in  an  effort  to  contract 
with  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  for  the  purchase,  lease,  or  charter 
of  such  vessel,  under  conditions  to  be  prescribed  by  the  Shipping 
Board.  The  whole  scheme  is  a  fallacious  and  idle  one,  and  will 
inevitably  result  in  failure,  and  a  very  large  financial  loss  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  The  fifty  million  dollars  that  the 
Democratic  party  proposes  to  appropriate  for  this  purpose  will, 
at  best,  provide  an  inconsequential  part  of  an  adequate  merchant 
marine,  the  only  advantage  to  be  gained  from  the  appropriation 
being  that  it  will  tend  to  exploit  a  Democratic  scheme  that  has 
neither  substantial  common  sense  back  of  it  nor  a  reasonable  hope 
of  the  accomplishment  of  the  desired  result. 

Attack  on  Coastwise  Shipping 

It  is  a  rather  singular  circumstance  that  the  Democratic  party 
has  chosen  the  present  moment  for  the  exploitation  of  a  scheme 
of  quasi-government  ownership  and  operation  of  overseas  shipping. 
The  truth  is  that  during  the  progress  of  the  war  in  Europe  the 
ocean  carrying  capacity  of  American  steamships  has  been  very 
largely  increased.  In  the  Commerce  Reports  for  July  19th  of  the 
present  year  a  list  of  196  steamships  which  have  been  added  to  the 
overseas  trade  is  given  including  81  to  Europe,  7  to  Africa,  11  to 
Asia,  6  to  Oceanica,  and  91  to  South  America,  aggregating  a  total 
of  597,363  net  tons.  This  indicates  that  American  capital  is  ready 
to  go  into  the  shipping  busines  whenever  there  is  a  fair  chance  of 
the  investment  becoming  profitable.  The  European  war  has  made 
it  profitable,  and  the  response  has  been  prompt  and  liberal.  It  goes 
without  saying  that  after  the  close  of  the  European  war  the  business 
will  again  become  unprofitable,  and  hence  the  necessity  for  compre- 
hensive legislation  that  will  enable  the  present  ships  to  be  retained 
in  the  trade,  and  add  others  to  the  list.  But,  instead  of  taking  a 
broad  view  of  the  situation  the  Democratic  plan  is  to  put  the  Gov- 
ernment in  competition  with  ships  owned  by  individuals  and  cor- 
porations of  this  country,  and  thus  further  decrease  the  chances  of 
the  building  up  of  an  American  merchant  marine. 

There  has  never  been  a  more  conspicuous  example  of  what  the 
United  States  can  do  in  the  matter  of  building  up  the  shipping 
business  when  it  is  adequately  protected  than  is  seen  in  our  coast- 
wise trade.  Ninety-nine  years  ago  the  coastwise  shipping  was 
protected  by  law  from  foreign  competition,  and  as  a  result  we  have 
built  up  a  tonnage  which  is  the  admiration  of  the  whole  world.  In- 
deed, our  coastwise  shipping  is  greater  than  the  coastwise  shipping 
bi  any  other  country,  and  greater  than  the  entire  shipping,  coast- 
wise and  overseas,  of  the  German  Empire,  three-fold  the  entire 
tonnage  of  France  or  Norway,  and  four-fold  the  tonnage  of  Japan. 
These  figures  are  found  in  the  report  of  the  special  committee  on 
merchant  marine  of  the  Boston  Chamber  of  Commerce,  and  have 
been  verified  as  being  absolutely  accurate.  In  1789  our  coastwise 
tonnage  was  68,607,  while  in  1904  it  was  6,852,536  tons.  The 
business  is  reasonably  prosperous,  free  from  a  monopoly  of  any 
kind,  and  growing  by  leaps  and  bounds.  Indeed,  the  coastwise 
shipping  has  given  to  our  overseas  trade  a  large  number  of  ships 
during  the  last  few  years,  and  if  left  to  its  natural  development 
will  undoubtedly  be  in  a  position  to  add  many  more  in  the  near 
future.  But  the  Democratic  party,  true  to  its  natural  instincts 
to  strike  a  blow  at  every  American  industry,  proposes  in  the  bill 
that  is  now  before  Congress  to  allow  the  ships  which  are  to  be 
purchased  or  constructed  by  the  Government,  whether  they  are 
purchased  or  constructed  in  this  country  or  abroad,  to  enter  the 
coastwise  trade,  which  is  a  revival  of  efforts  that  have  been  hereto- 
fore made  and  defeated  in  the  Senate,  to  open  the  coastwise  trade 
to  foreign  shipping  of  every  kind,  an  effort  which  will  undoubtedly 
bt  repeated  in  the  near  future.  It  is  in  every  sense  a  policy  that 
spells  disaster  to  one  of  the  great  industries  of  the  United  States, 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         341 

and  which  ought  to  be  resisted  at  all  hazards  by  those  who  believe 
in  strengthening  and  building  up  the  American  merchant  marine, 
whether  it  is  coastwise  or  overseas.  However,  the  probabilities  are 
that  that  vicious  bill  will  become  a  law,  and  it  will  remain  for  the 
Republican  party,  when  it  comes  into  power  next  year,  in  accord- 
ance with  its  platform  declarations  at  Chicago,  to  repeal  the 
statute  and  once  more  endeavor  to  make  adequate  provision  for  a 
great  industry  which  deserves  and  should  receive  the  liberal  support 
of  all  our  people  regardless  of  class  or  section. 


THE  SHIPPING  BILL 
By  Carman  R.  Randolph 

The  shipping  bill  assumes  to  regulate,  by  way  of  prohibition 
and  direction,  only  those  ships  which  answer  the  legal  description 
of  a  "common  carrier." 

Considering  the  matter  in  hand,  we  may  divide  the  world's 
merchant  marine  into  two  fleets — the  common  carrier  and  the 
independent. 

In  the  first  are  the  "liners" — passenger  and  freight — seijv^ing  all 
comers  on  regular  routes. 

In  the  other  fleet  are  the  "tramps,"  moving  hither  and  yon, 
under  cable  direction,  to  promising  ports,  or  voyaging  under  special 
charter;  and  in  this  fleet  are  the  considerable  number  of  vessels 
employed  by  industrial  companies  exclusively  in  their  own  business. 

The  employments  of  the  chartered  and  the  company  ships  plainly 
exclude  the  carrier's  obligation  aforesaid,  since  the  one  is  governed 
by  a  special  contract  and  the  other  is  but  a  branch  of  a  particular 
business  enterprise.  While  the  tramp  may,  in  seeking  general 
freight,  occasionally  assume  the  common  carrier  obligation,  she 
is  usually  free  from  it. 

In  this  case  it  is  noteworthy  that  the  bill  claims  jurisdiction  over 
the  smaller  fleet,  for  it  is  well  known  that  the  bulk  of  the  world's 
commerce  is  carried  by  independent  ships. 

The  broad  preliminary  criticism  of  the  bill's  regulations  con- 
cerning common  carriers  by  water  in  foreign  commerce  is  that 
they  affect  but  a  part,  and  the  lesser  part,  of  our  foreign  trans- 
portation. 

Imagine  the  plight  of  our  immobile  railways  with  a  fleet  of  tramp 
airships  competing  here,  there,  and  everywhere,  flying  to  the  sea- 
sonal and  emergency  demands,  free  from  the  railwayman's  night- 
mares— maintenance  of  way,  the  return  load,  &c.  Figure  the  be- 
wilderment of  an  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  trying  to  per- 
form its  functions  under  such  conditions. 

Not  destructive,  as  in  the  imagined  case,  yet  constant  and  pressing 
is  the  competition  of  the  "tramp"  with  the  "liner,"  which,  while 
physically  of  equal  mobility,  must  stick  to  its  regular  route  and 
its  carrier  obligation  unless  it  be  itself  driven  to  the  independent 
fleet.  Not  bewildering,  as  in  the  imagined  case,  but  sufficiently 
awkward  would  be  the  task  of  a  shipping  board  usefully  to  enforce, 
in  respect  of  a  part  of  the  merchant  fleet,  regulations  from  which 
the  rest  are  exempt. 

Restraints  which  are  not  applied  to  the  entire  fabric  of  our  foreign 
commerce  will  not  assure  an  adequate  regulation  and  may  lay  an 
invidious  burden  on  the  ships  affected. 

II. 

Broadly  speaking,  the  bill  purports  explicitly  to  extend  much 
of  the  policy  of  our  anti-trust  laws  to  the  common  carriers  of  our 
sea  borne  commerce.  I  say  "explicitly"  because  the  anti-trust  act 
embraces  our  foreign  commerce  in  general  terms,  though  it  is  note- 
worthy that  thus  far  there  has  been  little  effort  and  less  success  in 
applying  to  ocean  carriers  the  restrictions  which  have  been  enforced 
upon  industrial  concerns. 

Besides  attempting  to  carry  our  anti-trust  policy  over  to  ocean 
transportation.  Congress  would  by  this  bill  attempt  to  regulate 
'ommon  carriers  by  sea  much  as  it  regulates  those  by  land. 


342        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

The  first  care  of  a  legislature  in  considering  a  statute  is  to  be 
sure  that  it  has  over  the  subject-matter  a  sufficient  jurisdiction 
(or  a  sufficient  influence,  which  may,  as  we  shall  see,  be  a  quite  in- 
dependent thing)  to  promise  an  effective  operation  of  the  law. 

A  legislature  may  subject  a  water  company  or  a  railway  company 
to  stringent  regulations  as  a  "public  utility."  Each  rules  a  thing 
which  cannot  escape  and  which,  whatever  happens,  may  somehow 
be  continued  in  the  public  service.  How  relatively  precarious  is 
legislative  jurisdiction  over  the  so-called  "public  utilities"  of  the 
ocean — over  ships  that  may  freely  discontinue  a  public  service,  may 
freely  move  to  another  flag? 

A  merchantman  is,  in  home  waters  and  on  the  high  seas,  within 
the  full  jurisdiction  of  the  State  whose  flag  it  flies.  Entering  the 
home  waters  of  another  State  it  may  be  subjected  to  certain  local 
regulations.  In  these  circumstances  it  is  evident  that  the  degree 
of  power  a  country's  laws  may  exert  upon  sea  transportation  de- 
pends immediately  upon  the  size  of  its  own  merchant  fleet,  upon 
the  range  of  its  complete  jurisdiction  measured  by  tonnage. 

Were  jurisdiction  of  ships  the  sole,  and  it  is  the  primary  and, 
commonly,  the  principal  basis  of  national  power  over  the  conduct/ 
of  ocean  transportation,  the  insignificance  of  the  American  mer- 
chant fleet  would  discredit  the  high  sounding  pretensions  of  the 
bill.  But  if  a  nation's  fleet  be  too  small  to  permit  its  peculiar  sea 
laws  to  count  for  much  in  the  world's  trade,  its  products  may  have 
a  power  of  attraction  that  will  draw  foreign  ships  to  its  ports  despite 
onerous  regulations  that  would  otherwise  repel  them. 

How  stands  the  United  States  in  this  regard?  Will  the  magnetic 
influence  of  our  products  automatically,  irresistibly  expand  our 
foreign  trade,  however  burdensome  our  shipping  laws?  Are  we  so 
hypnotized  with  "war  orders,"  even  now  shrinking  as  belligerents 
increasingly  provide  for  themselves,  that  we  fail  to  foresee  the 
troubles  ahead? 

For  every  nation  there  is  indeed  what  may  be  called  an  irre- 
ducible minimum  of  export  trade.  Our  minimum  must  ever  be 
written  in  large  figures,  but  contentment  with  this  minimum, 
however  big  in  itself,  would  mark  the  decadence  of  that  enterprising 
spirit  which  alone  will  expand  our  export  trade  and  create  a  mer- 
chant marine. 

III. 

The  bill  authorizes  the  board  to  spend  not  more  than  $50,000,0^ 
in  buying  or  building  merchant  ships  available  for  use  as  naval 
auxiliaries;  to  sell,  charter,  or  lease  them  to  private  parties;  or  to  form 
one  or  more  corporations  to  operate  them. 

Taking  this  for  granted,  as  I  think  we  may,  that  the  entire  sum  of 
$50,000,000  will  be  spent  for  ships,  what  disposition  shall  be  made 
of  these?  The  bill  authorizes  the  board  to  either  sell,  lease  or 
charter  all  or  part  of  its  fleet  to  private  persons  or  to  operate  all  or 
part  itself.  In  the  first  case,  will  the  board  pick  and  choose  among 
applicants?  Or  serve  first  who  come  first?  Or  will  it  invite  com- 
petitive bids.  Important  questions  these,  should  there  be  a  rush 
for  the  ships,  but  as  there  seems  to  be  no  reason  why  one  wishing 
to  buy,  lease,  or  charter  would  be  advantaged  by  applying  to  the 
Government,  we  may  fairly  anticipate  Government  operation. 

In  this  event  what  of  the  operating  corporation?  What  of  the 
powers  of  the  board  over  the  service  and  the  routes?  What  of  the 
status  of  the  ships?  And  how  will  the  intrusion  of  Government 
into  the  shipping  field  affect  the  development  of  a  merchant  ma- 
rine? 

Congress  creates  a  shipping  board;  the  board  forms,  under  the 
laws  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  a  corporation  to  purchase,  con- 
struct, equip,  lease,  charter,  maintain  and  operate  vessels  in  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States.  The  board  is  obliged  to  hold  and 
vote  at  least  51  per  cent  of  the  stock  and  is  authorized  to  do  all 
things  necessary  to  carry  out  the  purposes  of  the  act.  The  direc- 
tors are  dummies.  So  are  the  officials.  Minority  stockholders,  if 
eccentric  investors  should  unexpectedly  subscribe,  must  not  only 
submit  to  the  will  of  the  majority,  but  are  forever  incompetent 
to  gain  control  by  buying  stock.    On  the  dissolution  of  the  corpora- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         343 

tion  the  ships  "revert"  to  the  board.  In  truth,  they  never  leave 
it.  The  "corporation"  is  a  part  and  an  arm  of  the  board,  just  as 
the  board  is  a  part  and  an  arm  of  the  Government — "Cerberus, 
three  gentlemen  at  once." 

Even  if  the  ships  could  be  differentiated  from  the  railways  by 
pointing  out  that  ocean  transport  is  too  .essentially  mobile  to  be 
directly  regulated  by  Congress,  it  would  only  accentuate  the  folly 
of  the  legislature  in  heavily  subsidizing  an  enterprise  wholly  beyond 
its  directory  powers. 

While  the  bill  provides  that  all  vessels  purchased,  chartered  or 
leased  from  the  board  shall  be  subject  to  all  laws,  regulations  and 
liabilities  governing  merchant  vessels,  whatever  the  interest  of  the 
United  States  therein,  it  does  not  place  in  this  category  ships  operated 
by  the  Government. 

Presumably  these  public  vessels  of  the  United  States  will  be 
operated  in  full  accordance  with  the  aforesaid  laws  and  regula- 
tions, but  what  of  liability  in  case  of  damage  or  of  breach  of  con- 
tract? 

The  titular  owner — the  corporation — seems  to  lack  assurance 
of  financial  responsibility.  Doubtless  it  will  have  a  modest  working 
capital,  but  we  can  hardly  look  for  accumulated  profits. 

The  real  owner,  the  United  States,  cannot  be  sued  without  con- 
sent, and  a  judgment  cannot  be  satisfied  without  an  appropriation 
by  Congress. 

The  ordinary  remedy  of  libelling  the  ship  is  not  clearly  appli- 
cable to  these  public  vessels,  but  by  curing  this  defect  they  would 
be  broadly  classed  with  ordinary  merchantmen. 

What  now  of  the  employment  of  these  public  ships  as  neutral 
traders  in  maritime  war? 

For  all  its  vessels  our  Government  is  entitled  to  demand  of  other 
Governments  a  constant  and  uniform  respect,  for  whatever  their 
employment  this  is  dictated  essentially  by  a  public  policy  which 
is  as  implicit  in  the  voyage  of  a  ship  carrying  goods  as  in  that  of  a 
man-of-war. 

If  the  employment  of  these  public  ships  shall  not  add  another 
question  in  regard  to  neutral  trade  in  maritime  war,  it  will  only  be 
because  they  come  into  service  too  late  for  the  world-wide  emer- 
gency, which  has  ever  been  the  sole  but  insufficient  excuse  for  the 
bill. 

Should  the  ships  come  into  service  before  the  end  of  the  great 
war  we  may  expect  offerings  of  cargoes  to  nonblockaded  ports  of  the 
Central  Powers  or  to  neighboring  neutral  ports.  Should  the  Gov- 
ernment accept,  the  Entente  Powers  would  either  pass  the  ship 
with  the  assurance  or  likelihood  of  supplies  reaching  enemy  coun- 
try or  seize  her  with  the  risk  of  arousing  resentment  in  the  United 
States  by  the  detention  of  a  public  vessel. 

Referring  to  our  vast  export  of  munitions,  which,  by  the  fortune 
of  war,  are  carried  to  one  belligerent  only,  to  the  displeasure  of  the 
other;  understanding  that  our  sole  but  complete  justification  for 
this  discrimination  is  the  wholly  private  nature  of  the  traffic,  we 
perceive  a  gross  violation  of  neutral  duty  did  Government  put  its 
own  ships  to  this  service. 

IV. 

The  vital  objections  to  the  Government  ownership  policy  are 
too  familiar  to  require  extended  consideration. 

The  five-year  limitation  on  Government  ownership,  which  re- 
places the  indefinite  ownership  contemplated  in  the  ship  purchase 
bill  of  the  last  session,  far  from  being  an  agreeable  sop  to  the  op- 
ponents of  the  policy,  emphasizes  its  immediately  mischievous 
force.  Conditions  six  or  seven  years  hence,  whatever  they  may 
be,  will  not  repair  the  blunder  of  now  repelling  capital  from  an 
American  marine  at  the  most — yes,  the  first — opportune  moment 
since  the  civil  war. 

Mr.  Chamberlain,  the  Commissioner  of  Navigation,  states  that 
on  June  1  of  this  year  there  were  under  construction  in  our  ship- 
yards 372  steel  merchants  ships  of  a  gross  tonnage  of  1,147,000. 
Of  these  175,  of  900,000  gross  tons  "are  all   foreign   going  ocean 


344        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

cargo  steamers  in  all  essential  requirements."  (Hearings  before 
Senate  Committee  on  H.  R.  15,455,  p.  211).  It  may  be  true  that 
most  of  these  ships  are  immediately  intended  for  domestic  trade, 
but  it  is  also  true  that  none  of  them  will  go  into  foreign  trade,  nor 
will  ships  be  bought  or  built  for  this  trade,  if  Government  enters 
the  field  as  a  competitor. 

For  Government  competition  is  essentially  not  only  unfair  but 
unnatural — the  sovereign  against  the  citizen,  the  State  against  the 
trader,  the  public  treasury  against  the  private  purse. 

V. 

The  enactment  of  the  shipping  bill  would  add  to  certain  em- 
barassing  provisions  of  recent  legislation  another  obstacle  to  an 
American  merchant  marine.  With  a  petty  merchant  fleet  under 
its  control,  and  having  under  its  guardianship  an  export  trade 
which  presently  we  must  struggle  mightily  even  to  maintain,  Con- 
gress would  set  its  peculiar  regulatory  and  Government  ownership 
policies  against  the  laws  and  customs  of  the  great  maritime  Powers, 
and  apply  its  peculiar  rules  to  the  foreign  ships  that  carry  the  bulk 
of  our  exports  and  imports.  Yet  each  ship  is,  primarily,  sub- 
ject to  the  laws  of  its  own  country,  not  to  our  laws.  On  every  trip 
to  or  from  our  ports  it  leaves  or  enters  a  country  whose  legisla- 
ture, having  powers  identical  with  ours,  may  subject  clearance  and 
entry  to  its  own  rules.  With,  theoretically,  equal  power  in  each 
maritime  State  over  the  rules  of  the  sea,  is  it  not  clear  that  of  the 
rules,  not  universally  operative  by  common  consent,  those  will  be 
widely  effective  that  are  backed  by  the  big  merchant  fleets. 

The  bill  should  not  become  law.  Yet  its  enactment  should  but 
spur  the  advocates  of  a  merchant  marine  to  more  vigorous  effort. 


THE  PROJECTED  SURRENDER  OF  OUR  COAST- 
WISE SHIPPING 
By  Alexander  R.  Smith 

The  ostensible  purpose  of  the  Administration  shipping 
bill  is  to  help  restore  American  shipping  to  foreign  carrying:  its 
real  purpose  is  to  deliver  over  to  foreign  ship  owners  and  foreign 
shipbuilders  the  control  of  our  coastwise  carrying,  the  cream  of  our 
domestic  maritime  business.  Everybody  knows,  and  no  one 
better  than  the  Administration,  that  to  appropriate  $50,000,000 
with  which  to  do  a  work  that  would  require  from  $750,000,000  to 
$1,000,000,000  is  to  attempt  the  impossible,  and  yet  it  is  doubt- 
ful if  the  last-named  sum  would  suffice  to  replace  with  American 
ships  the  foreign  ships  now  engaged  in  our  foreign  carrying. 

For  more  than  half  a  century  possession  of  our  coastwise  carrying 
has  been  the  objective  of  our  maritime  rivals.  They  have  the 
active  and  zealous — I  might  say  the  fanatical — aid  of  American 
free  traders.  With  the  Administration  dominated  by  free  traders, 
with  Congress  in  the  possession  of  free  traders,  what  more  natural 
than  that  this  time  of  all  times  should  be  selected  for  the  delivery 
of  our  coastwise  carrying  to  foreign  maritime  interests?  With 
such  a  purpose  in  the  minds  of  our  foreign  maritime  rivals  ever 
since  1854,  and  with  the  opportunity  now  presented  of  putting  it 
into  effect,  why  should  they  not  seize  and  make  the  most  of  it? 

Ever  since  the  Spanish-American  war  there  has  been  a  redoubling 
of  free-trade  activity  in  the  line  of  turning  American  coastwise  carry- 
ing over  to  aliens.  With  the  extension  of  our  coastwise  navigation 
laws  successively  to  Alaska,  Hawaii  and  Porto  Rico,  and  the  opening 
of  the  Panama  Canal,  ever  increasing  fleets  of  oceangoing  American 
built  steamships  have  been  necessary,  because  none  but  American- 
built  vessels  may  engage  in  our  domestic  carrying,  under  a  law  that 
kas  been  among  our  statutes  uninterruptedly  since  1817, 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        245 


II. 

So  long  as  our  domestic  carrying  was  conducted  in  vessels  of  a 
type  that  was  unsuited  to  oceangoing,  especially  foreign  going, 
business,  foreign  opposition  to  the  growth  of  our  domestic  marine 
was  not  pronounced.  But  as  soon  as  it  was  apparent  that  the 
accommodation  of  the  most  rapidly  growing  portion  of  our  domestic 
carrying,  that  between  our  Insular  possessions,  Alaska  and  through 
the  Panama  Canal  in  the  coast  to  coast  trade,  necessitated  the 
construction  and  operation  of  ships  capable  of  engaging  in  any  trade 
of  all  of  the  seven  seas,  then  the  menace  of  American  maritime 
revival  became  too  acute  for  further  postponement  of  the  defeat 
of  that  effort.  Circumstances  seemed  to  lend  themselves  to  the 
defeat  of  that  effort.  President  Wilson  discovered,  and  publicly 
declared,  that  our  coastwise  carrying  was  a  "monopoly."  It  has 
been  so  declared  by^free  traders  in  and  out  of  Congress  for  two  or 
three  years,  ever  since  opposition  developed  to  the  repeal  of  the 
law  that  relieved  vessels  in  our  coast  to  coast  trade  from  the  pay- 
ment of  Panama  Canal  tolls. 

If  a  demand  for  American  built  oceangoing  steamships  continues 
long  enough,  even  if  such  a  demand  is  confined  to  American  ships 
for  use  only  in  our  coastwise  carrying,  it  must  be  apparent  that  in 
time  the  supply  would  be  of  so  extensive  a  character  as  to  bring 
about  methods  of  construction,  economies  and  efficiency  in  American 
shipyards  that  would  enable  American  builders  to  compete  success- 
fully with  foreign  shipbuilders.  In  such  an  event  it  would  not  be 
long  before  the  trident  of  Neptune,  said  to  be  the  "sceptre  of  the 
world,"  would  be  lodged  in  American  hands.  No  free^  trader  on 
earth  wants  that  to  happen,  least  of  all  our  foreign  maritime  rivals. 

The  way  to  kill  off  such  a  menace,  for  good  and  all,  is  to  kill  off 
American  shipbuilding.  That  destroyed,  the  danger  is  past.  Now, 
therefore,  while  it  costs  substantially  more — I  mean,  of  course,  in 
normal  times — to  build  ships  in  this  country  than  it  costs  to  build 
them  in  other  countries,  now  is  the  appointed  time  to  admit  to  our 
coastwise  carrying  foreign-built  ships  owned  by  American  citizens 
or  corporations.  As  to  American  corporate  ownership  of  foreign- 
built  ships,  it  can  be  accomplished  in  this  easy  way  without  dis- 
turbing in  the  least  real  foreign  ownership:  A  foreign  steamship 
line  may  be  sold  to  an  American  corporation,  the  foreign  owners  re- 
ceiving as  pay  the  stock  of  the  American  corporation  beyond  the 
few  nominal  shares  needed  for  the  few  American  directors  (dummies) 
required  to  conform  to  the  requirements  of  law.  An  American  cor- 
poration then  owns  the  ships,  which  are  entitled  to  employment 
in  our  domestic  carrying,  but  actual  ownership  still  remains  abroad. 

Of  course  the  moment  that  foreign-built  ships  are  admitted  to 
our  coastwise  carrying  no  one  will  order  ships  at  substantially 
higher  cost  from  American  builders.  If  our  builders  should  first 
succeed  in  reducing  cost  of  shipbuilding  to  the  foreign  level  such  an 
enactment  would  be  less  of  a  menace,  but  menace  enough,  neverthe- 
less. 

One  word  more  on  this  point:  Of  course  no  one  now  alive  is 
responsible  for  the  act  of  1817  reserving  our  domestic  carrying 
for  American-built  vessels.  President  Wilson  would  undoubtedly 
find,  if  he  should  investigate  the  antecedents  of  that  act,  that  it  was 
then  regarded  and  accepted  "as  good  Democratic  doctrine,"  that 
is  to  say  the  "monopoly"  he  has  discovered  in  our  coastwise  carry- 
ing is  of  Democratic  creation.  If  it  is  a  "  monopoly' '  when  participa- 
tion in  it  is  open  to  100,000,000  American  citizens,  it  is  a  law  created 
monopoly,  and  no  one  is  permitted  to  participate  in  our  coastwise 
carrying  who  does  not  have  his  Vessel  built  in  American  ship- 
yards. Vice  versa,  any  American  citizen  who  has  a  vessel  built  in 
an  American  shipyard  may  run  her  in  the  coastwise  trade  of  the 
United  States.  But  for  the  purposes  of  our  foreign  maritime  rivals 
and  to  satisfy  the  economic  fanaticism  of  American  free  traders  it 
is  decreed  that  American  maritime  interests  must  be  strangled 
aborning.  *     • 

III. 

As  to  putting  the  Government  into  the  merchant  shipping  busi- 
ness.    It  may  build,  buy  and  charter  merchant  vessels  and  such 


346         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

vessels  may  engage  in  any  American  trade.  This  bill  was  decreed 
because  of  the  failure  of  the  free-ship  legislation  of  August  18, 
1914.  Out  of  a  carefully  estimated  American  ownership  of  2,500,000 
gross  tons  of  vessels  under  foreign  flags  but  slightly  more  than 
600,000  tons  have  come  under  American  registry,  although  the  free- 
ship  law  not  only  admitted  foreign  built  vessels  owned  by  American 
citizens  and  corporations  to  American  registry  for  foreign  carry- 
ing, but  every  law,  rule  and  regulation  growing  out  of  our  steam- 
boat inspection  service,  designed  only  to  safeguard  life  and  property 
under  the  American  flag,  has  been  suspended  in  respect  to  these 
naturalized  foreign-built  ships,  and  their  alien  masters  and  officers 
are  permitted  to  command  and  officer  them.  Besides,  these  vessels 
and  their  cargoes  are  insurable  under  our  Federal  war  risk  insurance 
act.  When  the  war  ends,  it  has  been  the  expressed  view  of  represen- 
tatives of  the  Administration,  many  of  these  naturalized  foreign- 
built  ships  will  revert  to  foreign  registries,  foreseeing  which  the 
Administration  Government  ownership  bill  has  been  foisted  upon 
and  unsuspecting  and  indifferent  people,  the  political  purpose 
of  which  is  to  throw  dust  in  the  eyes  of  the  American  people  by 
making  them  "see"  and  therefore  believe  that  the  Democratic 
Administration  has  solved  a  problem  that  has  vexed  the  souls  of 
American  legislators  for  over  half  a  century. 

In  the  ten  years  preceding  Democratic  control  of  Congress  every 
minority  report  made  by  Democratic  members  of  Congressional 
committees  dealing  with  bills  designed  to  build  up  American  shipping 
in  foreign  trade  favored  the  old  policy  of  discriminating  duties — 
every  report.  On  February  26,  1910,  when  the  Democrats  were  in 
the  minority.  Representative  Underwood  made  a  great  speech  on  the 
floor  of  the  House,  strongly  opposing  subsidies  and  ardently  advo- 
cating a  return  to  "the  policies  of  the  fathers,"  to  the  policy  adopted 
by  the  first  Congress  under  the  present  Constitution,  a  policy  framed 
and  enacted  by  the  men  who  had  participated  in  framing  and  hav- 
ing adopted  the  Constitution  which  we  rejoice  to  live  under— a  policy 
based  upon  "the  constitutional  regulation  of  commerce,"  which  in 
recent  years  Democratic  national  platforms  have  invoked  for  the 
rehabilitation  of  our  shipping  in  foreign  carrying.  As  argument  in 
behalf  of  this  early  American  policy  of  discriminating  duties  Demo- 
crats were  able  to  "point  with  pride"  to  the  fact  that  from  1789 
until  1861,  a  period  wholly  antedating  Republican  participation  in 
governmental  affairs,  American  ships  carried  an  average — mark 
this,  an  average — of  80  per  cent  of  the  entire  imports  and  exports 
of  the  United  States,  and  during  sixty-one  of  these  seventy-two  years 
the  early  American  policy  of  discriminating  duties  was  in  full  or 
partial  effect. 

IV. 

It  is  worth  emphasizing  that  for  nearly  three-quarters  of  a  cen- 
tury four-fifths  of  the  foreign  carrying  trade  of  the  United  States 
was  conducted  in  American  bottoms,  ships  built  in  the  United 
States,  wholly  owned  by  American  citizens,  commanded,  officered 
and  manned  by  American  citizens.  And  this  was  under  a  policy 
that  merely  increased  the  customs  duty  on  imports  in  foreign  vessels 
over  the  amount  of  the  duty  imposed  on  imports  in  American 
vessels.  It  took  nothing  from  the  national  Treasury.  On  the 
contrary,  it  was  a  revenue  getter,  in  that  to  the  extent  that  im- 
ports came  to  us  in  foreign  vessels  the  national  revenues  were 
increased. 

When  Senator  Underwood  was  chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means 
Committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives  he  inserted  in  his 
tariff  bill,  with  the  full  approval  of  every  Democratic  member,  a 
provision  reducing  the  duty  5  per  cent  on  all  imports  in  American 
vessels.  From  the  moment  the  tariff  bill  saw  the  light  of  day  the 
5  per  cent  discount  section  was  bitterly  and  consistently  opposed 
by  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  McAdoo,  Nvho  during  the  past  couple 
of  years  has  crossed  and  recrossed  the  American  continent  lament- 
ing upon  the  decline  of  an  American  merchant  marine  and  demand- 
ing, for  the  nation's  protection  and  welfare,  the  immediate  crea- 
tion of  a  naval  auxiliary  merchant  marine.     Before  the  bill  was  a 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         347 

month  old  Secretary  McAdoo  was  writing  to  the  State  Department 
for  an  opinion  as  to  the  meaning  of  this  section,  and  although  he 
failed  to  have  it  stricken  out  in  the  House  he  succeeded  in  the 
Senate,  but  Mr.  Underwood  had  it  restored  in  conference,  and  it 
was  enacted  along  with  the  rest  of  the  bill.  What  then?  Failing 
to  persuade  Mr.  Underwood  to  have  an  act  passed  repealing  the 
5  per  cent  discount  section.  Secretary  McAdoo  obtained  an  "opin- 
ion" from  our  then  Attorney-General,  Mr.  McReynolds,  to  the 
effect  that  the  section  was  unenforceable.  Twice  since  that  time 
the  courts  have  declared  the  section  is  enforceable,  but  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  McAdoo,  the  man  who  wants  a  naval  auxiliary 
American  merchant  marine,  and  who  is  charged  with  the  duty  of 
enforcing  a  law  designed  to  give  us  an  American  naval  auxiliary 
merchant  marine,  refuses  to  enforce  it. 

And  so  Senator  Gallinger  of  New  Hampshire  has  introduced  a 
bill  that  would  restore  the  old  policy  of  discriminating  duties  in 
the  right  way,  by  increasing  the  duty  on  imports  in  foreign  vessels 
rather  than  'reducing  the  duty  on  imports  in  American  vessels, 
applicable  to  all  imports,  dutiable  or  undutiable;  a  bill  that  would 
increase  the  national  revenue  $165,000,000  the  first  year  of  its 
operation,  that  would  at  least  partially  restore  protection,  and  thus 
prosperity,  to  our  country,  and,  most  of  all,  that  would  recreate 
an  American  merchant  marine  and  maintain  it  in  foreign  carrying. 


NO  PEACE  EXPORTS 

Our  prosperity  has  come  through  the  blood  and  misery  of 
our  fellow  men.  In  it  there  is  nothing  of  which  to  boast, 
and  much  to  regret. 

If  anything  further  is  needed  to  show  that  the  war  was  the 
cause  of  an  enormous  increase  in  the  demand  for  our  products, 
it  can  be  found  by  an  examination  of  the  exports  of  products 
not  used  in  war,  which  notwithstanding  slight  increases  to 
some  countries,  as  a  whole  were  reduced.  The  exports  of 
agricultural  implements,  for  example,  fell  ofif  about  one-half 
in  1916  as  compared  with  1914;  for  reapers,  plows,  and  mow- 
ers are  implements  of  peace  alone.  Typewriters  are  not  used 
in  war,  although  the  present  administration  conducts  its 
conflicts  with  them,  and  their  exports  fell  off.  Sewing  ma- 
chines were  only  exported  about  one-half  as  much  as  in 
normal  times.  Exports  of  stoves,  structural  iron,  and  sheet 
metal  were  greatly  reduced.  The  warring  nations  are  digging 
trenches  instead  of  building  houses  and  we  exported  about 
50  per  cent  less  of  lumber  as  compared  with  times  before  the 
war.  In  normal  times  the  Underwood  Tariff,  like  every  other 
revenue  Tariff,  increased  our  imports  and  lessened  our  ex- 
ports, until  the  balance  of  trade  was  against  us.  The  fact  is 
that  but  for  the  war  our  exports  instead  of  being  so  much 
greater  would  actually  have  been  less  than  in  times  of  peace. 

Facts  are  stubborn  things  that  will  not  down.  In  the  face 
of  these  facts  do  our  Democratic  friends  seriously  think  that 
they  can  make  the  people  believe  that  the  war  is  not  the 
cause  of  the  temporary  prosperity  that  we  are  now  enjoying? 
Do  they  think  that  our  citizens  will  forget  that  when  the  war 
broke  out  our  industries  were  depressed^  our  workmen  largelj' 
out  of  employment,  the  balance  of  trade  against  us,  and  our 
gold  going  abroad  and  a  general  panic  impending?  If  so, 
they  will  find  in  November  that  the  country  realizes  that 
nothing  but  a  Republican  protective  Tariff  will  save  us  from 
calamity  when  peace  resumes  its  normal  sway. — Representa- 
tive Green,  of  Iowa,  in  Congress,  August  5,  1916. 


When  Mr.  Wilson  said  the  Mexicans  must  be  permitted 
to  shed  all  the  blood  they  want  to,  whose  blood  did  he  mean — 
that  of  Mexicans  or  that  of  Americans? 


Civil  Service 


DEMOCRATIC  RAIDS  UPON  THE  OFFICES   UNDER 
ITS  PROTECTION. 

The  Administration  of  President  Wilson  has  been  marked 
by  repeated  raids  upon  offices  heretofore  under  civil  service 
protection.  During  Republican  Administrations  there  had 
been  built  up  a  merit  system  in  all  branches  of  the  Govern- 
ment, until  practically  the  whole  Government  service  was 
being  conducted  along  strict  civil  service  lines,  where  original 
appointments  were  made  by  competitive  examinations  and 
where  promotions  depended  upon  efficiency  and  merit  alone. 

A  fair  picture  of  the  change  that  has  taken  place  in  the 
Government  service  since  Mr.  Wilson  came  into  office  can 
be  seen  ir^  the  following  extracts  from  the  official  proceedings 
of  the  National  Civil  Service  Reform  League.  Of  this  associ- 
ation Mr.  Wilson  was  once  Vice-President,  so  that  certainly 
the  League  would  not  have  any  bias  against  him  personally 
in  its  report  of  events  that  were  under  his  control.  The 
League  is  non-partisan,  and  therefore  there  can  be  no  trace 
of  undue  partisanship  in  what  it  has  to  say  regarding  the  acts 
of  this  Administration.  It  is  significant  that  at  each  annual 
meeting  of  the  League  since  Mr.  Wilson  was  inaugurated 
there  have  been  official  statements  made  of  Democratic  raids 
on  civil  service  places.  During  the  present  year  the  League 
has  shown  up  a  system  by  which  fourth-class  postmasters  are 
appointed  by  the  Postmaster  General  and  how^  President 
Wilson  refuses  to  have  any  inquiry  made  as  to  the  methods 
adopted.  So  in  each  of  the  years,  1913,  1914,  1915  and  1916, 
the  National  Civil  Service  Reform  League  has  made  formal 
and  public  protests  against  the  actions  of  the  present  Ad- 
ministration in  regard  to  tearing  down  the  merit  system  of 
appointments  in  the  public  service. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  things  that  the  League  had 
to  say  in  the  formal  proceedings  of  its  annual  meetings: 


ANNUAL  MEETING  DECEMBER  11,  1913 

Report  of  the  Council 

The  change  of  administration  in  Washington  has  been  fol- 
lowed by  serious  assaults  on  the  merit  system.  Early  in  the 
special  session  of  the  present  Congress,  signs  of  a  determina- 
tion to  overthrow  the  reward  system  became  manifest.  The 
first  serious  effort  came  in  the  form  of  a  rider  to  the  Tariff 
Bill,  providing  that  the  force  employed  for  the  collection  of 
the  income  tax,  should,  for  two  years,  be  appointed  without 
compliance  with  the  requirements  of  the  civil  service  law. 
The  exemption  of  this  force  is  peculiarly  dangerous,  because 
of  the  great  inquisitorial  powers  which  will  vest  in  these 
collectors,  carrying  with  them  rich  opportunities  for  corrupt 
favoritism  or  oppression  in  the  collection  of  the  tax,  if  the 
appointment  of  the  force  is  not  safeguarded  from  politics 
by  the  barriers  of  the  merit  system.  The  amendment  was 
scathingly  criticised  by  the  press. 

348 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        349 

Upon  the  heels  of  this  came  a  worse  rider  to  the  urgent 
deficiency  appropriation  bill,  removing  from  the  competitive 
classified  service  practically  all  deputy  collectors  of  internal 
revenue  and  deputy  United  States  marshals.  The  deputy 
collectors  had  been  in  the  competitive  classified  service  since 
1907;  the  deputy  marshals  since  1909.  For  their  exemption 
there  is  no  shadow  of  an  excuse.  The  exemption  of  the 
deputies  can  work  only  injury  to  the  service,  not  merely 
through  lowering  its  efficiency,  but  through  increasing  the 
political  activity  of  the  deputies,  which  will  again  be  felt  with 
special  force  in  the  Southern  states. 

After  the  passage  of  the  measure,  the  League  urged  the 
President  to  veto  the  bill.  To  the  deep  regret  of  the  League, 
however,  the  President  signed  the  bill. 

The  League  regrets  that  in  the  selection  of  ministers  abroad 
the  President  has  in  many  cases  displaced  experienced, 
trained  diplomats  with  men  of  neither  experience  nor  training, 
in  some  cases  apparently  distributing  these  posts  as  mere 
political  rewards. 

The  Civil  Service  Commission  has  been  reorganized,  the 
President  retaining  Commissioner  Mcllhenny,  and  appointing 
Mr.  Galloway,  of  South  Carolina,  and  Mr.  Craven,  of  the 
State  of  Washington.  Neither  of  the  new  members  has  had 
any  experience  in  Civil  Service  matters.  It  is  unfortunate  that 
in  making  the  changes  in  the  commission's  personnel  the 
President  did  not  select  men  of  some  practical  experience  in 
civil   service    administration. 

The  changes  in  federal  offices  since  March  4,  1913,  have 
been  numerous;  thirty  per  cent  of  the  Presidential  post- 
masters have  been  changed;  46  per  cent  of  the  collectors  o^ 
internal  revenue;  36  per  cent  of  the  United  States  district 
attorneys;  and  20  per  cent  of  the  registers  of  the  general  land 
office.  In  some  cases  appointments  have  been  distinctly 
political,  notably  in  such  instances  as  the  appointment  of 
William  J.  Harris  to  succeed  E.  Dana  Durand  as  director 
of  the  census  and  Patrick  H.  Quinn,  a  Democratic  district 
leader  of  Brooklyn,  to  be  shipping  commissioner  of  New 
York  City.  (This  report  was  made  December  11,  1913,  so 
that  these  changes  were  made  in  the  first  nine  months  in 
which  the  Wilson   administration   held   office.) 

Among  the  resolutions  adopted  was  this: 

The  League  deeply  regrets  as  serious  backward  steps  the  riders  to  the 
income  tax  provision  and  the  Urgent  Deficiency  Bill,  respectively,  exempt- 
ing thousands  of  positions  from  the  rules  governing  the  classified  service. 

In  an  address  of  Charles  W.  Eliot,  President  of  the  League, 
is  the  following: 

Out  of  II  Ambassadors  8  have  been  replaced  and  out  of  35  Ministers 
22  have  been  replaced,  with  the  result  that  men  of  long  experience  have 
been  replaced  by  untrained  men.  A  single  illustration  of  this  sort  must 
suffice:  Henry  Morgenthau,  Chairman  of  the  Democratic  Finance  Com- 
mittee, displaced  William  Rockhill  as  Minister  Extraordinary  and  Envoy 
Plenipotentiary  to  Turkey.  Mr.  Morganthau  was  wholly  without  experi- 
ence in  diplomacy.  Mr.  Rockhill  had  been  in  the  diplomatic  service  for 
nineteen  years  as  chief  clerk  and  third  assistant  secretary  in  the  De- 
partment of  State,  Minister  and  Consul  General  to  Greece,  Roumania  and 
Servia,  Director  of  the  International  Bureau  of  American  Republics,  Com- 
missioner of  the  United  States  in  1900-1901  in  connection  with  the  Boxer 
insurrection  in  China,  Minister  to  China  in  1905,  Ambassador  to  Russia 
in  1909,  and  thence  transferred  to  Constantinople  in  191 1.  Of  the  22 
Ministers  displaced,  13  had  had  several  years'  experience  in  diplomatic 
service.     None  of  the  22  new  appointees  had  ever  had  any  experience. 

ANNUAL  MEETING  DECEMBER  3,  1914 
Report  of  the  Council 

The  third  inroad  on  the  classified  service  has  followed  in 
short  order:  On  the  eve  of  the  passage  of  the  Currency  Bill 
there  was  offered  an  amendment  directing  that  employees  of 
the  federal  reserve  board  be  appointed  without  complying  with 


350        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

the  requirements  of  the  civil  service  law.  Despite  almost  uni- 
versal condemnation  of  this  item  as  the  most  indefensible 
spoils  grab  in  years,  it  was  retained  in  the  act  by  a  majority 
of  one,  Vice-President  Marshall  breaking  a  tie  and  casting 
his  vote  in  favor  of  the  spoils  rider.  As  soon  as  the  officers 
of  the  League  were  informed  of  this  action  of  the  Senate, 
the  President,  the  members  of  the  House,  and  the  conferees 
on  the  bill  were  urged  to  reverse  the  action  of  the  Senate. 
The  House  Democratic  managers,  however,  accepted  the 
Senate  amendment  without  demur  and  the  bill  was  signed 
by  the  President. 

The  Indian  appropriation  bill  furnished  the  next  oppor- 
tunity for  attack  on  the  law.  To  this  measure  a  section  was  at- 
tached exempting  over  one  hundred  physicians  in  the  Indian 
service  from  the  operation  of  the  civil  service  law.  In  some 
respects  this  rider  was  worse  than  any  of  its  predecessors. 
The  Indians  affected  by  the  legislation  are  the  wards  of  the 
Nation.  To  entrust  the  care  of  their  health  to  any  but  physi- 
cians of  sound  training  and  high  qualifications  would  be 
little  short  of  criminal.  In  the  Indian  service  itself,  the  evi- 
dence conclusively  shows  that  physicians  employed  under 
the  contract  system  without  examination  are  far  inferior  to 
those  who  have  been  selected  through  competition.  In  the 
face  of  this  evidence  the  House  took  the  places  out  of  the 
classified  service. 

In  spite  of  the  open  disapproval  of  the  business  interests  of 
the  country,  Congress  next  accepted  the  statement  of  the 
Secretary  of  Commerce  that  fourteen  important  positions 
of  commercial  attache  credited  to  American  ministers  abroad 
should  be  filled  without  regard  to  the  civil  service  law.  In 
urging  the  appointment  of  these  attaches  on  a  merit  basis, 
the  League  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  as  unclassified 
positions  they  would  be  regarded  by  members  of  Secretary 
Redfield's  party  as  legitimate  party  spoils.  Nevertheless 
these  positions  were  removed  from  the  merit  system. 

Congress  completed  the  reactionary  record  in  the  passage 
of  the  trade  commission  bill  by  exempting  attorneys,  special 
experts  and  examiners  of  the  new  board  from  the  operation 
of  the  law. 

Among  the  resolutions  adopted  at  this  meeting  was  the 
following: 

The  League  especially  condemns  the  policy  of  the  present  Postmaster 
General  in  inviting  the  advice  of  the  Congressman  of  the  district  relative 
to  the  comparative  qualifications  of  the  three  eligibles  for  all  fourth  class 
postmasterships  therein.  This  is  in  direct  violation  of  the  Civil  Service 
Law,  and  practically  makes  these  positions  the  patronage  of  Congressmen 
belonging  to  the  party  in  power.  [Under  President  Taft  the  positions  of 
fourth  class  postmasters  were  put  entirely  under  civil  service  rule  and 
regulation.] 

ANNUAL  MEETING  DECEMBER  2,  1915 
Report  of  the  Council 

The  League  during  the  past  year  advocated  before  the 
President  and  the  Postmaster  General  the  adoption  of  the 
policy  of  retaining  in  office  the  persons  who  have  risen 
through  the  ranks  to  the  position  of  postmaster,  as  in  this 
way  it  would  be  made  known  that  all  men  who  devoted  them- 
selves to  the  public  service  as  a  career  would  receive  recogni- 
tion by  promotion  to  the  highest  offices  which  their  worth 
deserves.  The  attention  of  the  postoffice  department  was  in- 
vited to  the  successful  promotion  to  postmasterships  in  the 
case  of  the  postmaster  at  Norfolk  and  the  postmaster  at 
New  York  City. 

Mr.  Wright,  the  postmaster  at  Norfolk,  has  been  super- 
seded by  a  political  appointee,  and  the  removal  of  Mr. 
Morgan,  the  postmaster  at  New  York  City,  to  make  a  place 


A 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— X916         351 

for  a  Democratic  henchman  is  anticipated  by  the  newspaper 
reports.  (One  of  the  leaders  of  Tammany  Hall  in  New  York, 
Mr.  Robert  F.  Wagner,  was  named  by  the  President  as  post- 
master at  New  York  City,  but  declined  the  appointment  and 
it  is  understood  that  another  appointment  will  not  be  made 
until  after  election.) 

A  fact  which  went  far  to  improve  conditions  in  the  foreign 
service  was  the  investigation  of  the  so-called  "Santo-Domingo 
diplomatic  scandal,"  in  which  Minister  James  Mark  Sullivan 
was  accused  of  having  improper  relations  with  the  Banco 
Nacional.  As  a  result  of  the  investigation  Mr.  Sullivan  re- 
signed. 

CIVIL  SERVICE   BOARD   KEEPS   RECORDS   SECRET 
"Might  be  Embarrassing  to  the  Administration." 

The  National  Civil  Service  Reform  League  made  public  on 
August  6,  1916,  some  correspondence  between  the  League, 
the  Federal  Civil  Service  Commission,  and  President  Wilson 
in  regard  to  the  examination  of  fourth-class  postmasters  under 
an  executive  order  of  May  7,  1913,  and  has  this  to  say: 

The  Commission  has  refused  to  allow  the  League  access 
to  the  formal  records  of  the  results  of  this  examination,  which 
involved  nearly  50,000  postmasters. 

So  far,  the  President  has  sustained  the  Commission's  ruling. 
The  League  declares  that  this  is  the  first  time  in  its  existence 
that  information  as  to  the  public  administrative  work  of 
the  Federal  Commission  has  been  denied  to  it,  except  during 
a  short  period  in  the  year  1899.  The  League  charges  that  in 
refusing  its  request  the  present  Commission  has  inaugurated 
a  policy  of  secrecy  full  of  foreboding  for  the  proper  adminis- 
tration of  the  civil  service  law. 

Complaints  have  come  to  the  League  during  the  past  three 
years  that  the  practical  effect  of  the  executive  order  of  May 
7,  1913,  requiring  fourth-class  postmasters  to  submit  to  com- 
petitive examination,  was  in  many  instances  to  secure  the  ap- 
pointment of  Democratic  postmasters  in  place  of  the  former 
incumbents,  most  of  whom  were  Republicans.  Other  com- 
plaints have  reached  the  League  that  Postmaster-General 
Burleson,  in  putting  into  effect  his  policy  of  motorization  of 
the  rural  free  delivery  service,  turned  out  the  old  rural  carriers 
and  filled  the  vacancies  in  large  part  with  Democrats  who 
took   new    examinations. 

In  order  to  investigate -these  complaints  and  to  determine 
whether  the  civil  service  law  was  being  impartially  admin- 
istered, the  League  has  been  endeavoring  for  the  past  two 
years  to  obtain  the  facts  with  regard  to  the  conduct  and  re- 
sults of  the  examinations   in   question. 

A  conference  between  the  Commission  and  members  of 
the  League's  council  was  held  in  Washington  on  March  31. 
1916.  At  that  conference,  according  to  the  League,  John 
A.  Mcllhenny,  president  of  the  Commission,  told  Richard  H. 
Dana,  president  of  the  League,  that  if  access  were  given  to 
these  records  it  might  lead  to  such  criticism  of  the  administra- 
tion as  would  seriously  embarrass  it.  Commissioner  Mc- 
llhenny consequently  persisted  in  his  refusal  to  grant  the 
League's  request. 

President  Wilson  refused  to  accept  the  League's  version 
of  Mr.  Mcllhenny's  statement,  and  stood  by  the  Commission. 
He  wrote  Mr.  Dana  saying  that  he  had  referred  the  League's 
correspondence  to  the  Commission,  "with  the  suggestion 
that  in  their  annual  report  for  the  year  1916  the  Commission 
disclose  the  method  employed  by  them  and  by  the  Postoffice 
Department  in  administering  the  executive  order  referred  to. 
together  with  the  results  obtained  thereby."  The  League  did 
not  take  kindly  to  this   suggestion,  as   it   sought  names  and 


352        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

facts  as  well  as  "methods"  and  "results."  Moreover,  the  Com- 
mission's next  annual  report  is  not  likely  to  be  published  until 
after  election  day. 

The  fourth-class  postmasters  were  "covered  in"  under  the 
Roosevelt  and  Taft  administrations — that  is,  the  men  Avho 
then  occupied  the  offices  were,  by  executive  order  and  with- 
out examination,  enrolled  in  the  competitive  class  of  the 
civil  service.  Just  two  months  after  he  took  office,  Presi- 
dent Wilson  issued  a  new  executive  order,  the  effect  of  which 
was  to  throw  the  great  bulk  of  the  fourth-class  postmaster- 
ships  open  to  competitive  examination,  in  which  newcomers 
stood  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  former  incumbents.  From 
the  beginning  the  National  Civil  Service  Reform  League 
viewed  this  procedure  with  suspicion,  because  under  the  regu- 
lations of  the  Commission,  the  Postmaster  General  might 
appoint  to  a  given  office  any  one  of  the  three  candidates 
standing  highest  on  the  eligible  list  resulting  from  such  exam- 
ination. This  gave  the  Postmaster-General  a  chance  to  con- 
sult with  members  of  Congress,  and  on  their  recommendation 
to  replace  a  politically  objectionable  incumbent,  even  though 
he  passed  the  examination  with  the  highest  rating,  by  either 
of  the  other  two  men  at  the  head  of  the  list. 

As  early  as  September  lo,  1913,  the  secretary  of  the  League 
made  formal  request  by  letter,  without  satisfactory  result, 
for  permission  to  examine  some  of  the  Commission's  records 
with  regard  to  the  fourth-class  postmasterships.  On  April 
13,  1914,  the  League  renewed  its  request,  this  time  making 
application  to  examine  the  records  of  the  office  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  the  following  specific  information;  the  number 
of  candidates  who  took  part  in  the  examinations,  the  names 
of  the  successful  candidates  with  their  ratings,  the  names  of 
the  candidates  appointed  from  the  list,  and  whether  the 
previous  incumbents  of  the  offices  entered  the  examinations. 
The  Commission  denied  the  League's  request,  on  the  ground 
that  such  action  was  necessary  "in  the  interest  of  the  public 
business,  owing  to  the  congestion  of  the  work  of  the  office." 

The  conference  of  March  31,  1916,  having  failed  to  accom- 
plish its  object,  the  secretary  of  the  League  on  April  19  reiter- 
ated its  request  for  permission  to  examine  the  eligible  regis- 
ters, and  asked  the  Commission  to  establish  a  general  rule 
granting  public  inspection  of  the  records  of  the  Commission 
under  proper  supervision.  No  reply  was  received  to  this 
letter,  and  the  request  was  repeated  on  May  24.  A  week 
later  the  League  took  the  matter  up  with  President  Wilson 
himself.  Through  his  secretary,  the  President  asked  the 
League  to  furnish  him  with  further  information. 

Accordingly,  on  July  3,  the  League  complied  with  the 
President's  request  by  sending  him  a  memorandum  in  regard 
to  its  controversy  with  the  Federal  Civil  Service  Commission. 
In  a  letter  accompanying  the  memorandum,  President  Dana 
said: 

The  Commission  has  not  only  refused  to  grant  us  access  to  the  records 
under  proper  supervision,  but  has  also  failed  to  establish  a  general  rule. 
We,  therefore,  respectfully  ask  you  to  issue  an  Executive  order  wrhich  will 
put  an  end  to  the  policy  of  secrecy. 

We  desire  to  state  with  all  frankness  that  the  Leag-ue  believes  that  the 
present  policy  of  secrecy  is  a  denial  of  a  right  which  belongs  to  the 
individual  or  an  association  of  individuals  in  a  democracy  to  know  what 
their  officials  are  4oin&  and  how  they  are  doing  it. 

At  various  times  since  the  Executive  order  of  May  7,  191 3,  in  relation 
to  fourth-class  postmasters,  many  complaints  and  charges  have  been  made 
to  the  officers  of  the  League,  alleging  that  its  practical  effect  has  been  to 
secure  the  appointment  of  postmasters  belonging  to  the  political  party 
now  dominant  and  recommended  by  members  of  Congress  or  other  promi- 
nent politicians  belonging  to  that  party  in  preference  to  applicants  or  in- 
cumbents, better  qualified  to  discharge  the  duties  of  the  office,  but  con- 
nected with  another  political  party.  Within  the  past  six  months  similar 
complaints  and  charges  have  been  received  with  respect  to  the  appoint- 
ment  of  motor  rural  carriers   on   certain   routes. 

In  accordance  with  its  unvarying-  custom  during  the  thirty-five  years  of 
its    existence    the    League,    having  Yirst   ascertained,    by    a   preliminary    en- 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         358 

quir^,  that  these  charges  are  not  frivolous,  has  referred  them  for  investiga- 
tion and  report  to  a  competent  committee.  The  report  of  this  committee 
may  be  given  to  the  public  later  in  the  present  year,  if  this  course  shall 
be  deemed  appropriate  by  the  governing  body  of  the  League.  It  is 
obvious  that  access  to  the  registers  above  mentioned  is  desirable  to  enable 
the  League  to  make  the  publication  in  question  (if  it  shall  be  made)  with 
the  benefit  of  the  best   information  obtainable. 

President  Wilson's  Reply 

To  this  letter  and  memorandum,  the  President  made  reply- 
on  July  19,  in  the  following  communication  addressed  to  the 
President  of •  the  National  Civil  Service  Reform  League: 

My  Dear  Mr.    Dana: 

I  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  communication  of  the  third  instant 
transmitting  copy  of  a  memorandum  relating  to  the  request  of  your 
League  to  obtain  access  to  the  records  of  the  Federal  Civil  Service  Com- 
mission with  regard  to  fourth-class  postmasters,  and  requesting  that  I 
issue  an  order  directing  the  Civil  Service  Commission  to  permit  a  com- 
mittee from  your  organization  to  examine  the  records  of  the  Commission 
relative  to  the  certification  and  appointment  of  postmasters  of  the  fourth 
class  under  the  Executive  Order  of  May  7,    1913. 

In  reply  I  would  advise  that  the  correspondence  which  you  have  fur- 
nished me  is  being  referred  to  the  Civil  Service  Commission  with  the 
suggestion  that  in  their  annual  report  for  the  fiscal  year  19 16  the  Com- 
mission disclose  the  method  employed  by  them  and  by  the  Post  Office 
Department  in  administering  the  Executive  Order  referred  to,  together 
with  the  results  obtained  thereby.  The  Chairman  of  the  Civil  Service 
Commission  advises  me  that  the  allegation  made  on  page  5  of  the  memo- 
randum, dated  June  17,  1916,  conveys  the  wrong  impression  and  that  his 
refusal  to  grant  your  League  access  to  the  Civil  Service  Record  was  not 
based  on  any  fear  that  the  records  would  lead  to  criticism  of  the  Admin- 
istration. He  states  that  there  is  not  the  slightest  apprehension  that  any 
proper  criticism  can  be  made  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Executive 
Order  has  been  administered  and  that  his  refusal  to  permit  general  access 
to  the  files  and  the  holding  of  such  records  as  confidential,  investigating 
on  their  merits  all  cases  of  alleged  improper  action  brought  to  the  attention 
of  the  Commission,  is  based  upon  good  administrative  practice,  as  is  ex- 
plained in  a  letter  of  the  Commission  to  you  under  date  of  May  2T,  1916, 
the  transmission  of  which  has  been  delayed.     Sincerely  yours, 

(Signed)  WOODROW    WILSON. 

Two  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  President's  letter  there 
was  received  in  the  offices  of  the  League  the  Commission's 
letter,  the  transmission  of  which  the  President  said  had  been 
"delayed."  This  letter  was  in  answer  to  the  League's  letter 
of  April  19,  was  dated  May  27,  and  was  received  on  July  22. 

"The  long  established  and  consistent  practice  of  the  Com- 
mission in  regarding  its  records  as  privileged  had  the  ex- 
press sanction  of  Presidents  Roosevelt  and  Taft,"  said  the 
Commission  in  its  letter.  "The  Commission  regards  the  prac- 
tice as  wise  and  necessary  to  good  administration  and  it  feels 
that  the  practice  should  not  be  changed. 

"The  records  of  the  Commission  as  well  as  of  the  executive 
departments  are  ordinarily  open  to  either  House  of  Congress 
and  if  it  is  believed  that  the  Commission  is  hiding  things 
which  should  be  disclosed,  it  is  competent  for  either  House 
of  Congress  to  make  demand  for  the  records,  and  the  Com- 
mission  would  then   determine   its  action. 

"If  it  is  important  that  the  charges  made  to  the  League 
should  be  thoroughly  investigated,  it  is  believed  that  they 
should  be  referred  to  the  body  constituted  by  law  to  make 
such  investigation.  An  investigation  by  an  outside  body 
may  be  ex  parte,  partisan,  mischievous,  imperfect  and  cal- 
culated grossly  to  mislead  the  public,  and  attack  and  embar- 
rass an  administration,  as  experience  has  shown.  The  Com- 
mission, on  .the  other  hand,  has  the  legal  machinery  and  ex- 
perience needed  to  conduct  such  an  investigation  and  its  work 
may  be  reviewed  by  the  President  and  a  committee  of  Con- 
gress." 

Dana  Replies  to  President  Wilson 

Finally,  on  August  i,  Mr.  Dana  wrote  to  President  Wilson 
acknowledging  the  receipt  of  his  letter  and  reviewing  at 
length  the  findings  of  the  Commission  as  given  in  its  com- 
munication of  May  27.     In  his  letter  Mr.  Dana  said: 


354         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

May  we  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  such  eligible  lists  are  con- 
stantly made  public  in  all  parts  of  the  country  by  State  and  Civil  Se'rvice 
Commissions?  During  the  entire  existence  of  the  National  Civil  Service 
Reform  League  prior  to  your  Administration  information  as  to  the  public 
administrative  work  of  the  Federal  Commission  has  never  been  refused  to 
us,   Except  during   a   short  period   in   the   year    1899. 

The  reasons  given  by  the  Commission  for  this  concealment  are  con- 
tradictory and  inconsistent.  In  its  letter  to  the  League  of  April  24,  1914, 
it  says:  "This  action  is  necessary  in  the  interests  of  public  business 
owing  to  the  congestion  of  the  work  in  the  office."  Yet  after  we  had 
waited  nearly  two  years,  when  it  might  properly  be  assumed  that  this 
congestion  had  been  overcome,  we  were  told  by  Mr.  Mcllhenny,  the 
President  of  the  Commission,  afour  Washington  conference  on  March  31, 
19 1 6,  that  if  access  were  given  to  these  records  it  might  lead  to  sucn 
criticism  of  the  Administration  as  would  seriously  embarrass  it.  Finally, 
in  its  letter  received  July  22,  the  Commission  amplifies  this  ground  for  its 
action  by  stating  that  an  investigation  by  an  outside  body  may  "mislead 
the  public  and  attack  and  embarrass  an  administration."  This,  therefore, 
appears  as   the  vital   reason   for  the  refusal. 

It  is  idle  to  say,  as  the  Commission  does  in  its  letter,  that 
it  is  "of  the  utmost  importance  that  the  League  and  the 
public  should  have  confidence  in  the  honest  and  intelligent 
administration  of  the  civil  service  law,  and  that  confidence 
should  not  be  withheld  upon  imaginary  grounds."  Grave  com- 
plaints have  been  made  and  detailed  specifications  given  that 
fourth-class  postmasterships  and  positions  in  the  motor  rural 
delivery  service  have  been  made  the  patronage  of  Congress- 
men, in  violation  of  the  civil  service  law,  by  the  action  of  the 
Postmaster-General  in  directing  that  eligible  lists  should  be 
referred  to  such  Congressmen  with  requests  for  their  recom- 
mendations, and  when  we  ask  for  an  inspection  of  lists  of 
eligibles  by  which  such,  complaints  can  be  established  or 
refuted,  the  Commission  refuses  to  allow  us  to  see  them  lest 
an  inspection  should  "embarrass  an  administration."  The  in- 
ference from  such  conduct  is  not  "imaginary."  The  general 
principles  of  law,  founded  upon  universal  experience,  declare 
that  the  suppression  of  evidence  furnishes  the  inevitable  in- 
ference of  indefensible  conduct  on  the  part  of  those  by  whom 
that  evidence  is  suppressed. 

While  earnestly  protesting  that  an  inspection  of  these  lists 
would  afford  no  proof  of  any  violation  of  the  civil  service 
law,  the  Commission  reminds  us  that  the  League  has  no 
special  privilege;  that  it  is  merely  a  part  of  the  general  public, 
and  that  if  a  disclosure  of  the  records  of  the  Commission  is 
desired,  the  way  to  obtain  that  is  to  apply  to  Congress  to 
investigate.  This  is  a  specious  suggestion,  which  would  de- 
ceive no  one  but  the  Commission.  Is  it  likely  that  Congress 
can  find  time  for  such  an  investigation  until  after  March, 
1917?  If  it  could  find  time,  is  it  likely  that  a  Democratic 
Congress  would  investigate  the  acts  of  a  branch  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic administration;  that  dispensers  of  patronage  would 
inquire  closely  into  the  record  of  its  dispensation? 


Argentine  shipments  of  wool  to  the  United  States  are  in- 
creasing at  a  great  rate  under  the  provisions  of  the  Demo- 
cratic Tariff  law.  From  October  i  to  December  23,  1915, 
31,396  bales  were  shipped  to  this  country,  compared  with 
3,317  bales  for  the  same  period  in  1914,  both  periods  being" 
under  the  Democratic  Tariff  law,  which  placed  wool  on  the 
free  list.    This  is  an  increase  of  846  per  cent. 


America  is  now  importing  a  large  quantity  of  cardboard 
boxes  from  Japan  to  supply  the  demand  of  drug,  gem,  orna- 
ment, toilet  goods,  candy  and  millinery  manufacturers.  Owing 
to  cheaper  materials  and  labor  Japan  can  afford  to  make  the 
boxes  at  a  better  price  than  American  firms.  Last  year  we 
imported  $1,250,143  worth  and  the  Japanese  see  a  splendid 
opportunity  in  keeping  this  trade  after  the  war,  if  the  tariff  is 
not  changed. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOCK— 1916         355 

WILSON  CONSTANTLY  CHANGES  FRONT 

By  Representative  William  R.  Wood,  of  Indiana 

When  Woodrow  Wilson  was  nominated  for  President  the 
Democratic  newspapers  and  text-books  contained  much  about 
his  peculiar  fitness  for  this  high  office  to  which  he  aspired. 
We  were  told  by  his  official  biographer  that  "forty  years  of 
constant  study  and  investigation  before  he  ever  became  a 
candidate  for  office  at  all"  had  qualified  him  for  this  place 
as  no  other  man  who  preceded  him  as  President  had 'been 
qualified.  That  he  was  better  grounded  in  the  science  of 
government.  That  he  had  such  a  high  conception  of  the  obli- 
gation of  public  office  that  he  would  be  less  liable  to  make 
mistakes  in  the  conduct  thereof.  That  he  was  a  positive 
character;  had  rare  good  judgment;  and  that  when  once 
]iis  judgment  was  formed  on  public  matters  he  would  not 
easily  reverse  that  judgment.  That  when  he  spoke  he  always 
used  the  right  word  in  the  right  place.  That  he  said  what 
he  meant  and  always  meant  what  he  said.  That  he  expressed 
his  conviction  in  no  uncertain  terms.  That  it  was  hard  indeed 
to  get  him  to  deviate  in  the  least  degree  from  a  conviction 
once   formed. 

,  Molasses  to  Catch  Flies 

One  of  the  planks  in  the  Democratic  platform  of  1912  de- 
clared "Our  pledges  are  made  to  be  kept  when  in  office  as 
well  as  relied  upon  during  the  campaign."  Frequently  during 
that  campaign  Woodrow  Wilson  was  inspired  by  the  above 
plank  to  declare  "our  platform  is  not  molasses  to  catch  flies. 
It  means  business;  it  means  what  it  says.  *  *  *  And  they 
who  talk  one  way  and  vote  another  are  going  to  be  retired 
to  a  very  quiet  and  private  retreat."  Mr.  Wilson  might  have 
believed  in  this  plank  of  the  Democratic  platform  at  the  time 
and  might  have  believed  in  his  own  declaration  with  refer- 
ence thereto  at  the  time  he  made  it,  but  it  is  painfully  evi- 
dent that  soon  after  he  became  President  of  the  United  States 
he  changed  his  mind  with  reference  to  both  of  them  and  has 
demonstrated  by  his  action  and  his  treatment  of  that  plat- 
form that  its  pledges  were  not  made  to  be  kept,  and  that  it 
must  have  been  molasses  to  catch  flies.  Subsequent  events 
have  proved  that  that  is  the  only  practical  purpose  it  has  sub- 
served. 

One  Term  for  President 

The  Baltimore  convention  that  nominated  Wilson  for  Pres- 
ident declared  emphatically  in  favor  of  a  single  presidential 
term,  and  also  advocated  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  making  the  President  of  the  United 
States  ineligible  for  reelection,  and  the  candidate  of  that 
convention  was  pledged  to  this  principle.  Wbodrow  Wilson 
accepted  the  nomination  and  accepted  this  plank  in  the  plat- 
form, and  much  ado  was  made  about  it  during  the  campaign 
of  1912.  While  he  was  a  candidate  for  election  he  was  in 
favor  of  it.  After  the  election  he  immediately  changed  his 
mind  and  commenced  doing  and  continues  to  do  everything 
in  his  power  to  secure  a  reelection. 

Free  Tolls 

The  Baltimore  convention  declared  in  favor  of  exempting 
from  toll  all  American  ships  engaged  in  coastwise  trade  pass- 
ing through  the  Panama  Canal.  Woodrow  Wilson  accepted 
this  plank,  and  every  speech  and  public  utterance  made  by 
him  during  the  campaign  emphasized  the  wisdom  of  this 
declaration.  But  when  he  became  President  he  changed  his 
mind,  and  without  giving  any  reason  for  it  whatever  demanded 
that    the    Democratic    Congress    then    in    power   pass    a    law 


356        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

imposing  on  American  coastwise  ships  the  same  charges  that 
were  imposed  on  foreign  ships  passing  through  this  canal. 
And  up  to  this  goodly  hour  he  has  never  given  Congress  or 
the  people  any  explanation  in  defense  of  this  action. 

Protective  Tariff 

All  of  his  life,  until  within  the  last  year,  Woodrow  Wil- 
son has  been  unalterably  opposed  to  a  protective  tariff. 
He  has  repeatedly  in  his  written  commentaries  and  in  public 
speech  declared  it  unconstitutional.  Yet  when  brought  to 
face  with  a  depleted  Treasury  and  with  a  tariff-for-revenue- 
only  law  that  has  utterly  failed  to  supply  the  necessary  funds 
with  which  to  defray  the  current  expenses  of  government,  he 
suddenly  changes  his  mind  and  advocates  the  retention  of 
a  protective  tariff  on  sugar. 

Until  during  this  present  session  of  Congress  he  has  been 
opposed  to  a  protective  tariff  upon  dyestuffs,  but  something 
happened,  and  he  changed  his  mind  and  is  now  loudly  pro- 
claiming the  necessity  of  a  protective  tariff  on  dyestuffs. 

Tariff  Commission 

The  President,  until  quite  recently,  has  been  violently  op- 
posed to  a  tariff  commission,  looking  upon  it  as  an  instrument 
utterly  at  war  with  Democratic  principles  and  utterly  incon- 
sistent with  his  ideas  of  a  tariff  for  revenue  only.  But  sorne- 
thing  happened  and  he  changed  his  mind,  and  we  find  him 
during  the  winter  just  past  sending  for  Mr.  Kitchin,  the  gen- 
tleman from  North  Carolina,  leader  of  the  majority  side, 
whom  he  informed  of  his  change  of  mind  and  of  his  desire 
that  he  (Kitchin)  should  introduce  a  bill  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  nonpartisan  tariff  commission.  Mr.  Wilson  found 
as  a  result  of  this  interview  that  Mr.  Kitchin  was  not  as  much 
of  a  mental  acrobat  as  he,  and  that  he  would  not  consent 
upon  demand  to  change  his  convictions  of  a  lifetime,  even 
at  the  behest  of  the  President;  that  he  laid  some  store  upon 
pVinciple;  and  that  he  would  not  surrender  his  principle,  as 
the  President  was  willing  to  surrender  his,  simply  for  ex- 
pediency. So  as  an  alternative  the  President  induced  the 
next  ranking  member  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee, 
the  gentleman  from  Illinois,  Mr.  Rainey,  to  introduce  his  tariff 
commission  bill.  The  original  measure  introduced  by  Mr. 
Rainey  provided  for  fiv6  members,  but  before  this  bill  had 
been  in  the  legislative  hopper  a  week  the  President  changed 
his  mind  again,  and  had  Mr.  Rainey  introduce  a  new  bill, 
which  finally  passed  the  House  as  a  part  of  the  general  reve- 
nue bill,  that  provides  for  six  members  of  the  tariff  commis- 
sion. 

In  his  Indianapolis  speech  the  President  declared  that  he  had 
"put  one  over"  on  the  Republican  minority  of  this  House  by 
providing  in  the  law  creating  a  new  trade  commission  a 
scheme  for  the  investigation  and  scientific  treatment  of  the 
tariff  question,  including  all  the  conditions  of  trade  in  this 
country,  the  cost  of  manufacture,  the  cost  of  transportation, 
and  all  things  that  enter  into  the  question  of  the  tariff,  in 
foreign  countries  as  well  as  in  the  United  States,  and  into  all 
those  questions  of  foreign  combinations  which  affect  interna- 
tional trade  between  Europe  and  the  United  States.  He  was 
of  the  opinion  then  that  he  had  a  commission  to  do  all  the 
things  that  are  now  expected  that  a  tariff  commission  could 
do.  But  he  changed  his  mind  and  voiced  that  change  in  his 
demand  that  this  Congress  create  an  independent  tariff  com- 
mission. 

Revenue  * 

When  the  Sixty-fourth  Congress  first  assembled,  President 
Wilson  delivered  his  message  in  person,  and  amongst  other 
things,    declared    that    the    additional    revenue    necessary    to 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         357 

defray  the  expense  of  government  should  be  raised  by  con- 
tinuing the  direct  taxes  then  in  force,  and  in  addition  that 
there  be  placed  a  tax  of  i  cent  per  gallon  on  gasoline  and 
naptha,  a  tax  of  50  cents  per  horsepower  on  automobiles  and 
internal-explosion  engines,  a  stamp  tax  on  bank  checks,  a 
tax  of  25  cents  per  ton  on  pig  iron,  and  a  tax  of  25  cents  per 
ton  on  fabricated  iron  and  steel.  But  something  happened. 
He  got  his  ear  to  the  ground,  and  he  heard  a  mighty  rumble 
of  dissension  coming  from  every  quarter.  He  soon  discovered 
that  automobiles  were  no  longer  owned  solely  by  the  rich, 
\  but  that  almost  every  farmer  in  the  country  had  either  an 
automobile  or  an  explosion  engine.  He  also  heard  from  the 
pig-iroA  workers  of  the  country.  He  likewise  heard  from  the 
fabricated  iron  and  steel  workers  of  the  country.  And  he 
further  discovered  that,  by  reason  of  the  confidence  still 
obtaining  in  banking  institutions  of  our  country,  the  people 
deposited  their  money  in  banks  instead  of  concealing  it  in 
their  old  shoes  or  elsewhere,  and  that  the  bankcheck  tax 
was  especially  odious.  So  he  changed  his  mind;  and  in  the 
revenue  bill  presented  to  the  Sixty-fourth  Congress  which 
was  approved  by  the  President  before  it  was  presented,  not 
one  reference  is  made  to  or  a  single  cent  of  tax  is  laid  on  any 
one  of  the  articles  referred  to  in  his  message  to  Congress. 

Neutrality 

Soon  after  the  European  war  broke  out  the  President  ad- 
monished our  people  that  we  should  occupy  a  position  of 
strict  neutrality  as  between  the  warring  nations;  that  we 
should  be  neutral  in  thought  as  well  as  deed. 

At  that  time  he  set  his  seal  of  condemnation  upon  a  propo- 
sition being  entertained  by  some  of  our  financiers  to  make  a 
loan  to  some  of  the  warring  powers,  and  declared  that  such 
an  act  would  be  inconsistent  with  our  position  of  neutrality. 
But  something  again  happened,  and  in  less  than  a  year  after 
he  made  this  declaration  of  neutrality  he  openly  encouraged 
the  making  of  a  loan  of  millions  to  these  same  warring 
powers,  and  then  contended  and  now  contends  that  such 
action  is  perfectly  consistent  wtih  our  position  of  neutrality. 
If  he  was  right  in  his  first  position,  he  is  certainly  wrong  in 
his  second.  Or  if  he  is  right  in  his  last  declaration,  he  com- 
mitted an  error  in  making  the  first.  In  any  event  he  com- 
pletely reversed  himself  upon  this  very  important  point. 

On  January  18,  1916,  the  President  declared,  through  the 
Lansing  note,  "that  a  merchant  vessel  carrying  an  armament 
of  any  sort,  in  view  of  the  character  of  the  submarine  war- 
fare and  the  defensive  w^eakness  of  undersea  craft,  should  be 
held  to  be  an  auxiliary  cruiser  and  so  treated  by  a  neutral, 
as  well  as  by  a  belligerent  government,  and  (our  Government) 
is  seriously  considering  instructing  its  officials  accordingly." 
Within  two  months  after  taking  the  above  stand,  and  an- 
nouncing our  position  to  the  powers  of  Europe,  he  changed 
his  mind  and  reversed  the  attitude  of  our  Government  com- 
pletely on  this  all-important  subject  by  declaring  that  a 
merchant  vessel  has  the  right  to  carry  armament  and  that  by 
so  doing  it  should  not  be  held  to  be  an  auxiliary  cruiser. 

In  his  note  of  January  18  the  President  recognized  the 
submarine  as  a  legitimate  instrument  of  warfare  and  sug- 
gested that  international  law  should  be  changed  to  meet  this 
new  instrument  of  war.  Within  less  than  three  months, 
on  April  19,  in  his  message  with  reference  to  his'  note  to 
Germany  delivered  in  the  House,  he  took  a  directly  opposite 
position  and  declared  that  the  submarine  was  "incompatible 
with  the  principles  of  humauity,  the  long-established  and  in- 
controvertible rights  of  neutrals,  and  the  sacred  immunities 
of  noncombatants." 

At  one  time  he  declared  that  he  wanted  the  fullest  possible 
expression  by  Congress  on  the  armed  merchant-ship  question. 


358         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

then  suddenly  changed  his  mind  and  declared  that  Congress 
had  no  right  to  express  itself  upon  this  question  at  all — that 
it  was  a  matter  solely  for  the  Executive  Department  to  deal 
with. 

Warning  Americans 

During  the  last  of  February  of  the  present  year  he  sent 
word  to  Democratic  leaders  in  Congress  that  he  did  not  want 
the  resolutions  pending,  warning  Americans  to  stay  off  of 
armed  merchant  ships  belonging  to  belligerents,  openly  con- 
sidered. For  some  unexplainable  reason  he  changed  his  mind, 
and  during  the  first  days  of  March  he  sent  word  to  these  same 
leaders  that  he  wanted  these  resolutions  brought  out  on  the 
floor  of  the  House  and  defeated. 

Repeatedly  has  the  President  warned  Americans  living  in 
Mexico  to  leave  that  country,  for  the  reason  that  the  United 
States  could  not  protect  either  their  persons  or  property, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  these  American  citizens  were 
m  a  place  where  hey  had  a  right  to  be,  where  their  property 
interests  were,  and  were  entitled  to  the  fullest  protection  of 
this  Government.  But  when  it  came  to  warning  Americans 
to  stay  off  of  armed  merchant  ships  belonging  to  belligerents, 
the  President  changed  his  attitude  entirely. 

Mexico 

Soon  after  he  became  President,  Mr.  Wilson  declared  that 
the  Mexican  people  had  a  right  to  decide  their  own  internal 
troubles  without  any  outside  interference;  that  they  had  the 
right  to  establish  their  own  form  of  government,  no  matter 
how  much  blood  was  shed  in  doing  it,  and  that  it  was  nobody^s 
business  but  theirs.  Very  shortly  after  this  he  changed  his 
mind  and  interfered  himself  in  the  affairs  of  Mexico,  and 
declared  that  Huerta  should  not  remain  president  of  that  un- 
fortunate country,  and  immediately  commenced  conniving 
at  his  displacement  by  furnishing  munitions  of  war  to  the 
bandit  leaders  of  Mexico  that  they  might  the  more  completely 
terrorize  the  people  of  that  country. 

At  another  time  he  demanded  that  all  Mexican  claimants 
and  aspirants  for  the  presidency  get  together  in  a  general 
conference  to  establish  a  de  facto  government  and  agree 
upon  some  one  of  their  number  to  act  as  president  and  threat- 
ened nonrecognition  of  anyone  who  refused.  Afterwards 
he  changed  his  mind  completely  with  reference  to  this 
scheme,  abandoned  it  entirely,  and  recognized  as  the  Mexican 
ruler  Carranza,  the  only  claimant  who  did  not  and  would  not 
join  in  his  proposed  conference. 

He  refused  to  recognize  Huerta  as  President,  declaring 
that  he  was  not  the  head  of  a  de  facto  government,  yet  he 
demanded  that,  as  President,  he  salute  the  American  flag; 
and  to  enforce  this  demand  he  sent  an  army  of  men  and  war 
vessels  to  Vera  Cruz.  After  19  of  our  boys  were  killed  and  a 
great  many  more  wounded  the  President  changed  his  mind 
and  withdrew  these  troops  and  these  war  vessels  without 
receiving  the  salute  that  he  had  so  vociferously  demanded. 

He  sent  our  Army  into  Mexico  nominally  for  the  purpose 
of  capturing  Villa,  his  former  pet,  and  his  bandit  horde;  but 
before  capturing  Villa,  and  without  accomplishing  any  good 
purpose,  he  changed  his  mind,  and  after  the  Battle  of  Car- 
razal,  in  which  a  number  of  our  soldier  boys  were 
killed  and  a  greater  number  wounded,  he  is  now  proposing, 
upon  the  demand  of  the  impotent  Carranza,  to  furthev  hu- 
miliate this  country  by  withdrawing  our  troops. 

Too  Proud  to  Fight 
When  the  news  came  of  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania  Mr. 
Wilson  said  he  was  "too  proud  to  fight";  but  recently  he  gave 
evidence  of  changing  his  mind  on  this  proposition  by  telling  a 
meeting  of  preachers  in  New  York  that  he  always  welcomed 
a  fight  and  tliat  he  thought  it  must  be  in  his  blood. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         359 

Mexico  Before  United  States 

When  Mr.  Wilson  became  President  of  the  United  States 
he  took  a  solemn  oath  to  defend  our  country  and  our 
countrymen  wherever  they  might  be,  but  if  he  is  correctly 
reported  he  has  even  forgotten  this  solemn  obligation,  for  in 
his  speech  at  Detroit  recently  made  he  declared  it  to  be  his 
purpose  to  "serve  Mexico  first."  He  made  this  astounding 
declaration  by  first  charging  that  unnamed  persons,  save  as 
he  designated  them  "fellow  citizens,"  are  seeking  to  "exploit" 
Mexico;  and  then  declared  that  "Mexico  has  justification 
for  distrusting  us."  Better  would  it  appear  if  this  charge 
came  from  Mexico  and  that  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
whose  duty  it  is  to  defend  his  fellow  citizens,  should  demand 
the  facts  substantiating  any  such  charge  rather  than  to  as- 
sume the  truth  thereof  and  declare  upon  such  assumption 
that  he  will  serve   Mexico  first. 

That  he  intends  to  serve  Mexico  first  is  evidenced  by  the 
fact  that  on  the  i8th  of  March,  nine  days  after  the  Columbus 
raid,  in  which  a  number  of  our  citizens  were  ruthlessly 
murdered,  there  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  on  a  steamer  from 
New  York,  1,350,000  rounds  of  soft-nosed  cartridges  and  other 
munitions  of  war  for  Carranza.  This  Government  is  not  only 
passively  permitting  the  shipment  of  these  munitions  of 
war  but  in  addition  this  administration  is  actively  aiding  in 
furnishing  guns,  cartridges,  and  other  munitions  of  war  to 
the  so-called  Mexican  Government,  for  upon  complaint  being 
made  by  the  Mexican  Government  to  the  State  Department 
that  cartridge-manufacturing  machines  from  the  Waterbury- 
Farrell  Foundry  at  Waterbury,  Conn.,  had  been  delayed,  our 
Government  took  official  action  to  hasten  the  shipment  of 
these  machines  and  saw  to  it  that  these  machines  were  im- 
mediately shipped.  That  was  in  May,  at  a  time  when  this 
Government  knew  of  the  intense  feeling  existing  in  Mexico 
against  the  presence  of  American  soldiers  on  Mexican  soil, 
this  all  happening  after  the  American  soldiers  had  been  shot 
down  at  Parral  and  just  before  the  ambuscade  and  massacre 
at   Carrizal. 

When  he  first  became  President  he  found  an  embargo 
upon  shipments  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  Mexico,  this  em- 
bargo having  been  fixed  by  President  Taft.  He  first  de- 
clared that  he  would  continue  its  maintenance,  but  in  order 
to  accomplish  his  purpose  in  ousting  Huerta  he  changed  his 
mind  and  lifted  the  embargo,  and  from  that  time  to  this  he 
has  permitted  the  furnishing  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  this 
bandit  country,  with  which  the  blood  of  our  soldiers  and 
citizens  has  been  spilled. 

Philippine  Islands 

About  the  time  of  the  meeting  of  the  Sixty-fourth  Congress 
President  Wilson,  in  a  letter  to  Senator  Clark,  informed  him 
that  he  would  veto  the  Philippine  bill  if  it  had  a  provision  in 
it  fixing  the  time  for  Filipino  independence.  Before  Con- 
gress was  half  through  he  changed  his  mind  and  agreed  to 
approve  a  bill  ^having  this  clause  in  it. 

The  Army 

After  the  European  war  had  been  in  progress  for  more 
than  a  year  Mr.  Wilson  expressed  his  opposition  to  any 
material  increase  in  the  Standing  Army  and  declared  that 
there  was  no  need  of  any  increase.  He  then  became  the  ad- 
vocate of  Secretary  Garrison's  continental-army  plan.  And 
to  the  enlargement  of  our  Army  on  this  plan  he  remained  a 
firm  advocate  until  the  present  Congress  was  well  under  way. 
Suddenly  he  changed  his  mind  and  abandoned  Garrison  and 
his  continental-army  plan  and  became  the  champion  of  the 
scheme  now  embodied  in  the  Hay  reorganization  law.  Sec- 
retary Garrison  not  being  as  adept  at  somersaulting  as  the 


3«0         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

President  and  seeing  no  reason  why  this  sudden  change  of 
front  should  be  made,  resigned  his  position,  and  the  President 
called  in  his  place  a  Secretary  of  War  who  would  do  his 
bidding,  but  who  personally  had  always  been  against  the 
present   scheme    of    so-called    preparedness. 

Mr.  Wilson  has  repeatedly  expressed  himself  in  opposition 
to  the  young  men  of  our  country  spending  their  time  in 
military  training;  that  such  training  is  not  consistent  with  our 
form  of  government,  and  that  it  tends  to  militarism.  But  he 
has  changed  his  mind  on  this  proposition  and  is  now  de- 
manding that  400,000  young  men  be  trained  and  kept  in 
training. 

The   Navy 

President  Wilson  was  likewise  opposed  to  any  additional 
increase  of  the  Navy,  and  officially  declared  that  it  was  suf- 
ficient to  meet  all  emergencies  and  that  there  was  no  occa- 
sion for  the  expenditure  of  money  beyond  the  fixed  program 
for  its  increase  and  enlargement.  But  over  night  he  changed 
his  mind  on  this  proposition  and  is  now  demanding  that  our 
Navy  shall  be  made  the  second,  if  not  the  largest,  in  the 
world. 

Foreign  Immigration 

Before  Mr.  Wilson  became  President  di  the  United  States 
he'declared  himself  in  favor  of  using  every  possible  means 
in  check  of  foreign  immigration.  In  his  History  of  the  Amer- 
ican people,  when  discussing  this  question  he  said  that  the 
hordes  that  were  coming  into  this  country  from  Hungary  and 
Poland  and  from  the  south  of  Italy  were  the  most  sordid 
and  hopeless  characters  and  that  their  standards  of  life  and 
work  were  such  as  American  workmen  had  never  dreamed 
of  hitherto;  that  we  had  prohibited  the  Chinese- from  coming 
into  this  country  but  that  they  were  more  to  be  desired  as 
workmen,  if  not  as  citizens,  than  most  of  the  coarse  crew 
that  came  crowding  in  every  year  at  our  eastern  ports.  And 
during  the  campaign  of  1912  said  in  a  public  address  in  New 
York  City,  "We  want  American  life  kept  to  its  standards 
and  that  the  only  standards  of  American  life  shall  be  stan- 
dards of  restriction;  then  we  are  all  upon  a  common  ground, 
not  of  those  who  criticise  immigration  but  those  who  declare 
themselves  Americans.  *  *  *  Qf  course,  if  the  immigrants 
are  allowed  to  come  in  uninstructed  hosts  and  to  stop  at  the 
ports  wh'^re  they  enter  and  there  to  compete  in  an  over- 
supplied  labor  market,  there  is  going  to  be  unhappiness; 
there  is  going  to  be  deterioration;  there  is  going  to  be  every- 
thing that  will  be  determined  to  immigrants."  But  these 
declarations  made  by  him  on  this  subject  have  proven  to  be 
but  molasses  to  catch  flies,  for  when  he  had  an  opportunity 
to  put  his  words  into  acts  he  failed  to  do  it;  on  the  contrary, 
he  vetoed  the  Burnett  immigration  bill. 

Now  this  bill  again  has  passed  the  House  during  the  present 
session  with  an  overwhelming  majority.  It  is  now  sleeping 
in  the  Senate.  In  making  up  the  program  of  the  Senate, 
selecting  the  bills  which  to  be  passed  by  that  body  during 
the  remainder  of  this  session,  the  Burnett  immigration  bill 
has  no  place.  Why  is  this  so,  if  it  is  not  because  the  President 
will  be  compelled  either  to  veto  it,  if  he  wishes  for  once  in 
his  life  to  be  consistent,  or  else  to  sign  it  and  again  show 
to  the  world  and  again  confirm  his  record  of  inconsistency? 

Child  Labor 
How  different  the  conduct  of  President  Wilson  in  his  at- 
titude with  reference  to  the  child-labor  bill.  This  bill  was 
not  included  in  the  Senate  program,  which  had  been  sub- 
mitted to  the  President  and  met  with  his  sanction,  and  public 
announcement  had  been  made  that  it,  together  with  the  im- 
migration bill,  would  not  be  considered  during  the  present 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         J61 

session.  After  that  announcement  was  made  and  the  public 
was  apprised  of  the  fact  that  this  measure  would  not  be  con- 
sidered during  the  present  session,  the  mighty  voice  of  the 
people  was  heard  from  every  community  throughout  the 
United  States,  except  a  few  States  in  the  South,  which  the 
President  knows  are  with  him  politically  anyhow.  When  he 
heard  this  voice,  without  announcement  or  any  prearrange- 
ment,  he  went  to  the  Capitol,  sent  for  the  Democratic  leaders 
of  the  Senate,  and  demanded  of  them  that  the  child-labor 
bill  be  taken"  up  and  passed  before  adjournment.  Dumb- 
founded at  this  action,  after  his  former  agreement  to  the 
Senate  program,  the  Democratic  majority  were  for  a  time 
at  an  utter  loss  to  know  what  they  should  do,  but,  agreeable 
to  their  former  obedience  and  compliance  with  the  whims 
and  caprices  of  the  President,  they  finally  held  another  caucus, 
and  agreed  to  conform  their  action  to  this  last  change  of 
mind  of  the  President  with-reference  to  their  program  and 
to  pass  this  bill. 

What  of  the  President's  attitude  with  reference  to  child- 
labor  legislation?  The  evidence  furnished  by  him,  written 
and  oral,  discloses  that  he  has  been  opposed  to  the  regulation 
of  child  labor  by  Federal  legislation  for  years  and  that  his 
opposition  was  based  upon  the  fundamental  proposition  that 
any  such  legislation  is  unconstitutional.  In  one  of  his  lec- 
tures on  constitutional  law,  delivered  in   191 1,  he  said: 

Its  power  (the  Federal  Government)  is  to  regulate  commerce  'between 
the  States,  and  the  attempts  now  made  during  every  session  of  Congress 
to  carry  the  implications  of  that  power  beyond  the  utmost  boundaries  of 
reasonable  and  honest  inference  show  that  the  only  limits  likely  to  be 
observed  by  politicians  are  those  set  by  the  good  sense  and  conservative 
temper  of  the  country. 

The  proposed  Federal  legislation  with  regard  to  the  regulation  of  child 
labor  afifords  a  striking  example.  If  the  power  to  regulate  commerce 
between  the  States  can  be  stretched  to  include  the  regulation  of  labor  in 
mills  and  factories,  it  can  be  made  to  embrace  every  particular  of  the 
industrial  organization  and  action  of  the  country.  The  only  limitation 
Congress  would  observe  should  the  Supreme  Court  assent  to  such  obvi- 
ously absurd  extravagances  of  interpretation  would  be  the  limitations  of 
opinion  and  of  circumstances. 

Since  Mr.  Wilson  delivered  the  above  opinion  there  has 
been  no  change  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
either  extending  or  abridging  its  powers  of  legislation  upon 
this  subject.  If  irwas  unconstitutional  at  the  time  Mr.  Wil- 
son delivered  that  opinion,  it  is  unconstitutional  now.  He 
has  written  much  on  constitutional  law.  He  is  delighted  to 
be  recognized  as  an  authority  upon  this  subject.  Therefore 
what  he  says  therein  is  entitled  to  more  than  ordinary  weight, 
and  his  change  of  attitude  should  receive  more  than  ordinary 
attention.  Something  has  caused  him  to  change  his  mind 
and  to  become  suddenly  a  great  advocate  of  Federal  legisla- 
tion to  control  child  labor.  What  can  it  be  that  has  so 
suddenly  caused  this  change?  He  has  made  no  explanation, 
and  are  we  not  warranted  in  concluding  that  it  is  molasses 
to   catch   flies? 

Labor  Legislation 

The  Democratic  platform  of  1912,  for  the  purpose  of  induc- 
ing the  labor  vote  of  this  country,  contained  the  following 
plank: 

The  expanding  organization  of  industry  makes  it  essential  that  there 
hould  be  no  abridgment  of  the  right  of  wage  earners  and  producers  to 
jrganize  for  the  protection  of  wages  and  the  improvement  of  labor  con- 
iitions,  to  the  end  that  such  labor  organizations  and  their  members  should 
not  be  regarded  as  illegal  combinations  in  restraint  of  trade. 


362         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Mr.  Wilson  accepted  this  plank  and  gave  it  his  hearty  in- 
dorsement in  public  addresses  during  the  campaign.  In  his 
speech  of  acceptance,  in  speaking  of  this  plank  and  of  the 
laboring  classes  of  the  country,  he  said: 

No  law  that  safeguards  their  life;  that  improves  the  physical  and  moral 
conditions  under  which  they  live ;  that  makes  their  hours  of  labor 
rational  and  tolerable ;  that  gives  them  freedom  to  act  in  their  own  inter- 
est ;  and  that  protects  them  where  they  can  not  protect  themselves,  can 
properly  be  regarded  as  class  legislation  or  as  anything  but  a  measure 
taken  in  the  interest  of  the  whole  people,  whose  partnership  in  right 
action  we  are  trying  to  establish  and  make  real  and  practical.  It  is  in 
this  spirit  that  we  shall  act  if  we  are  genuine  spokesmen  of  the  whole 
country. 

That  is  the  way  he  talked  before  the  election,  when  he 
was  anxious  to  secure  the  suffrage  of  the  2.000,000  voters 
contributed  from  the  laboring  classes,  but  what  was  his  per- 
formance after  the  election?  The~Democratic  majority  in  the 
Congress  that  followed  made  a  pretense  to  carry  out  this 
plank  in  their  platform  by  inserting  in  the  sundry  civil  bill 
"that  no  part  of  the  $300,000  provided  therein  for  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  antitrust  law  should  be  expended  for  the  prose- 
cution of  any  organization  or  individual  for  entering  into  any 
combination  or  agreement  having  in  view  the  increasing  of 
wages,  shortening  of  hours,  or  bettering  the  condition  of  labor, 
or  for  any  act  done  in  furtheramp^  thereof  not  in  itself  un- 
lawful." This  bill  was  signed  by^the  President  and  it  became 
a  law.  However,  he  accompanied  his  signature  with  a  state- 
ment showing  that  he  had  changed  his  mind  completely  with 
reference  to  the  plank,  to  which  I  have  heretofore  alluded, 
concerning  labor  organizations  being  exempt  from  prosecu- 
tion under  the  antitrust  law  and  concerning  which  he  had 
declared  that  they  should  have  the  fullest  freedom  to  act  in 
their  own  interests.     In  this  statement  he  said: 

I  have  signed  this  bill  because  I  can  do  so  without  in  fact  limiting  the 
opportunity  of  the  power  of  the  Department  of  Justice  to  prosecute  viola- 
tions of  the  law  by  whomsoever  committed.  If  I  could  have  separated 
from  the  rest  of  the  bill  the  item  which  authorizes  the  expenditure  by  the 
Department  of  Justice  of  a  special  sum  of  $300,000  for  the  prosecution  of 
violations  of  the  Anti-Trust  Law,  I  would  have  vetoed  that  item,  because 
it  places  upon  the  expenditure  a  limitation  which  is,  in  my  opinion,  un- 
justifiable in  character  and  principle.  But  I  could  not  separate  it.  I  do 
not  understand  that  the  limitation  was  intended  as  either  an  amendment 
or  an  interpretation  of  the  Anti-Trust  Law,  but  merely  as  an  expression 
of  the  opinion  of  the   Congress. 

I  can  assure  the  country  that  this  item  will  neither  limit  nor  in  any 
way  embarass  the  action  of  the  Department  of  Justice.  Other  appropri- 
ations supply  the  department  with  abundant  funds  to  enforce  the  law. 
The  law  will  be  interpreted  in  the  determination  of  what  the  department 
shou'd  do  by  independent  and,  I  hope,  impartial  judgments  as  to  the  true 
and  just  meaning  of  substantive  statutes  of  the  LTnited  States. 

He  employed  the  most  forceful  language  at  his  command 
in  declaring  his  opposition  to  this  character  of  legislation 
and  emphasized  the  fact  that  he  had  completely  changed  his 
opinion  with  reference  to  the  rights  of  union  labor  being 
privileged  exemption  from  prosecution  under  the  antitrust 
jaw.  Afterwards  Congress  passed  the  Clayton  antitrust  bill, 
in  which  it  is  endeavored  to  exempt  labor  organizations  from 
the  operation  of  the  Sherman  antitrust  law,  but  this,  too,  is 
merely  a  pretense  according  to  the  opinion  of  the  President, 
for  with  reference  to  it  he  has  declared  that  it  "grants  no 
privilege  not  already  enjoyed." 

Economy 

In  his  pre-election  declarations  the  President  was  very  posi- 
tive in  his  promises  for  retrenchment  in  public  expenditures, 
and  denounced  in  scathing  tenns  the  extravagance  of  the  Re- 
publicans in  their  conduct  of  public  business.  But  after  he 
became  President  he  changed  his  mind,  and  while  he  had  the 
complete  domination  over  the  Congress  that  passed  the  ap- 
propriation   bills   and   had   the   power   to  veto   any   or  all    of 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPXTGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         363 

them,  yet  the  first  Congress  after  he  became  President  appro- 
priated $114,000,000  more  than  any  previous  Congress,  and 
the  Sixty-fourth  Congress  will  increase  this  figure  by  many 
millions,  not  counting  a  cent  for  the  extra  cost  of  prepared- 
ness. 

New  Offices 
President  Wilson  as  a  candidate  also  inveighed  against  the 
army  of  useless  offices  and  officers  who  are  yearly  "sapping 
the  Government  of  millions  of  dollars  for  no  good  purpose," 
and  promised  retrenchment  in  this  branch  of  the  Government. 
But  after  he  was  elected  he  changed  his  mind,  and  instead 
of  decreasing  the  number  of  offices  and  officers  he  has  created 
many  new  offices  and  commissions,  and  has  added  to  the 
office-holding  class  thousands  with  an  increased  salary  list  of 
millions  of  dollars  annually. 

Woman  Suffrage 

Mr.  Wilson  has  been  on  every  side  of  the  woman-suffrage 
proposition.  He  has  been  against  the  right  of  woman  suf- 
frage entirely,  but  all  at  once  he  changed  his  mind  on  this 
proposition  and  became  an  enthusiastic  advocate  of  woman 
suffrage,  and  voted  for  the  suffrage  amendment  in  the  New 
Jersey  election  last  fall.  It  was  heralded  from  one  end  of 
the  country  to  the  other  that  he  was  going  home  to  vote 
for  it,  which  he  did.  The  amendment  was  beaten  by  more 
than  50,000.  This  caused  the  President's  mind  to  go  on 
center.  Which  way  it  will  slip  before  the  November  election 
no  one  can  tell.  For  the  present  he  is  contenting  himself 
by  declaring  this  question  should  be  left  to  the  States  to 
determine,  like  until  very  recently  he  declared  that  child 
labor  should  be  determined. 

Bryan 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  changes  of  mind  made  by 
the  President  was  with  reference  to  William  Jennings 
Bryan.  Before  the  election  he  was  in  favor  of  knocking 
him  and  all  of  his  theories  and  vagaries,  including  his  initia- 
tive and  referendum,  into  a  "cocked  hat."  After  the  elec- 
tion he  took  him  into  his  official  household  and  set  him  for 
a  time  at  the  head  of  the  table  and  put  in  vogue  many  of 
his  teachings  that  he  had  formerly  condemned. 

Civil  Service 

Before  his  election  thfe  President  expatiated  much  on  the 
necessity  of  civil-service  reform  and  promised  that  with  his 
election  merit  should  count  and  should  be  recognized  in  the 
advancement  of  those  holding  public  place.  But  when  he 
became  President  all  of  his  beautiful  theories  with  reference 
to  civil  srvice  were  forgotten.  He  changed  his  mind  con- 
cerning the  fitness  of  men  for  appointment  and  the  necessity 
of  their  meeting  the  requirements  of  civil-service  examina- 
tion. 

Election  of  United  States  Senators 

At  one  time  he  was  bitterly  opposed  to  the  election  of 
United  States  Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the  people,  but 
when  it  became  evident  to  him  that  this  reform  was  popular 
throughout  the  country  he  suddenly  changed  his  mind  and 
became  one  of  its  warmest  advocates. 

Insidious  Lobby 

During  the  campaign  of  1912  Mr.  Wilson,  the  candidate, 
had  much  to  say  about  the  iniquities  of  the  insidious  lobbyist, 
declaring  that  Congressmen  must  be  protected  from  their 
baleful  influence;  that  they  should  be  free  to  act,  without 
either  threat  or  cajolement  or  other  influence.  But  upon  this, 
too,  has  he  changed  his  mind  and  has  himself  become  the 
greatest  lobbyist  with  which  Congressmen  have  to  contend. 


364         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Not  content  with  his  constitutional  prerogative  to  initiate 
and  suggest  legislation  through  official  messages  and  to  de- 
feat legislation  by  veto  vi^hen  it  does  not  suit  him,  he  directs 
like  a  monarch  from  the  throne  what  legislation  must  and 
what  shall  not  be  considered  by  the  Congress.  To  accom- 
plish his  purpose  he  is  not  sparing  with  the  party  lash,  nor 
does  he  mince  words  as  to  what  will  be  the  fate  of  those  who 
do  not  yield  to  his  demands. 

Central  Banks 

Before  his  election  President  Wilson  was  in  strict  accord 
with  his  party  leaders  and  the  Baltimore  platform  in  its  con- 
demnation of  the  so-called  Vreeland-Aldrich  banking  bill. 
He  opposed  the  establishment  of  a  central  bank,  opposed 
the  bank  ownership  of  stock  in  the  banking  institutions  and 
also  opposed  liquid  assets.  These  things  were  un-Democratic 
and  had  been  since  the  days  of  Jackson.  After  the  election, 
however,  he  changed  his  mind  and  became  the  champion  of  the 
present  reserve-bank  law,  which  contains  every  one  of  these 
features  that  were  formerly  so  objectionable  to  him.  In  fact, 
they  furnish  tfie  nucleus  of  strength  for  whatever  of  virtue 
there  is  in  this  measure,  and  the  central  bank  so  long  despised 
by  Mr.  Wilson  and  his  party  became  the  keystone  to  the  arch. 

I  have  mentioned  but  a  few  of  the  many  changes  of  front 
taken  by  the  President.  Many  more  as  striking  as  the  ones 
named  might  be  enumerated.  These,  however,  should  be 
sufficient  to  convince  one  of  the  absolute  instability  and  unre- 
liability of  the  President  with  reference  to  any  important  mat- 
ter of  state.  Long  since  has  he  ceased  to  be  an  idealist  and  has 
become  an  opportunist  pure  and  simple.  He  can  declare,  as 
he  has  been  declaring  in  almost  every  speech  he  makes,  that 
he  cares  nothing  for  what  may  be  in  store  for  him  or  what 
happens  to  him  as  a  result  of  the  November  election,  and 
that  it  is  only  the  judgment  of  the  future  with  which  he  is 
concerned,  but  his  actions  speak  louder  than  his  words,  and 
the  future  will  judge  him  by  his  acts  rather  than  by  his 
declaration.  That  judgment  will  be,  like  the  judgment  pro- 
nounced by  Jacob  upon  Reuben,  "Unstable  as  water,  thou 
shalt  not  excel." 


THE  IMPAIRED  MAIJ.  SERVICE 

From  every  section  of  the  country,  but  principally  from  the 
Northern  and  Western  States,  come  complaints  of  impaired 
rural  mail  service.  In  an  effort  to  save  a  few  thousands  of 
dollars  to  make  up  part  of  the  deficit  brought  on  by  Democracic 
tariff  legislation  the  Post  Office  Department  is  cutting  the  ser- 
vice not  only  in  cities  but  in  rural  districts.  Residents  of  some 
towns  find  that  under  a  recent  order  they  must  change  their  pose 
office  addresses,  as  they  will  henceforth  reside  on  rural  routes 
extending  from  cities  other  than  those  from  which  they  have 
received  mail  for  many  years.  Until  all  their  correspondents 
learn  of  the  changes,  letters  will  go  to  the  old  address  and  be 
remailed,  with  a  day's  delay,  at  the  least.  Farmers  who  have 
built  up  a  profitable  business  in  supplying  a  steady  market  with 
eggs  and  young  chicks  find  that  their  parcel  post  service  is  so 
materially  impaired  that  they  despair  of  retaining  their  trade. 
Some  rural  carriers  have  suddenly  lost  their  jobs  through  no 
fault  of  their  own,  and  postmasters  find  their  business  trans- 
ferred to  offices  to  which  it  is  not  naturally  tributary.  While 
this  is  exasperating,  to  say  nothing  of  financial  loss  and  disrup- 
tion of  established  trade,  it  is  just  what  might  be  expected  from 
an  administration  whose  head  boasts  that  he  has  never  been  in 
business  and  who  appointed  a  Postmaster  General  who  had  no 
practical  knowledge  of  the  postal  service. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         365 

WHEN  THE  WAR  IS  OVER— WHAT? 

Among  thosejfkvho  have  asked  this  question  is  Represen- 
tative Bennet,  of  New  York.  Mr.  Bennet  pointed  to  the 
efficiency  of  European  military  organization,  and  gave  warn- 
ing that  once  that  efficiency  is  directed  toward  manufac- 
turing articles  to  compete  in  our  markets,  it  would  not 
be  possible  to  keep  open  our  factories  with  the  wage  dif- 
ference that  now  exists.  He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
a  commission  from  France  had  just  arrived  in  New  York 
to  purchase  from  the  United  States  machinery  costing  nearly 
two  hundred  million  dollars.  This  machinery  will  be  of  the 
most  modern  type,  and  us^d  as  soon  as  the  war  is  over  to 
manufacture  goods  in  competition  with  our  home  manufac- 
tures. 

Mr.  Bennet  referred  to  the  wonderful  ability  shown  by 
some  of  the  countries  now  at  war  to  supply  their  own  needs 
under  the  most  difficult  circumstances  and  said  that  just  as 
soon  as  the  war  ends  the  same  ingenuity  will  be  directed 
toward  supplying  the  needs  of  consumers  in  the  United 
Slates. 

"Democratic  orators  used  to  tell  us  that  a  Democratic  tariff 
would  not  disturb  business;  but  it  did,"  said  Mr.  Bennet. 
"The  war,  regrettable  as  it  is,  was  the  salvation  of  American 
industry.  Even  with  imports  greatly  impeded  by  the  war, 
our  manufacturing  industries  were  so  seriously  interfered  with 
in  this  city  last  winter  that  400,000  people  were  out  of  work. 
The  election  was  in  part  a  protest  against  unemployment. 

"But  it  will  be  said  that  conditions  are  improving.  Of 
course,  the  war  is  a  pro  tempore  protective  tariff  of  a  make- 
shift kind,  and  in  addition  we  have  this  new  trade  in  muni- 
tions of  war.  Whatever  may  be  our  opinion  of  its  ethics  we 
cannot  deny  that  it  is  bringing  money  into  this  country.  But 
when  the  war  ceases  and  we  lose  instantly  both  our  sub- 
stitute for  an  adequate  tariff  and  our  munitions  trade,  what 
then? 

"Nor  is  this  all.  The  manufacturing  enterprises  of  Europe 
generally  have  not  been  destroyed.  They  have  been  curtailed, 
suspended,  changed  and  largely  brought  under  governmental 
control,  which  will  mean  such  regulation  that  foreign  markets 
can  be  invaded  successfully.  Ten  million  men  will  leave 
the  trenches  when  this  war  closes.  Will  they  be  turned  loose 
to  be  slowly  absorbed  without  plan  or  provisions  into  in- 
dustry? By  no  means.  No  government  would  dare  try  such 
an  experiment. 

"On  the  contrary,  each  government  will,  in  the  beginning 
at  least  assign  these  soldier-workmen  to  industrial  tasks. 
Wages?  These  men  are  soldiers!  The  governments  control 
the  industries.  Until  industries  are  reestablished  the  men 
and  their  families  will  continue  to  be  supported  as  they 
are  now  being  supported.  We  shall  face,  therefore,  not  the 
product  of  European  cheap  labor,  but  the  product  of  soldier 
labor,  and  our  country,  unscathed  by  war,  is  the  market  to 
which  their  goods  must  come.  Against  the  wholesale  dumping 
on  our  market  of  this  flood  of  the  most  cheaply-produced 
foreign  goods  ever  made,  we  must  have  protection  or  the 
employees  of  our  own  competing  factories  will  walk  the 
streets," 

Views  of  Secretary  Shaw 

Ex-Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Leslie  M.  Shaw  says: 
"At  the  close  of  the  Napoleonic  wars,  100  years  ago,  in 
1816,  the  Democrats  reduced  the  tariff  so  that  the  average 
duty  on  imports  was  over  22  per  cent."  The  average  duty 
collected  now  under  the  Underwood  Tariff  is  less  than  9 
per  cent.  What  may  we  expect  at  the  close  of  the  present 
European  war? 


366         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

"Thomas  Benton,  a  Democrat,  told  of  the  effect  of  the 
1816  tariff  in  his  Thirty  Years  in  Congress,'  when  he  de- 
clared there  was  *no  price  for  property,  no^ales  except  those 
of  the  sheriff  and  the  marshal;  no  sign  of  the  hammer  except 
that  of  the  auctioneer  knocking  down  property.'  Horace 
Greeley  described  it  by  saying  'Great  Britain  poured  her 
fabrics,  far  below  cost,  upon  our  markets  in  a  perfect  deluge; 
manufactures  went  down  like  grass  before  a  mower  and 
agriculture  and  labor  speedily  followed.' 

"Woodrow  Wilson,  in  his  'History  of  the  American  People' 
declared  that  'English  merchants  poured  their  goods  once 
again  into  American  ports  so  long  shut  against  them  by 
embargoes  and  war.  It  was  manifestly  injurious  to  every 
young  industry.  The  remedy  was  a  protective  tariff,  such  as 
Mr.  Hamilton  had  wished,  and  the  young  Republicans  did 
not  hesitate  to  advocate  and  establish  it.' 

"As  a  historian  Woodrow  Wilson  is  a  protectionist;  as  a 
Democratic  politician,  he  declares  it  a  fundamental  principle 
of  the  Democratic  Party  that  under  the  Constitution  the 
government  has  no  right  or  power  to  levy  tariff  duties  except 
for  revenue. 

"Lloyd  George  recently  declared  that  England  had  in- 
creased her  efficiency  in  many  instances  eightfold  in  spite 
of  the  fact  that  more  than  4,000,000  men  were  in  the  army.  I 
suppose  the  factories  of  England  are  turning  out  four  or  five 
times  as  much  as  before.  Germany  is  operating  her  factories 
and  small  shops  with  convalescent  soldiers  and  women  at 
twice  normal  capacity  and  has  over  $2,000,000,000  worth  of 
goods  ready  for  shipment  when  the  seas  are  opened.  Barring 
Belgium,  Poland  and  a  little  strip  of  northern  France,  not  a 
factory  has  been  destroyed  and  many  times  as  many  persons 
are  employed  in  the  factories  as  before.  Within  three  months 
America  was  underbid  by  England  on  a  large  contract  for 
pipe  for  South  America  and  was  underbid  by  Germany  on  a 
contract  for  $1,000,000  worth  of  munitions  machinery  for 
Sweden.  Before  the  war  England  was  giving  considerable 
attention  to  sports;  in  the  last  six  months  there  has  been  no 
polo,  no  cricket,  no  sports;  only  war  and  business.  When 
the  war  is  over  there  will  be  nothing  but  business.  England 
has  been  taught  economies  that  will  not  cease  after  the  war." 

From  the  New  York  Sun 

While  the  Central  Powers  of  Europe  are  locked  within 
a  ring  of  steel  ashore  and  afloat,  it  takes  a  submarine  mer- 
chantman to  deliver  a  million  dollar  cargo  of  German  mer- 
chandise at  one  of  our  ports.  There  may  be  dozens,  there 
may  be  scores  of  these  undersea  voyagers  to  follow  the 
Deutschland's  triumphant  cjurse  and  lay  down  in  our  mar- 
kets dyestuffs  and  other  products  of  German  enterprise  and 
genius.  Yet,  at  the  best,  what  this  submarine  transportation 
can  put  into  our  markets  will  be  as  a  few  drops  of  rain 
spilling  out  of  the  clouds  into  the  sea. 

But  when  the  armies  of  the  Old  World  have  laid  down 
their  arms,  when  twenty  million  warriors  are  twenty  mil- 
lion workmen  again,  when  every  blockade  has  been  lifted 
from  every  port,  when  the  higliways  of  the  Seven  Seas  are 
as  open  and  as  free  as  ever  they  were  to  all  ships  under 
all  flags,  of  the  great  Powers  and  of  the  small  Powers,  of 
the  victors  and  of  the  vanquished,  we  shall  not  have  mere 
submarine  marvels  seeking  our  shores  by  stealthy  and 
crooked  voyages,  with  driblet  cargoes  of  800  tons.  We  shall 
have  countless  argosies  coming  from  the  Germans  and  the 
Austrians,  as  from  the  British  and  the  French,  as  from  every 
nation  that  trades  in  any  craft  that  can  float. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         367 

They  will  be  coming,  from  the  peoples  who  are  now  at 
peace  and  from  the  peoples  who  are  now  at  war,  as  they 
never  came  before.  For  with  the  markets  of  belligerents 
restored  to  the  world,  the  nations  that  kept  out  of  the  war 
can  find  there  no  rich  and  prosperous  buyers,  as  they  found 
them  before  August,  1914;  just  as  now  they  must  seek  them 
here. 

And  the  belligerents  of  today  sending  their  soldiers  back 
to  work  must  ask  of  them,  after  all  they  have  done  on  the 
fields  of  battle,  to  find,  at  whatever  pains,  their  livings  on 
the  field  of  industry.  All,  as  individuals  and  as  nations,  will 
work  in  whatever  w^ay  they  must  work,  will  do  whatever 
things  they  must  do,  will  suffer  whatever  pinch  they  must 
suffer,  to  freight  their  fleets  with  products  of  the  farm  and 
the  mine,  of  the  mill  and  the  factory,  to  get  our  gold — our 
gold  which  already  is  piled  high  in  our  public  and  private 
vaults  as  never  gold  was  piled  before,  as  perhaps  never  again 
it  is  to  be  in  the  history  of  the  human  race.  That  is  what  is 
due  when  the  peace  clock  strikes,  beyond  our  present  imports. 
And  see  what  they  are  already. 

For  the  fiscal  year  ending  with  June  they  were,  in  round 
numbers,  $2,000,000,000.  But  since  the  beginning  of  the 
calendar  year  they  have  been  coming  at  the  rate  of  more 
than  $2,250,000,000.  For  several  weeks  they  have  been  rush- 
ing in  at  the  rate  of  more  than  $2,500,000,000. 

Let  the  war  go  on  and  this  calendar  year  will  surpass  in 
imports  $3,000,000,000.  Let  the  war  go  on  and  this  fiscal 
year  just  begun  will  run  hundreds  of  millions  beyond  $3,000,- 
000,000. 

And  while  the  submarine  merchantman,  Deutschland, 
bringing  her  cargo  of  precious  dyestuffs,  was  feeling  her  way 
into  the  waters  of  Chesapeake  Bay,  the  present  control  of  the 
United  States  Congress  was  rejecting  the  Republican  pro- 
posal to  place  on  dyestuffs  an  import  duty  which  would  save 
the  American  industries  established  since  the  allied  blockade 
of  the  Central  Powers,  to  provide  articles  which  are  essential 
to  the  industrial  existence  of  this  country.  And  only  a  few 
days  earlier  a  great  American  industry  announced  that  it  was 
scrapping  its  munition  plants  and  turning  out  of  employment 
in  those  plants  hundreds  of  workmen  because  the  war  order 
dream  of  fabulous  wealth  and  endless  prosperity  is  already 
beginning    tp    fade. 

So  shall  all  our  war  order  business  collapse,  not  after  the 
war,  but  even  as  the  peace  negotiations  begin.  So  shall 
the  cream  of  our  present  exports  become,  sour  milk.  So  shall 
American  wage  earners  troop  out  of  the  pay  line  and  into  the 
bread  line  by  the  tens  and  hundreds  of  thousands,  if  while 
we  lose  the  foreign  war  markets  to  the  extent  of  hundreds 
of  millions  a  year  there  are  no  peace  industries  to  which  they 
may  return  for  their  bread  and  butter  because  the  fleets  of  all 
the  world  will  be  pouring  their  cargoes  into  our  markets. 

But  at  Washington,  in  this  as  in  all  other  national  dan- 
gers, there  is  nothing  but  watchful  waitin^-. 

From  the  Washington  Post 

Thomas  Jefferson,  the  patron  saint  of  Democracy,  after  the 
war  of  1812  wrote  many  letters  which  demonstrated  that 
he  had  become  converted  to  the  doctrine  of  a  protective 
tariff. 

Realization  of  what  will  happen  after  the  European  war 
is  over,  if  the  present  tariff  law  remains  unchanged  on  the 
statute  books,  is  now  widespread.  It  is  not  based  upon  mere 
guesses.  It  is  grounded  in  the  knowledge  of  what  actually 
did  happen  following  the  war  of  1812  and  other  wars. 

The  present  administration  has  shown  some  disposition  to 
meet  the  tariff  crisis  which   is   approaching,  and  whose  ad- 


368        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

vent  is  announced  in  the  trade  compacts  which  are  being 
made  by  the  entente  allies.  This  disposition  is  shown  in  the 
poorly  drawn  anti-dumping  bills,  the  proposed  dyestuffs  legis- 
lation and  the  suspension  of  the  free  sugar  clause  of  the 
tariff  law.  These  remedies,  partial  and  in  some  cases  wholly 
ineffectual,  merely  serve  to  meet  present  conditions  and  not 
the  future. 

Champ  Clark,  once  an  uncompromising  enemy  of  anything 
resembling  protection,  lately  has  been  quoted  as  suggesting 
import  duties  at  levels  which  will  bring  the  maximum  duties. 
Inevitably  this  would  bring  a  certain  amount  of  protection, 
far  more  than  the  present  law,  and  incidentally  it  would  at 
least  put  the  law  on  a  revenue-producing  basis. 

Something  more,  however,  will  be  needed  to  meet  condi- 
tions after  the  war.  The  European  nations  have  given 
notice  that  they  will  wage  their  trade  war  through  a  system 
of  protective  tariffs.  The  whole  economic  condition  of  the 
world  has  changed  already,  and  there  will  be  greater  changes, 
more  potent  for  good  or  evil  to  the  United  States,  after  the 
war   is   over. 

There  should  be  no  hesitancy  on  the  part  of  President  Wil- 
son in  evolving  a  policy  for  the  United  States.  There  is  no 
need  for  pride  of  opinion  when  the  whole  world  is  changing. 
As  a  historian,  Mr.  Wilson  wrote  impartially  of  the  conditions 
that  followed  the  close  of  the  war  of  1812. 

Similar  conditions  face  the  country  today.  The  President 
can  eliminate  one  of  the  biggest  issues  of  the  campaign  by 
drawing  upon  his  knowledge  of  history  and  giving  the  country 
what  is  needed  to  meet  the  situation  which  is  fast  approaching. 


The  following  is  from  the  New  York  Times  of  July  17, 
1916,  a  paper  that  is  a  supporter  of  Mr.  Wilson: 

America,  from  Chicago  east,  is  now  on  the  shady  side  of 
$3,000,000,000  in  all  its  war  orders,  counting  blankets,  ma- 
chinery, locomotives,  and  other  products  not  coming  strictly 
under   the   head  of  munitions. 

Twenty-four  corporations  alone  account  for  more  than 
$1,000,000,000  up  to  Feb.  I  of  this  year.  This  figure  is  said 
to  be  ^  ''highly  conservative."  In  other  words,  this  item, 
comprising  scarcely  one-third  of  the  country's  war  receipts, 
is  equal  to  the  entire  national  debt  of  the  United  States,  with 
140  years  of  existence  behind  it  during  which  it  financed  four 
wars  of  its  own,  innumerable  Congressional  "pork  barrels," 
and  satisfied  the  wants  of  a  population  of  100,000,000,  qf  as 
manv    people    as    France    and    Germany    have    combined. 

Official  reports  from  the  Bureau  of  Foreign  and  Domestic 
Commerce  at  Washington  show  that  shipments  of  war 
munitions  up  to  date  have  aggregated  $446,000,000.  These 
figures  cover  munitions  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  word. 
They  do  not  include  locomotives,  blankets,  rails,  machines 
for  gunmaking,  or  other  materials  of  this  class  which  are 
indispensable  to  the  nations  as  part  of  their  war  supplies. 

It  must  be  remembered  also  that  a  tremendous  amount  of 
war  orders  already  placed  will  not  begin  to  run  before  the 
Fall  and  next  year.  Some  of  these  contracts  call  for  delivery 
as  late  as  1918. 


For  Example 
France  sent  us  $66,000,000  worth  of  her  products  during 
the  ten  months  ended  April,  1915.  During  the  first  four  or 
five  months  of  the  war,  from  August  to  November,  1914.  trade 
was  completely  upset,  ocean  tonnage  was  shorter,  and  enor- 
mous drafts  were  made  on  the  belligerents  to  place  them- 
selves in  a  state  of  preparedness.  During  the  ten  months 
ended  April,  1916,  France  performed  prodieji^s  of  valor  on  the 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        I6» 

field  of  battle,  and  increased  her  exports  to  the  United  States 
27  per  cent,  or  to  $84,000,000. 

For  the  same  periods  our  exports  to  France  increased  from 
$277,000,000  for  1915  to  $478,000,000  for  1916.  The  things  we 
sent  France  were  largely  munitions  of  war.  Our  normal  an- 
nual exports  to  that  country  run  about  $150,000,000.  The 
things  France  sent  us  were  not  for  war  purposes.  They 
were  the  products  of  the  cheap  labor  of  France  coming 
into  competition  with  the  products  of  American  labor,  which 
receives  the  highest  wage  in  the  world,  or  goes  jobless  if 
foreign  competition  becomes  too  strong. 

With  the  close  of  the  war  our  exports  to  France  will  drop 
below  normal.  But  her  exports  to  us  will  increase  unless 
the  country  possesses  that  which  makes  the  American  wage 
possible — a  Protective  Tariff.  France  must  sell  more  and 
buy  less  in  order  to  make  up  for  the  losses  sustained  in  this 
war.  If  the  Underwood  Tariff  law  enables  France  to  in- 
crease her  exports  to  us  27  per  cent  while  she  is  bearing  the 
burden  of  the  war,  what  would  she  be  able  to  do  to  our 
markets  when  peace  again  prevails  and  her  army  returns  to 
gainful  occupations? 

What  IS  true  of  France  is  true  of  nearly  all  Europe.  Com- 
mercial preparedness  should  go  hand  in  hand,  with  military 
preparedness,  and  to  insure  the  former  we  must  return  to 
the   protectivdr  policy. 


THE  UNSAFE  TREASURY 

President  Wilson's  message,  at  the  opening  of  the  Sixty- 
fourth  Congress,  dealt  with  matters  of  finance.  But  soon  after 
he  had  shown  the  appalling  deficit  which  the  Democratic  Ad- 
ministration will  leave  in  the  Treasury  at  'che  end  of  the  fiscal 
year  of  1917,  he  said:  "To  this  sum  at  least  fifty  millions 
should  be  added'  to  represent  a  safe  working  balance  for  the 
Treasury." 

On  the  day  when  the  President  spoke  in  Congress,  December 
7,  the  daily  Treasury  statement,  issued  under  Secretary  Mc- 
Adoo's  new  form,  gave  the  net  balance  in  the  Treasury  as  $117,- 
024.099.49.  Included  in  this  was  $59,436,771.92  of  disbursing 
officers'  balance,  which  was  never  an  available  asset,  and  $26,- 
588,688  of  national  bank  notes  redemption  fund,  which  does  not 
belong  to  'this  Government  at  all.  Deducting  these  two  items 
from  Mr.  McAdoo's  manufactured  net  bilance,  we  find  the 
Treasury  to  have  had  on  hand  only  $30,998,628.57.  And  of  this 
sum,  more  than  twenty-five  millions  was  in  subsidiary  silver  coin, 
minor  coin  and  silver  bullion,  which  could  not  be  used  for 
Treasury  transactions  unless  Uncle  Sam  intends  to  pay  his  bills 
in  chicken  feed  money. 

The  real  available  balance,  therefore,  was  about  $5,000,000,  as 
against  the  $50,000,000  which  the  President  said  "should  be  added 
to  represent  a  safe  working  balance  f6r  the  Treasury." 

It  is.  therefore,  readily  to  be  assumed  that  the  President  has 
confessed  to  an  unsafe  condition  of  the  Treasury.  According 
to  Mr,  Wilson's  own  language,  he  went  before  Congress  with  a 
Treasury  which  was  $45,000,000  short  of  being  safe. 


Secretary  of  War  Garrison  notified  President  Wilson  that 
"I  consider  the  principle  embodied  in  the  Clarke  amendment 
to  the  Philippines  bill  an  abandonment  of  the  duty  of  this 
nation  and  a  breach  of  trust  toward  the  Filipinos;  so  believ- 
ing I  cannot  accept  it  or  acquiesce  in  its  acceptance." 


Cheap  labor  is  not  the  end  we  seek  in  the  United  States. 
*  *  *  ^^Q  desire  not  only  well-paid  labor,  but  want  that 
labor  steadily  employed. — Hon,  C.  W.  Fairbanks,  at  Kansas 
City,  Mo.,  September  i,  1902, 


370         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

THE  FEDERAL  TRADE  COMMISSION 

When  Congress  was  considering  the  Federal  Trade  Commis- 
sion Bill,  President  Wilson  on  several  occasions  found  it  neces- 
sary to  impress  Representatives  and  Senators  with  the  extreme 
urgency  of  the  measure.  He  seemed  to  consider  the  immediate 
enactment  of  this  law  of  vital  importance  to  the  country  and 
took  the  position  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  this  Com- 
mission should  be  created  and  get  to  work  at  once.  It  is  ditYi- 
cult  to  say  whether  the  pressure  from  the  White  House 
was  responsible  for  'che  enactment  of  a  law  so  vague 
and  indefinite  in  character  as  to  make  it  impossible  for 
lawyers  to  understand  what  it  meant.  Equally  interest- 
ing is  the  fact  that  the  somewhat  violent  enthusiasm  of  the 
President  for  the  measure,  and  the  emergency  which  he  had 
conjured  up,  disappeared  as  soon  as  he  signed  the  bill.  The  bill 
creating  the  Commission  became  a  law  on  September  26,  1914, 
and  naturally  it  would  be  assumed  that  the  President  would  ap- 
point the  members  of  the  Commission  at  once.  But  as  a  matter 
of  fact  it  was  March  16,  1915,  six  months  later,  before  the 
Commissioners  took  the  oath  oi  office.  During  the  interval  the 
country  had  to  worry  along  as  best  it  could  with  the  Sherman 
Anti-Trust  Law,  waiting  for  the  advent  of  this  Federal  Trade 
Commission  which  President  Wilson  in  an  address  to  Congress 
described  as  follows : 

The  opinion  of  the  country  would  instantly  approve  of  such  a  Com- 
mission (Interstate  Trade  Commission).  It  would  not  wish  to  see  it 
empowered  to  make  terms  with  monopoly  or  in  any  sort  to  assume 
control  of  business,  as  if  the  Government  made  itself  responsible.  It 
demands  such  a  Commission  only  as  an  indispensable  instrument  of  in- 
formation and  publicity  as  a  clearing  house  for  the  facts  by  which  both  the 
public  mind  and  the  managers  of  great  business  undertakings  should  be 
guided  and  as  an  instrumentality  for  doing  justice  to  business  where  the 
processes  of  the  courts  or  the  natural  forces  of  correction  outside  the  courts 
are  inadequate  to  adjust  the  remedy  to  the  wrong  in  a  way  that  will  meet 
all   the   equities  and   circumstances   of   the    case. 

This  description  of  the  Federal  Trade  Commission  is  both 
highly  rhetorical  and  highly  misleading.  In  the  first  place,  the 
President  had  only  a  vague  idea  of  what  he  wanted.  In  the  sec- 
ond plaice,  Congress  enacted  a  law  which  was  entirely  contrary 
to  his  declared  theories  and  ideas.  He  was  willing  to  accept 
the  original  Hous^  bill;  then  he  was'  willing  to  accept  the 
Senate  bill,  which  was  entirely  different;  and  finally  he  ac- 
cepted the  conference  report,  which  was  not  even  a  combina- 
tion of  both  bills.  The  conference  committee  on  the  Trade 
Commission  Bill  did  not  even  follow  the  conference  rules  to 
abide  by  the  legislation  of  both  houses,  eliminating  or  retain- 
ing parts  of  each  bill,  though  modifying  them.  New  matter 
was  inserted  and  the  conference  report  put  through  the  House 
and  Senate. 

This  bill  confers  on  the  Commission  unlimited  power  and  could 
be  utilized  to  bring  about  chaos  in  the  industries  of  the  country. 
Under  its  terms  no  man  knows  when  he  is  obeying  the  law,  for 
the  reason  that  the  commission,  under  the  teri^s  of  this  act,  has 
the  right  to  determine  for  itself  what  is  the  law  and  what  is  not 
the  law.  The  business  man  may  have  practiced  certain  methods 
under  the  advice  of  his  attorneys  and  in  consonance  with  the 
decisions  of  the  courts  for  many  years.  A  rival  may  make  a 
complaint  against  him  and  the  Federal  Trade  Commission  would 
have  the  power  under  the  law  to  determine  that  his  actions 
during  these  years  has  been  wrongful  and  that  they  must  cease 
or  he  will  be  punished.  A  Democratic  House  and  Senate  and  a 
Democratic  President  had  an  idea  of  a  Federal  Trade  Com- 
mission, but  they  had  no  clear  knowledge  of  what  the  powers 
of  the  Commission  should  be.  Therefore  they  were  afraid  to 
make  these  powers  detailed  and  specific,  and,  avoiding  the  sub- 
ject, they  simply  granted  unlimited  powers. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         371 

The  Commission  has  been  in  existence  actually  about  eighteen 
months,  and  in  that  time  it  has  failed  to  find  out  just  what  its 
powers  and  duties  are ;  what  it  ought  to  do  or  what  it  should 
avoid  doing.  Its  own  idea  to-day  of  its  jurisdiction  and  duties 
is  as  beautifully  vague  as  thai  of  President  Wilson  when  he  ad- 
dressed Congress  concerning  the  emergency  situation  which  he 
said  existed. 

The  Trade  Commission,  since  its  inception,  has  drifted  along, 
doing  nothing  but  making  vague  promises  of  what  it  is  going  to 
do.  It  was  created  for  the  purpose  of  rectifying  "unfair  meth- 
ods of  competition."  The  country  has  known  for  years  what 
"unfair  competition"  is.  The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  has  taken  action  to  define  unfair  competition  under  the 
Sherman  Law.  In  a  decree  against  the  American  Thread  Com- 
pany, rendered  in  June,  1914,  the  defendants  were  enjoined 
specifically  from  more  than  a  dozen  things  which  the  court 
pointed  out  should  be  considered  as  unfair  competition.  In  the 
case  of  the  United  States  against  ithe  American  Coal  Tar 
Products  Company,  a  decree  was  entered  in  March,  1913,  and 
the  Supreme  Court  detailed  specific  instances  of  unfair  compe- 
tition, enjoining  the  defendants  from  continuing  such  practices. 
Again,  in  the  case  of  the  U.  S.  vs.  S.  F.  Bowser  &  Co,  the 
Supreme  Court  laid  down  specific  instances  of  unfair  competition 
and  enjoined  the  defendants  from  continuing  them.  Apparently 
the  Supreme  Court  was  not  afraid  of  specific  details  when  it 
came  to  considering  unfair  competition;  but  the  framers  of  the 
Federal  Trade  Commission  Law  took  the  position  that  there 
should  be  no  limitation  of  the  powers  of  the  Commission,  and 
thereupon  gave  to  the  Commission  unlimited  powers,  which  the 
Commission  is  now  trying  to  find  out  how  it  can  use. 

So  far  as  the  records  are  available,  about  50  decisions  have 
been  rendered  by  the  Commission,  and  at  least  ten  of  these  cases 
were  dismissed,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  of  "no  interest  to 
the  public."  Perhaps  the  public  does  hot  understand  the  sig- 
nific^ice  of  'that  decision.  The  law  creating  the  Commission 
contains  this  clause:  "And  if  it  shall  appear  to  the  Commission 
that  a  proceeding  by  it  in  respect  thereof  would  be  to  the  interest 
of  the  public."  In  other  words,  the  Commission  has  the  power 
to  throw  cases  out  without  a  public  investigation  unless  it  is 
satisfied  that  the  case  would  be  of  interest  'to  the  public.  That 
clause  itself  granted  the  power  of  favoritism  to  the  Commis- 
sion because  it  gives  it  the  right  to  say  that  one  thing  is  wrong 
and  must  be  investigated  because  it  is  of  interest  to  the  public, 
and  another  is  not  of  sufficient  interest  to  the  public  to  be  investi- 
gated. It  can  punish  enemies  and  reward  friends  under  that 
clause,  a  power  never  conferred  before  by  the  American  Govern- 
ment on  any  Commission  heretofore  created.  1 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  Commission  has  been  given 
power  to  make  "popular  prosecutions  of  unpopular  trusts."  The 
Commission  has  been  exercising  this  power  in  a  limited  way 
under  the  terms  of  the  act;  but  this  question  of  the  power  to  be 
utilized  when  the  Commission  believes  it  to  be  to  the  interest 
of  the  public,  or,  as  it  is  worded  in  another  part  of  the  law, 
whenever  the  Commission  "has  reason  to  believe"  certain  things 
should  be  done,  is  absolutely  contradictory  of  a  definite  state- 
ment by  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  case  of  Hollon  Parker,  131 
U.  S.,  221,  where  it  is  stated  that  the  "rights  under  our  system 
of  law  and  procedure  do  not  rest  in  the  discretionary  authority 
of  any  officer,  judicial  or  otherwise."  But  the  Federal  Trade 
Commission  has  the  power  to  exercise  full  discretion  as  to 
whether  a  complainant  shall  have  a  hearing  or  not,  or  whether 
a  case  shall  be  thrown  out  of  court  on  the  mere  general  hearing 
of  the  complaint  by  the  Commission  or  one  of  its  members. 

In  the  cases  which  have  been  decided  by  the  Commission  to 
date — and   there  are   few  of  any   importance — apparently   more 


372         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

than  one-third  of  them  have  been  dismissed  on  the  ground  that 
the  Commission  did  not  have  jurisdiction,  or  that  it  did  not 
care  co  decide  points  raised.  According  to  the  terms  of  the  law, 
the  Commission  has  almost  unlimited  jurisdiction,  but  the  bulk 
of  its  decisions  seem  to  have  been  rendered  on  the  basis  that  a 
case  is  "not  of  reasonable  interest  to  the  public;"  "lack  of 
jurisdiction,"  or  specific  declination  to  decide.  Not  one  case  of 
vital  interest  to  the  nation  has  been  decided,  and  the  business 
men  of  the  United  States  to-day  are  entirely  unaware  of  the 
attitude  of  the  Commission.  It  is  true  that  one  Commissioner 
has  taken  a  great  deal  of  time  to  advise  them  as  to  new  methods 
of  cost  accounting,  whereby  they  would  be  able  to  secure  more 
money  from  the  banks.  But  the  manufacturers  of  the  United 
States  have  gotten  along  for  the  last  half  century,  meeting 
financial  emergencies  in  their  own  way  and  feeling  'the  pinch 
of  trouble  only  when  a  Democratic  Administration  turned  loose 
European  groods  in  these  markets  at  European  prices.  Now  they 
are  being  advised  by  the  Federal  Trade  Commission  how  they  can 
secure  more  money  at  the  bank,  and  this  advice  is  presumed  'co 
be  preliminary  to  the  depression  which  will  inevitably  follow 
the  cessation  of  the  European  war  and  a  contmuance  of  the 
Underwood  Tariff  Law. 

This  Trade  Commission  was  a  sort  of  omnibus  measure,  in  the 
estimation  of  the  President,  designed  to  carry  out  all  sorts  of 
vague  ideas,'  among  others  the  duties  of  a  Tariff  Commission. 
Republicans  were  reminded-  sarcastically  that  in  the  Traxle  Com- 
mission the  President  "had  put  one  over,"  to  use  his  own  lan- 
guage, and  that  the  demand  for  a  Tariff  Commission  was  both 
silly  and  foolish,  because  one  already  existed  in  the  Trade  Com- 
mission. In  the  next  few  months,  with  his  usual  facility  in  such 
cases,  the  President  changed  his  mind,  and  when  confronted 
with  indisputable  evidence  that  the  close  of  the  war  would  mean 
the  destruction  of  Agierican  business  under  the  Underwood 
Tariff  Law,  he  tried  to  adopt  a  middle  course.  Therefore  he 
decided  that  Congress  must  create  a  Tariff  Commission,  al- 
though a  few  months  before  he  had  sneered  at  the  Tariff  Com- 
mission and  "put  one  over  on  the  Republicans"  in  the  Trade 
Commission,  "which  has  a  Tariff  Commission's  powers." 


COMMISSION  ON  INDUSTRIAL  RELATIONS 

One  of  the  tragic  incidents  of  the  present  administration 
of  the  affairs  of  the  United  States  was  the  Commission 
on  Industrial  Relations.  It  is  perfectly  safe  to. say  that  no 
commission  ever  appointed  by  the  Federal  Government  ever 
went  out  of  o^ice  so  thoroughly  and  absolutely  discredited. 
No  commission  ever  disappointed  the  great  body  of  the 
people  so  thoroughly  or  so  effectively  disgusted  those  who 
were  responsible  for  its  original  creation.  The  idea  of 
the  Commission  on  Industrial  Relations  originated  in  the 
Taft  Administration,  and  it  was  supported  by  political  econ- 
omists, publicists  and  men  of  affairs  throughout  the  country. 
The  purpose  of  the  Commission,  according  to  their  outlines 
was  to  investigate  conditions  affecting  in  any  way  the  indus- 
trial life  of  the  country.  It  was  hoped  that  through  this  in- 
vestigation there  would  be  an  exposition  of  underlying  causes 
tending  to  create  discontent,  showing  the  condition  of  labor, 
of  conditions  of  employment  and  how  both  might  be 
bettered.  It  was  also  hoped  that  living  conditions  might 
be  analyzed  and  the  influences  affecting  them  shown  in  such 
a  way  that  where  possible  legislative  enactment  might  be 
adopted  which  would  help  to  correct  inequalities  or  injustice. 

It  was  to  be  a  broad  analysis,  impartial  and  thorough,  of 
the  various  conditions  entering  into  our  complex  industrial 
and  commercial  life.  The  bill  which  was  passed  and  ap- 
proved by  President  Taft  on  August  23,  1912,  gave  the  new 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         S73 

commission  sweeping  power  to  conduct  these  investigations. 
President  Taft  realized  the  full  significance  of  this  commis- 
sion and  he  understood  its  purpose  and  its  possibilities.  Ac- 
cordingly he  gave  thoughtful  and  careful  consideration  to  the 
personnel  of  the  Commission  which  he  desired  to  conduct  the 
investigations;  He  sent  to  Congress  in  the  second  session 
of  the  Sixty-second  Congress  the  names  of  nine  men  who, 
in  his  estimation,  were  best  qualified  for  this  important  work. 
When  these  names  were  announced  there  was  general  satis- 
faction, and  those  who  favored  the  bill  originally  expressed  the 
opinion  that  a  great  deal  of  good  would  result  from  the  in- 
vestigation. ,But  they  reckoned  without  the  activities  of 
Democratic  Senators  who  had  a  keener  regard  for  the  possi- 
bilities of  patronage  involved  in  the  bill  than  for  the  actual 
investigation  and  consequent  good  which  might  result. 

In  the  meantime,  Mr.  Wilson  had  been  elected  President, 
and  was  to  take  office  on  March  4,  1913.  In  order  to  preserve 
to  the  Democratic  Party  the  patronage  involved  in  the  ap- 
pointments to  the  Commission  on  Industrial  Relations,  Dem- 
ocratic Senators  began  filibustering  against  the  confirmation 
of  the  men  named  by  President  Taft.  It  was  petty  politics 
of  the  srnallest  kind,  but  it  was  successful  in  one  respect. 
The  appointments  of  President  Taft  were  not  confirmed  and 
when  Mr.  Wilson,  with  his  theories  of  government,  came 
into  office,  he  was  confronted  with  the  necessity  of  appoint- 
ing nine  men  to  carry  on  this  important  investigation.  One 
thing  that  has  been  demonstrated  conclusively  in  the  Admin- 
istration of  President  Wilson  is  his  personal  lack  of  knowl- 
edge of  men.  His  appointments  to  office,  except  in  a  few 
rare  cases,  have  been  marked  by  extreme  mediocrity  and  in 
some  cases  which  need  not  be  recalled,  his  appointments 
have  been  absolutely  bad.  In  the  case  of  the  Commission  on 
Industrial  Relations,  he  again  demonstrated  his  inefficiency. 
Without  going  into  detail  concerning  the  personnel,  it  is 
sufficient  to  note  the  character  of  the  chairman.  It  is 
not  necessary  to  say  much  concerning  the  chairman  or 
his  availability  for  the  office  which  was  given  to  him  be- 
cause his  subsequent  record  in  the  office  is  in  itself  a  com- 
plete picture  of  his  incapacity.  Some  of  the  members  of 
the  Commission  were  qualified  for  the  positions  which  they 
held,  but  from  the  beginning  the  whole  commission  was 
ruled  and  managed  and  exploited  by  the  chairman,  the  direct 
personal  appointment  of  President  Wilson.  The  result  is 
well  known;  the  commission  accomplished  nothing  except  to 
make  a  record  of  the  desire  of  the  chairman  to  exploit  his 
socialistic  theories  and  ideas.  The  work  of  the  commission 
degenerated  into  a  farce  and  those  who  had  hopes  that  some- 
thing would  be  accomplished  were  not  only  disappointed,  but 
thoroughly  disgusted. 

This  commission  was  in  existence  three  years,  spent  $450,000 
and  accomplished  nothing  that  was  of  any  use  whatever  to 
the  country;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  accomplished  things 
which  were  hurtful.  Instead  of  investigating  and  finding 
causes  of  social  discontent,  this  commission  succeeded  in 
prornoting  social  discontent,  exploiting  agitators  and  pre- 
senting to  the  country  arguments  why  agitation,  unrest  and 
class  hatred  should  be  regarded  as  logical  and  desirable.  The 
commission  went  out  of  existence  by  limitation  of  law,  and 
although  it  was  specified  in  the  appropriations  made  for  the 
expenses  of  the  commission  that  enough  money  should  be 
set  aside  out  of  these  appropriations  to  print  a  report  of  the 
commission,  it  was  found  finally  that  there  was  no  money  left 
and  Congress  was  compelled  t(^  appropriate  $92,688  additional 
to  print  the  record  which  contained  largely  an  exploitation 
of  the  ideas  of  the  chairman  of  the  commission.  This  record, 
if  it  were  made  available  and  distributed  to  every  citizen, 
would  be  prolific  of  agitation   and   trouble.     There   is   noth- 


374        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

ing  in  the  whole  record  that  can  be  or  has  been  or  will 
be  utilized  in  the  formation  or  enactment  of  constructive 
legislation.  There  is  not  a  page  in  the  record  which  gives 
an  idea  to  the  honest  statesman  for  the  framing  of  a  law 
designed  to  promote  the  interests  of  labor,  or  capital,  of  busi- 
ness or  of  the  average  citizen  of  the  United  States.  There  is 
much  in  the  record  that  is  designed  to  add  fuel  to  the  fire 
of  discontent.  The  ideas  of  agitators  as  described  both  by 
labor  and  capital  are  accepted  and  the  paramount  idea  pre- 
vailing throughout  the  whole  record  is  that  of  the  chairman 
exploiting  his  personal  views,  preferences  and  prejudices. 

Upon  whom  is  the  responsibility  for  this  failure  of  what  was 
really  a  great  idea?  It  rests  squarely  upon  the  shoulders  of 
President  Wilson.  It  was  he  who  selected  the  chairman,  and 
it  was  he  who  did  not  have  the  strength  of  mind  to  remove 
him  after  he  had  demonstrated  not  only  his  incompetence, 
but  the  dangerous  character  of  his  purpose  and  of  his  doc- 
tiine.  The  appointment  of  Walsh  is  merely  one  of  a  series 
of  similar  instances  in  which  there  has  been  committed  into 
the  hands  of  incompetent  and  unqualified  persons  important 
duties.  The  result  has  been  to  penalize  the  whole  country 
and  to  throw  away  many  hundred  thousands  of  dollars  with- 
out the  slightest  return. 

Some  of  the  leading  Democratic  and  Independent  papers 
of  the  country  have  voiced  in  no  uncertain  terms  their  opinion 
of  this  commission.  It  is  true  that  they  did  not  point  out 
the  responsibility  of  President  Wilson,  but  the  President  is 
responsible  for  his  own  appointments,  and  he  is  further  re- 
sponsible for  his  failure  to  remove  appointees  who  have 
demonstrated  their  unfitness  for  the  positions  to  which  he 
appointed  them.  The  New  York  Evening  Post,  on  February 
8,  1915,  made  this  comment  on  the  Commission  on  Industrial 
Relations: 

When  the  appointments  to  the  Federal  Commission  on  Industrial  Rela- 
tions were  announced,  two  of  the  most  devoted  advocates  of  the  creation 
threw  up  their  hands  in  despair.  They  had  labored  unceasingly  for  the 
legislation  establishing  the  Commission,  only  to  find  that  when  manned  it 
gave  no  prospect  for  that  calm,  scientific  survey  of  its  vast  field  of  inquiry 
for  which  they  had  planned  so  long.  As  one  looks  back  over  the  series 
of  hearings  just  concluded  in  this  city,  that  foreboding  seems  borne  out. 
No  one,  whether  favorable  to  capital  or  labor,  can,  we  are  certain,  be 
satisfied  with  what  was  achieved.  It  appears  now  a  mass  of  helter-skelter, 
often  utterly  irrelevant,  statements,  and  examinations  plainly  made  without 
any  definite  plan  of  inquiry  or  well-considered  policy,  chiefly  suggestive,  by 
its  confusion,  of  the  croquet  game  in  Alice  in  Wonderland.  *  *  *  If 
any  real  good  has  come  out  of  it,  or  may  in  the  future,  it  will,  we  are 
sure,  be  accidental.  We  are  inclined  to  think  that  the  men  who  finally 
write  the  report  will  waste  no  time  on  this  jumble  of  testimony  of  pluto- 
crats and  strikers  and  social  workers  and  all  the  rest. 

Among  thoughtful  people  the  Commission  has  received  a  black  eye  from 
which  it  will  find  it  hard  to  recover.  First  of  all,  this  is  due  to  the  Chair- 
man's foolish  utterances;  and  secondly,  to  the  way  the  hearing  was  al- 
lowed to  degenerate  into  a  most  unhappy  squabble.  ♦  «  «  Even  the 
thick-skinned  Mr.  Walsh  must,  we  suspect,  be  thoroughly  ashamed  of  the 
way  he  permitted  the  machinery  of  this  Commission  to  be  used. 

The  New  York  Sun,  on  April  26,  1915,  said: 

The  real  trouble  is  that  Mr.  Walsh  has  lost  all  true  sense  of  the  bear- 
ings of  things.  Everything  is  distorted  in  his  mind  to  suit  his  fixed  ideas 
of  the  universe.  The  present  incident  demonstrates  once  more  his  entire 
unfitness  for  the  functions  he  is  now  exercising  and  the  disastrous  wicked- 
ness of  selecting  him  for  his  present  position. 

The  New  York  Sun,  commenting  on  Chairman  Walsh,  the 
appointee  of  President  Wilson,  said  on  January   19,   1915: 

It  is  an  oddity  of  our  national  system  that  any  man  whose  notions 
are  at  once  so  loose  and  so  violent«shou'.d  hold  a  prominent  place  in  the 
Government,  enabling  him  to  give  some  artificial  importance  to  his  half- 
baked  theories.  Above  all,  it  is  strange  that  a  man  of  such  unbalanced 
virulence  should  be  able  to  usurp  a  quasi-judicial  function  and  undertake 
to  menace,  condemn  and  destroy  interests  created  for  the  benefit  of  the 
people. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         375 

Commenting  on  a  speech  of  Chairman  Walsh,  the  Washing- 
ton Times,  on  January   19,   1915,  said: 

Coming  from  a  Socialist  orator,  such  remarks  would  not  be  Surprising, 
but  coming  from  Mr.  Walsh  they  are  not  c!i'culated  to  inspire  confidence 
in  the  impartiality  of  a  commission  created,  as  we  understand  it,  for  the 
purpose  of  devising  methods  of  ayoidmg  disputes  between  capital  and 
labor.  *  *  *  It  is  only  when  the  head,  or  a  member,  of  such  a  com- 
mission breaks  forth  into  print  with  intemperate  utterances  such  as  those 
indulged  in  by  Mr.  Walsh,  that  we  begin  to  worry  a  little.  And  we  worry, 
not  out  of  sympathy  for  the  corporations  attacked  by  Mr.  Walsh,  but 
because  we  fear  the  effect  he  might  have  on  the  great  experiment  we  are 
making. 

The  Washington  Post,  on  February  13,  1915,  said: 

We  are  so  bold  as  to  make  the  prophecy  that  not  only  will  nothing 
come  of  the  work  of  the  Industrial  Commission,  but  that  President  Wilson 
and  our  Democratic  friends  in  Congress  wili  regret  the  day  on  which  they 
called  the  Commission  into  being. 

These  are  simply  characteristic  of  the  comments  of  the 
newspapers  of  the  United  States,  entirely  irrespective  of  poli- 
tics. There  are  Democratic  newspapers  whose  strictures  on 
the  Commission  are  more  severe  than  any  of  those  quoted, 
and  whose  loyalty  to  party  could  not  prevent  them  from  point- 
ing out  the  evil  effects  of  appointments  such  as  President 
Wilson    made   on   the    Cojnmission    on    Industrial    Relations. 


\' 


OUR  WONDROUS  WEALTH 

The  Pilgrims,  the  first  successful  colony  that  landed  on  the 
shores  of  this  country,  came  to  New  England  in  1620,  a  little 
less  than  300  years  ago.  The  wealth  of  this  country  from  that 
time  down  to  1861,  when  the  Republican  Party  came  into 
power  in  national  affairs,  was  $16,000,000,000  in  round  num- 
bers, and  within  the  next  half  century,  under  a  Republican 
system  of  Protective  Tariff  laws,  giving  protection  to  our  great 
industries,  the  wealth  of  this  country  multiplied  nearly  twelve 
times,  or  to  $187,000,000,000.  That  is  the  greatest  accumula- 
tion of  wealth  of  any  people  in  any  country  in  the  world, 
chiefly  due  to  our  protective  laws. 

In  "half  a  century  the  American  people  under  the  stimulus 
and  influence  of  the  Republican  Party's  policies  have  ac- 
cumulated and  added  to  our  total  wealth  $160,000,000,000  of 
wealth,  while  England  has  been  500  years  accumulating  $60,- 
000,000,000.  The  wealth  of  this  country  per  capita  is  greater 
than  that  of  any  other  people  in  the  world.  It  is  due,  very 
largely  due,  to  our  Protective  Tariff  laws  that  have  been  upon 
our  statute  books  every  minute,  from  the  time  the  Republican 
Party  first  came  into  power  down  to  the  adoption  of  the 
Underwood  Tariff  law,  with  the  single  exception  of  35  months 
under  the  Wilson  bill.  And  you  know,  and  I  know,  that  those 
35  months  of  free  trade  under  the  Wilson  bill  brought  more 
distress  and  the  greatest  panic  to  the  people  of  this  country 
than  any  like  period  in  our  history. — Representative  J.  W. 
Fordney. 

Fewer  miles  of  railroad  were  built  in  this  country  in  1915 
than  in  any  year  since  the  Civil  War.  The  building  of  railroads 
is  the  real  index  to  prosperity.  A  hundred  miles  of  new  track 
make  a  better  reflection  of  sound  conditions  than  a  hundred 
structures  hurriedly  thrown  together  for  the  manufacture  of 
war  material. 


The  rich  manifestations  of  our  commercial  power,  our  mili- 
tary and  naval  strength,  great  and  splendid  as  they  are,  are 
not  to  be  counted  when  compared  with  the  moral  and  intellec- 
tual grandeur  of  our  people.-^Hon.  C.  W.  Fairbanks,  at  Bald- 
win, Kans.,  June  7,  1901. 


The  Negro  Under  Wilson 

By  Henry  Lincoln  Johnson 
(Former  Recorder  of  Deeds,  D.  C.) 

Ever  since  Washington  City  has  been  the  Capital  of  the 
nation,  even  during  the  slavery  period,  colored  men  have  served 
aicceptably  in  the  Government  departments.  They  have  held 
positions  varying  dn  rank  and  importance  from  the  humble  po- 
sitions of  unskilled  laborer,  messenger,  and  the  like,  to  high- 
class  clerkships,  and  even  prominent  official  positions,  such  as 
Assistant  Attorney-General,  Collector  of  Internal  Revenue,  New 
York;  Register  of  the  United  States  Treasury,  Recorder  of 
Deeds  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  Auditor  of  the  Navy,  etc. 
The  ordinary  visitor  can  wander  about  the  city  of  Washington 
and  find  old  colored  men  and  women  in  their  6o*s,  70's,  8o's  and 
90's  who  here'cofore,  at  some  period  in  their  lives  (fcr  the  most 
part  under  Republican  Administrations)  have  been  working  for 
the  United  States  Government,  and  have  faithfully  performed 
their  duty  under  Civil  Service,  in  times  of  peace,  even  as 
loyally  as  many  of  'chem  have  served  under  the  "Stars  and 
Stripes"  in  times  of  war.  For  years  and  years  the  negro  has 
worked  in  friendship  and  with  efficienfcy  alongside  of  his  white 
brother  in  the  various  Government  departments,  and  no  po- 
litical party,  prior  to  the  adven'c  of  President  Woodrow  Wilson, 
the  "breaker  of  precedents,"  has  ever  a'ctempted  to  segregate  the 
negro  in  the  departmental  service.  Even  under  Grover  Cleve- 
land's Administration  the  negro  was  considered  a  part  of  of- 
ficial Washington,  and  proved  himself  to  be  a  competent  and 
dependable  American.  Some  of  the  old  pictures  and  records  in 
General  Andrew  Jackson's  time  show  negro  slaves  as  mes- 
sengers, and  even  negro  clerks  on  the  Government  payroll. 

Fair  Play  Association 

But  when  President  Wilson  was  inaugurated  a  well  organ- 
ized effort  was  made  to  change  all  this,  and  the  persistent  aim 
of  the  Democratic  Party  has  been  to  eliminate  and  humiliate 
the  negro.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  from  the  South 
were  besieged  by  thousands  of  their  Democratic  constituents, 
who  swarmed  to  'rhe  Capital  City  in  search  of  Government 
jobs,  and  who  (regardless  of  Civil  Service  rule)  demanded 
that  negro  employes  be  removed  to  make  place  for  white  Demo- 
crats. To  bring  about  this  without  provoking  too  great  an  up- 
heaval of  public  sentiment  a  secret  organization,  known  as  "The 
Democratic  Fair  Play  Association,"  was  formed  and  actually 
incorporated  in  the  office  of  the  Recorder  of  Deeds  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  and  such  noted  opponents  of  the  negro  race 
as  Senator  Hoke  Smith,  of  Georgia:  Senator  Vardaman,  of 
Mississippi;  Senator  Ben  Tillman,  of  South  Carolina,  and  other 
Demoicrats  (including  even  President  Wilson  himself)  were  made 
"honorary  members"  of  this  so-called  "Fair  Play  Association." 
The  obiect  of  this  association  was  to  get  most  of  the  negroes 
dismissed  from  the  Government  service,  in  order  to  make  way 
for  white  Democrats,  and  furthermore,  to  reduce  the  few 
negroes  remaining  to  menial  service  and  humiliating  working 
ronditinns.  But  before  this  scheme  was  fully  consummated  the 
"New  York  Evening  Post."  (edited  by  Mr.  Oswald  Garrison 
Villard.  grandson  of  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  the  immortal 
friend  of  the  negro):  the  Washinsrton  (D.  C.)  Herald,  and 
others,  learned  of  the  real  object  of  this  Democratic  Associa- 
tion and  exposed  its  nefarious  plans  in  detail — in  fact,  to 
such  an  extent  that  it  caused  the  disintegration  of  the  whole 
nropaganda.  It  was  not  only  the  idea  of  this  Democratic 
crowd  to  segregate  the  negroes  in  the  Government  Service 
at  Washington,  but,   as  plainly  will  be  seen  by  Democratic 

376  - 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         877 

bills  recently  introduced  in  Congress,  it  was  their  avowed 
purpose  to  "Jim  Crow"  the  negroes  of  Washington  City,  both 
as  regards  separate  street  car  accommodations  and  special 
sections  of  the  Nation's  Capital  in  which  they  were  to  be 
permitted  to  live.  Never  before  in  the  history  of  our  gov- 
ernment have  negro  clerks  and  other  employees  been  segre- 
gated solely  because  of  their  race  and  color,  as  has  been 
the  case  under  President  Wilson's  administration.  President 
Woodrow  Wilson  is,  and  should  be  held  responsible  for  the 
policies  put  into  effect  throughout  the  various  departments 
in  Washington  by  members  of  his  Cabinet,  and  the  brazen 
and  determined  effort  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  members 
of  his  "official  family"  to  ruthlessly  dismiss,  discredit,  humili- 
ate, and  segregate  negro  employees  is  not  only  reprehensible 
in  the  extreme,  but  makes  President  Wilson  himself  responsi- 
ble therefor.  The  negro  race  will  never  forgive  Mr.  Wil- 
son, Mr.  McAdoo,  John  Skelton  Williams,  Mr.  Burleson  and 
others  for  this  unwonted  and  unwarranted  insult  to  their  self- 
respect,  their  intelligence,  their  loyalty  and  their  American 
manhood. 

Elimination 

So  far  as  the  negro  is  concerned,  elimination  begins  as 
soon  as  he  makes  out  an  application  to  enter  a  Civil  Service 
competitive  examination.  The  applicant  is  required  to  give 
the  name  of  the  school  or  college  he  attended,  and  to  fur- 
nish other  data  calculated  to  disclose  his  racial  identity,  in- 
cluding the  color  of  his  eyes  and  hair;  and,  for  fear  that  these 
racial  distinctions  may  be  misleading,  the  civil  service  appli- 
cant in  recent  years,  under  the  Democratic  Administration, 
has  been  required  to  enclose  his  photograph  with  his  exam- 
ination papers,  which  photograph  is  kept  on  file  for  future 
use.  There  is  no  dodging  the  fact  that  the  required  details 
as  to  his  physical  appearance,  etc.,  are  but  stepping  stones 
or  "helpful  hints"  leading  to  an  exact  knowledge  of  the  racial 
status  of  the  Civil  Service  applicant.  To  keep  from  arousing 
the  suspicion  of  the  negro,  applicants  are  told  that  the  photo- 
graph is  necessary  to  identify  an  appointee  and  to  prevent 
"substitution."  This  ingenious  (?)  though  infamously  unfair 
method  of  barring  intelligent  Americans  of  color  from  ap- 
pointment to  Civil  Service  positions  is  an  original  idea  and 
the  unpatented  invention  of  the  Democratic  Party;  indeed, 
it  is  directly  in  line  with  disfranchisement  laws  and  other 
formiS  of  discrimination  against  the  negro  so  noticeable  in 
almost  every  State  over  which  Democrats  have  control. 

Now,  when  the  Postoffice  or  any  other  department  needs 
a  clerk,  a  stenographer,  a  typewriter,  a  letter  carrier,  or  any 
other  subordinate,  they  make  a  call  upon  Mr.  Mcllhenny, 
of  Louisiana,  President  of  the  United  States  Civil  Service 
Commission,  who  sends  to  the  department  in  question  the. 
names  and  photographs  of  three  successful  applicants  who 
have  passed  the  Civil  Service  examination.  If  they  are  all 
undesirable  for  any  reason,  or  "persona  non  grata"  because 
of  their  race  and  color,  the  Civil  Service  Commission  sends 
three  more.  Thus,  the  appointing  power  under  the  present 
Democratic  Administration  need  only  look  at  the  photo- 
graphs submitted  to  reasonably  insure  the  elimination  of 
any  intelligent  negro  applicants  who  may  have  successfully 
passed  the  Civil  Service  examination. 

Segregation 

^  Not  only  has  the  Democratic  Party  practically  closed  the 
Civil  Service  "door  of  hope"  to  the  negro,  but  during  the 
past  three  and  one-half  years  of  the  present  Democratic  Ad- 
ministration, there  has  been  more  segregation — or  separation 
of  colored  from  white  employees — in  the  Executive  Depart- 


378         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

ments  at  Washington  than  in  all  of  the  127  years  of  our 
Government's  history,  including  the  Cleveland  Administra- 
tion. Take,  for  example,  the  Postoffice  Department,  and  its 
adjunct,  the  office  of  the  Auditor  for  the  Postoffice  Depart- 
ment, whose  outrageous  and  un-American  policy  of  segregat- 
ing Government  employees  according  to  color  is  closely 
imitated  in  many  of  the  other  departments.  The  present  Dem- 
ocratic Administration  found  nearly  two  hundred  colored  em- 
ployees in  tliese  two  offices  with  salaries  ranging  from  $1,800 
down,  practically  all  of  whom  had  been  appointed  or  promoted 
under  a  Republican  regime.  Now  there  are  less  than  one 
hundred  with  anything  like  a  decent  salary  for  the  efficient 
services  they  perform.  Every  colored  clerk  in  the  office  of 
the  Auditor  for  the  Postoffice  Department  has  been  reduced 
except  two.  Negro  clerks  in  the  Postoffice  Department 
under  Postmaster  Burleson  of  Texas  have  had  "hard  sledding," 
scores  of  them  have  been  reduced  in  rank  and  practically 
forced  to  accept  lower  pay  as  skilled  and  unskilled  laborers; 
some  have  been  dismissed  outright;  all  have  vanished  save 
one,  and,  in  line  with  Democratic  precedent,  he  has  been 
"segregated"  beyond  visibility! 

In  the  Postoffice  Department  the  colored  employees  have 
been  assigned  to  obscure  quarters,  hidden  away  as  it  were 
in  some  remote  section  of  the  office  or  building,  and  when 
the  department  had  many  visitors,  the  chiefs  and  lesser  sat- 
ellites would  see  to  it  that  the  colored  contingent  was  kept 
close  to  work,  and  on  one  occasion  many  of  the  employees 
of  the  Postoffice  Department — national  meeting  of  Postmas- 
ters in  Washington  City,  1915 — were  actually  locked  in.  man- 
ifestly for  the  purpose  of  impressing  certain  visitors  that  they 
were  in  an  office  free  from  negroes.  These  colored  clerks 
and  employees  have  been  given  to  understand  that  there  are 
too  many  of  them  there,  even  though  their  former  numbers 
have  been  radically  reduced,  and  that  they  had  better  be  glad 
to  remain  on  the  pay  roll  in  any  position  and  at  any  salary 
under  a  Democratic  Administration.  They  are  discriminated 
against  in  everything  as  relates  to  class  of  work,  conven- 
iences and  the  common  comforts  that  go  with  service  of 
this  kind. 

Notwithstanding  that  they  take  on  hundreds  of  clerks 
every  year,  they  always  endeavor  to  keep  the  colored  man 
or  woman  out.  They  contrived  a  unique  and  very  effective 
plan  to  get  rid  of  the  many  colored  clerks  of  the  Postoffice 
and  City  Postoffice  who  had  neither  been  dismissed,  demoted 
nor  segregated  under  former  Republican  administrations. 
They  did  this  by  transferring  the  colored  clerks,  eight  or 
ten  at  a  time,  to  a  certain  branch  office,  and  after  they  were 
there  awhile,  suddenly  the  branch  office  would  be  abolished, 
and,  of  course,  these  colored  employees  were  no  longer 
needed.  Then  within  a  very  short  time  the  Civil  Ser^ce 
Commission  was  called  upon  to  furnish  additional  clerks,  and 
new  men  who  were  certified  (not  negroes)  were  given  the 
places  of  those  faithful  Americans  of  color  who  were  ruth- 
lessly railroaded  out  of  their  hard-earned  positions.  There 
are  twenty-three  (23)  former  clerks  in  the  office  of  the  Audi- 
tor for  the  Postoffice  Department  who  have  been  "declassi- 
fied," and  are  now  serving  as  messengers,  skilled  laborers, 
etc.,  in  the  Bureau  of  Engraving  and  Printing. 

For  more  than  fifty  years  the  colored  clerks  and  employees 
of  the  Government  departments  have  b.een  working  side  by 
side  in  perfect  harmony  and  good  will,  but  during  the  past 
three  and  a  half  years  of  Democratic  control,  this  policy  of 
"segregation,"  for  which  the  Democratic  Party  ever  stands 
sponsor  in  State  and  Nation,  has  produced  more  ill  Vill  and 
discontent,  more  race  friction  and  race  prejudice  among 
white  and  colored  employees  of  the  Government,  than  have 
ever  obtained  in  the  history  of  the  departmental  service. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         379 

Negro  Encouragement  and  Opportunity 

The  Republican  Party  believes  in  the  political  equality  of 
all  men  without  reference  to  race  or  nationality,  and  this 
belief  it  has  supported  by  the  most  costly  and  sanguinary 
war  in  our  national  history.  The  Democratic  Party  believes 
in  restricting  the  privilege  of  citizenship  to  a  particular  class, 
and  has  written  its  opinions  into  the  statutes,  constitutions, 
and  practices  of  nearly  every  Southern  State  where  that 
party  is  dominant.  The  Republican  Party  believes  in  the 
doctrine  so  tersely  expressed  by  Colonel  Theodore  Roose- 
velt, "All  men  up  rather  than  some  men  down,"  and  it  has 
always  encouraged  the  colored  citizen  in  his  efforts  and 
ambition  to  rise  higher  in  the  scale  of  civilization.  The 
Democratic  Party  would  deny  to  the  negro  the  incentive  to 
high  aspirations,  and  boasts  through  its  representatives  of 
its  purpose  to  exclude  colored  men  from  any  voice  in  the 
control  of  both  local  and  national  affairs,  and,  in  so  doing, 
has  undermined  representative  government  to  the  extent  that 
a  single  white  'Democratic  vote  in  every  Southern  State,  with 
the  exception  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky,  is  equal  to  four 
votes  cast  in  every  other  State  of  the  Union. 

The  negro's  opportunity  under  Republican  control  is  strik- 
ingly shown  by  the  fact  that  in  every  State  that  is  Demo- 
cratic the  statute  books  are  covered  with  disfranchisement 
laws,  labor  contract  laws,  Jim  Crow  laws,  segregation  laws 
and  other  forms  of  discriminatory  legislation  based  on  race 
or  color,  while  in  every  State  classified  as  Republican,  with- 
out exception,  there  is  not  a  single  law  which  strikes  hope 
from  the  black  man's  heart  nor  has  any  such  discouraging 
law  ever  been  proposed  by  Republicans.  _ 

"Wilson  Words"  vs.  "Wilson  Deeds" 

When  Woodrow  Wilson  was  inaugurated  as  President,  he 
found  twenty-five  or  more  distinguished  colored  men  from 
all  sections  of  the  country  holding  office  by  appointment  of 
the  Republican  President  and  confirmed  by  a  Republican 
Senate.  During  his  campaign  for  the  high  office  it  was 
generally  understood,  and,  according  reliable  information,  it 
was  actually  promised  that  all  of  those  Presidential  appoint- 
ments held  by  colored  men  would  be  filled  by  other  colored 
men,  and  quite  a  number  of  credulous  negroes  acted  on 
this  faith.  Those  were  "Wilson's  words."  After  his  election 
all  of  these  colored  men  were  dismissed  and  white  men,  with 
but  one  exception,  were  appointed  in  their  places. 

Among  the  numerous  particulars  in  which  his  preaching 
has  differed  from  his  practice.  President  Wilson  can  point 
to  his  record  in  the  matter  of  race  discrimination.  In  his 
speech  at  Independence  Hall,  Philadelphia,  July  4,  1914,  Pres- 
ident Wilson  said  that  we  make  no  difference  between  one 
race  and  another,  and  that  we  (Democrats)  did  not  set  up 
any  barriers  against  any  particular  people.  On  other  occa- 
sions, particularly  while  he  was  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, he  gave  assurances  that  he  would  not  discriminate 
against  colored  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Notwithstand- 
ing these  assurances  of  support  of  the  principle  of  equality 
before  the  law  and  in  governmental  affairs,  great  discrimina- 
tion has  been  practiced  not  only  in  the  departments  over 
which  the  President  has  control,  but  also  in  appointments 
that  are  made  by  the  Prciident  himself.  Under  Republican 
administrations  the  policy  was  pursued  of  appointing  a  col- 
ored man  to  fill  a  vacancy  created  by  the  resignation,  death 
or  expiration  of  term  of  a  man  of  that  race.  This  policy 
was  reversed  by  the  Democratic  Administration,  and  the  fol- 
lowing colored  persons  have  been  succeeded  by  white  men: 

William   H.   Lewis,  Asst.  Attorney-General,  $5,000, 

J.  C.  Napier,  Register  of  the  Treasury,  $4,000. 


380         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Charles  W.  Anderson,  Collector  of  Internal  Revenue,  New 
York,  $4,500. 

Henry   Lincoln  Johnson,   Recorder  of  Deeds,  $4,000. 

Ralph  W.  Tyler,  Auditor  for  the  Navy  Department,  $4,000. 

Joseph  E.  Lee,  Collector  of  Internal  Revenue,  Jackson- 
ville, Fla.,  $4,500. 

N.  W.  Alexander,  Register  of  the  Land  Office,  $2,500. 

J.  E.  Bush,  Receiver  of  Public  Moneys,  Little  Rock,  Ark., 
$2,500. 

Charles  A.  Cottrell,  Collector  of  Internal  Revenue,  Hono- 
lulu, $4,500. 

T.  V.  McAllister,  Receiver  of  Public  Moneys,  Jackson, 
Mass.,  $2,500. 

General  Robert  Small,  Collector  of  Port,  Beaufort,  S.  C, 
$1,500. 

James  A.  Cobb,  Special  Asst.  District  Attorney,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C,  $2,000. 

Whitfield  McKinlay,  Collector  of  Customs,  Georgetown, 
D.  C,  $3,700. 

W.  D.  Johnson,  Special  Agent  Agricultural  Department, 
$1,500. 

James  N.  Alexander,  Deputy  Collector,  Los  Angeles, 
$1,600. 

P.  B.  S.  Pinchback,  Inspector  (New  York),  $2,000. 

S.  Laing  Williams,  Asst  District  Attorney,  Chicago,  $2,000. 

William  C.  Matthews,  Asst.  Dist.  Attorney,  Boston,  $1,600. 

Mrs.  N.  P.  Booze,  Postmistress,  Mount  Bayou,  Miss.,  $1,800. 

William  L.  Jones,  Postmaster,  Boley,  Oklahoma,  $1,300. 

L.  J.  Price,  Postmaster,  South  Atlanta,  Georgia,  $— — -. 

E.  R.  Belcher,  Deputy  Collector,  Brunswick,  Georgia, 
$1,000. 

George  A.  Reed,  Postmaster,  Beaufort,  S.  Carolina,  $1,800. 

Isaiah  J.  McCottrie,  Collector  of  Customs,  Georgetown,  S. 
C,  $600. 

Edward  A.  Burrill,  Vice  and  Deputy  Clerk,  St.  Etienne, 
France,  $1,000. 

Numerous  other  instances  can  be  cited  where  colored  men 
and  women,  regularly  employed  under  Republican  adminis- 
trations, have  been  summarily  dismissed  by  the  Democrats, 
notably  in  the  United  States  Pension  Office,  the  Washington 
City  Postoffice,  the  Government  Printing  Office,  the  Bureau 
of  Engraving  and  Printing,  and  throughout  the  departmental 
service.  And,  indeed,  the  whole  record  of  the  Democratic 
Party  shows  but  two  negro  appointments  made  by  President 
Wilson  and  confirmed  'by  the  Democratic  Senate. 

Specific  Contrast  of  the  Two  Parties 

President  Taft  had  signally  honored  the  negro  race  in  the 
appointment  of  William  H.  Lewis,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  Massa- 
chusetts, as  Assistant  Attorney-General  of  the  Unitgd  States, 
whose  parents  were  formerly  slaves.  President  Wilson  made 
it  one  of  his  first  concerns  to  remove  Mr.  William  H.  Lewis 
and  installed  a  white  man  in  his  place. 

Under  Republican  administrations  we  had  great  negro 
leaders  such  as  Senator  Bruce,  Judson  W.  Lyons,  Esq.,  J. 
C.  Napier  and  Dr.  W.  T.  Vernon  as  Registers  of  the  Treas- 
ury. Under  the  present  Democratic  Administration  two  In- 
dians have  been  appointed  "Register  of  the  Treasury,"  namely, 
Gabe  E.  Parker  and  Houston  B.  Teehee. 

President  Wilson  later  appoints  Gabe  E.  Parker,  the 
Indian,  as  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  but  removes 
Henry  W.  Furniss,  a  negro,  as  Minister  to  Hayti,  a  negro 
Republic,  and  sends  a  white  man  there.  Under  President 
Wilson's  policy  even  an  Indian  must  be  first  in  Indian  af- 
fairs, but  no  negro  must  be  first  in  negro  affairs.  This  fact 
is  notably  illustrated  in  the  case  of  Hayti  just  cited. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         381 

The  first  step  in  segregation  in  Washington,  upon  the 
advent  of  the  Wilson  Administration,  was  the  isolation  of 
tlie  white  and  colored  help  at  the  Bureau  of  Engraving  and 
Printing  at  lunch  hour,  followed  up  by  other  forms  of  racial 
discrimination.  The  employees  did  not  petition  for  this 
change  from  fifty  years  of  uninterrupted  peace  and  harmony. 
It  was  imposed  on  them  by  the  White  House. 

Under  Republican  administrations  we  have  had  John  R. 
Lynch  and  Ralph  W.  Tyler  as  Auditors  under  the  Treasury 
Department.  The  Democratic  Administration  has  given  us 
a  white  man  to  fill  the  position  formerly  held  by  colored 
men. 

Under  Republican  administrations  we  had  Frederick  Doug- 
lass, Henry  P.  Cheatham,  John  C.  Dancy  and  Henry  Lincoln 
Johnson  as  Recorders  of  Deeds  for  the  District  of  Columbia, 
and  even  President  Grover  Cleveland  gave  us  James  M. 
Trotter  and  C.  H.  J.  Taylor  to  serve  in  that  office.  But  Mr. 
Wilson  contrary  to  the  precedent  of  decades,  puts  a  white 
man  in  this  place. 

When  the  last  Immigration  Law  was  put  upon  the  statute 
books  by  a  Democratic  Congress  two  years  ago,  the  mon- 
strous proposition  was  made  by  Representative  Aswell, 
Democrat,  from  Louisiana,  not  only  to  return  all  American 
negroes  to  Africa,  but  even  to  cut  them  out  as  aliens  from 
coming  into  this  country,  and  in  this  regard  to  class  them 
with  Asiatic  and  other  so-called  "undesirable  people." 

President  Wilson  mourns  because  75  per  cent  of  the  Mex- 
ican people  were  disfranchised  and  had  no  voice  in  their  gov- 
ernment, but  does  not  regret  that  as  large^  a  per  cent  of 
negroes  in  America  have  no  franchise  or  voice  in  American 
State  affairs.  Clearly  the  contrast  shows  an  unmistakable 
bias  against  the  negro  on  the  part  of  President  Wilson. 
Sympathy  for  disfranchised  Mexican  bandits,  but  no  sym- 
pathy for  disfranchised  negro  patriots. 

Note   These   Democratic   Measures 

The  real  attitude  of  the  Democratic  Party  toward  the 
negro  is  best  found  in  the  laws  that  they  have  enacted  and 
proposed.  Bills  have  been  introduced  by  Democrats  in  Con- 
gress without  number  looking  to  the  following  discrimina- 
tions against  the  negro,  viz.: 

1.  To  repeal  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth  amendments. 
(H.  J.  Res.  2>2,  33,  40,  107,  etc.) 

2.  To  repeal  Section  5509  of  the  Revised  Statutes,  now 
Section  19  of  the  Penal  Code,  which  punishes  as  crime  con- 
spiracy of  two  or  more  persons  to  injure,  oppress,  threaten, 
or  intimidate  any  citizen  in  the  free  exercise  or  enjoyment 
of  any  right  or  privilege  secured  to  him  by  the  Constitution 
or  laws  of  the  United  States.     (H.R.  13853,  etc.) 

3.  To  provide  Jim  Crow  cars.  (H.R.  13,  Dec.  6,  1915:  H.R. 
274,  Dec.  6,  1916,  etc.) 

4.  Providing  for  segregation  in  the  Governmental  Serv- 
ice. (H.R.  13772,  February  23,  1913;  H.R.  5968,  June  10, 
1913;  H.  R.  II,  December  6,  1915;  H.  R.  539,  December  6, 
1915;  H.R.  5797,  December  15,  1915). 

5.  To  require  all  transportation  companies,  firms  and  per- 
sons within  the  District  of  Columbia  to  provide  separate  ac- 
commodations for  the  white  and  negro  races  and  to  prescribe 
punishments  and  penalties  for  violating  its  provisions.  (H. 
R.  12,  December  6,  1915). 

6.  To  forbid  the  appointment  of  any  negro  soldier  as  a 
commissioned  or  non-commissioned  officer,  either  in  the 
Army  or  the  Navy  of  the  United  States.  (H.  R.  12840, 
March  7,  1916,  etc.). 


382 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


REPUBLICAN 
DOCTRINE 


DEMOCRATIC 
DOCTRINE 


"The  black  man  is  entitled 
to  his  chance.  He  is  entitled 
*  ♦  *  to  an  opportunity  to 
prove  by  his  works  what  is 
in  him  and  he  is  entitled  to 
the  rewards  which  his  char- 
acter and  industry  may  de- 
serve. 

"In  this  land  the  door  of  op- 
portunity must  be  wide  open 
to  our  citizens.  We  want 
neither  slaves  nor  serfs,  nor 
anybody  of  citizens  perma- 
nently below  the  standards 
which  must  be  maintained  for 
the  preservation  of  the  Re- 
public."—  From  speech  of 
Governor  Hughes  delivered 
at  Carnegie  Hall,  New  York, 
January  17,  1908. 


"We  stuffed  ballot  boxes, 
we  shot  Negroes;  we  are  not 
ashamed  of  it." — Senator  Ben 
Tillman,  in  U.  S. '  Senate 
speech. 

"I  favor  and,  if  elected,  will 
urge  with  all  my  power  the 
elimination  of  the  Negro 
from  politics." — Hoke  Smith, 
Governor  of  Georgia  (now 
U.  S.  Senator). 


"The  white  men  of  the 
South  are  determined  that 
the  Negro  will  and  shall  be 
disfranchised  everywhere  it  is 
necessary."  —  Wm.  Jennings 
Bryan,  at  New  York,  1908. 


"The  Nation  has  appreci- 
ated the  valor  and  patriotism 
of  the  black  men  of  the 
United  States.  They  not  only 
fought  in  Cuba,  but  in  the 
Philippines,  and  they  are  still 
carrying  the  flag  as  the 
symbol  of  liberty  and  hope  to 
an  oppressed  people." — Hon. 
William  McKinley. 


"Whenever  called  upon,  the 
Negro  has  never  failed  to 
make  sacrifices  for  this,  the 
only  country  he  has,  and  the 
only  flag  he  loves.  When  we 
regard  the  history  of  the 
forty  years  through  which 
the  colored  man  of  this 'coun- 
try has  been  obliged  to  strug- 
gle, the  progress  which  he  has 
made,  material  and  educa- 
tional, is  wonderful." — Hon. 
Wm.  H.  Taft. 


*T  do  not  believe  that  any 
man  needs  to  apologize  to 
any  people  at  any  place  or 
at  any  time  for  standing  for 
the  open  door  of  opportunity 
to  the  colored  boy  and  the 
colored  girl.  I  shall  oppose 
all  discriminations  that  at- 
tempt to  hinder  any  race  in 
its  efforts  to  better  itself." — 
Simeon  D.  Fess,  in  Congres- 
sional Record,  April  24,  1916. 


"The  Democratic  Party  is 
the  white  man's  party  in  this 
country,  in  the  North  as  well 
as  South."— Edward  S.  Tay- 
lor, Member  of  Congress 
from   Ohio. 


"This  is  our  country,  as  it 
was  the  country  of  our 
fathers.  The  country  of  the 
white  man,  not  the  home  of 
the  mongrel." — Frank  Clark, 
Member  of  Congress  from 
Florida. 


.  "The  separation  of  the 
races  is  one  of  benefit,  but 
the  demonstration  of  the  su- 
periority of  the  white  man 
over  the  Negro  is  a  greater 
thing.  There  is  nothing 
which  shows  it  more  conclu- 
sively than  the  compelling  of 
Negroes  to  ride  in  cars 
marked  for  their  especial 
use." — H.  D.  Wilson,  Author 
of  the  Louisiana  "Jim  Crow" 
car  law. 


"I  am  opposed  to  taxing 
my  people  in  Georgia  to  give 
all  sorts  of  hifalutin  curley- 
cues  in  the  way  of  education 
to  a  crowd  of  Washington 
NIGGERS  that  is  of  no  bene- 
fit to  them.  That  is  what  I 
am  opposed  to."-^W.  S.  How- 
ard, in  Congressional  Record. 
April  24,   1916. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         383 


DEMOCRATIC  CAUCUS  RULE 

The  Democratic  party  has  taken  the  power  to  formulate 
bills  from  the  committees  of  Congress  and  vested  it  in  the 
caucus.  The  committees  are  powerless  to  determine  the 
character  of  the  report  which  is  to  be  made  on  any  bill 
either  in  the  House  or  Senate.  A  typical  case  of  this  violation 
of  the  rules  of  Congress  is  found  in  the  revenue  bill  sub- 
mitted to  the  Senate  on  August  i6th. 

This  bill  was  passed  by  the  House  after  a  caucus  and  se^it 
to  the  Senate.  It  was  referred  to  the  Senate  Committee  on 
Finance  which  referred  various  parts  of  the  bill  to  sub-com- 
mittees. These  sub-committees  were  composed  entirely  of 
Democrats  and  after  some  investigation  reported  their  find- 
ings to  the  Democratic  majority  of  the  Finance  Committee, 
which  proceeded  to  formulate  a  bill  in  accordance  with  the 
recommendations  of  the  sub-committees  and  its  own  vote. 
It  was  assumed  that  this  bill  would  be  reported  to  the  Senate. 
But  the  Democratic  method  of  preparing  bills  does  not  recog- 
nize the  power  or  right  of  any  committee  of  Congress  to 
determine  the  character  and  details  of  a  bill.  A  Democratic 
caucus  was  called  and  the  bill  as  prepared  by  the  Finance 
Committee  of  the  Senate  was  pulled  to  pieces  and  a  new 
bill,  practically,  was  formulated  and  the  Finance  Committee 
(that  is  the  Democratic  majority  of  it)  was  instructed  to  pre- 
pare a  bill  along  the  lines  ordered  by  the  caucus,  which  it 
promptly    did,    and    promptly    reported    to    the    Senate. 

Thus  the  prerogative  of  formulating  or  amending  bills  has 
been  taken  away  from  the  committees  of  the  Senate  and 
House  and  the  caucus  has  taken  upon  itself  the  right  to  de- 
termine legislation.  Never  before  in  the  history  of  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States  has  there  been  such  attempt  to 
stifle  individual  members  of  committees  and  to  confer  on  a 
few  Senators  and  Representatives  the  power  to  direct  and 
control  legislation.  This  condition  is  in  startling  contrast  to 
the  alleged  rule  of  the  administration  requiring  "pitiless 
publicity"  on  all  legislative  and  public  matters.  Of  course 
by  this  time  the  pitiless  publicity  phrase  has  degenerated  into 
an   utter  joke. 

Before  President  Wilson  came  into  office  he  had  taken  oc- 
casion to  denounce  very  strongly  all  legislation  in  the  dark, 
as  he  called  it,  and  to  demand  that  everything  should  be 
done  in  the  broad  light  of  day.  In  his  book  "The  New 
Freedom,"  there  appears  in  the  chapter  "Let  there  be  light," 
the  following  significant  statement: 

The  concern  of  patriotic  men  is  to  put  our  Government  again  on  its 
right  basis  by  substituting  popular  will  for  the  rule  of  guardians,  the 
processes  of  common  counsel  for  those  of  private  arrangement.  In  wrder 
to  do  this  a  first  necessity  is  to  oper^  the  doors  and  let  in  the  light  on  all 
affairs  which  the  people  have  the  right  to  kn^w  about. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  people  have  the  right  to 
know  about  a  tariff  bill,  a  currency  bill,  a  shipping  bill,  a 
revenue  bill,  an  anti-trust  act,  a  federal  trade  commission, 
the  disposition  of  the  Philippines,  the  question  of  prepared- 
ness, the  number  of  battleships  or  cruisers  to  be  added  to  the 
Navy,  and  numberless  other  legislative  items  of  direct  and 
supreme  public  interest.  But  the  Democratic  party  closed 
the  caucus  doors,  imposed  the  seal  of  secrecy  on  those  at- 
tending, and  proceeded  in  secret  session  to  formulate  plans 
for  this  legislation.  The  caucus  dominated  the  House  and 
Senate;  refused  to  permit  committees  to  report  bills  to  the 
House  and  Senate;  destroyed  reports  which  had  already  been 
formulated;  and  imposed  on  the  committees  the  specific  word- 
ing which  should  be  used  in  the  reports.  This  is  the  way  in 
which  the  Democratic  party  in  Congress  carried  out  the  idea 
of  the  President,  that  there  be  light. 

The  President  at  another  time  said,  "If  there  be  nothing 
to  conceal,  then  why  conceal  it?     If  it  is  a  public  game,  why 


384         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

play  it  in  private?     If  it  is  a  public  game,  then  why  not  come 
out  in   the   open   and   play   it   in   public?" 

There  is  no  record  that  Woodrow  Wilson  has  readdressed 
these  demands  to  the  Democratic  caucus  which  excludes  light, 
and  which  makes  public  business  a  private  game.  Again  the 
President  said,  "I,  for  my  part,  think  there  ought  to  be  no 
place  where  anything  can  be  done  that  everybody  does  not 
know  about." 

J  With  the  exception  of  those  actually  present  at  a  Demo- 
cratic caucus  and  pledged  to  secrecy,  nobody  knows  what  is 
going  on  when  legislation  is  being  formulated  under  the 
present  administration.  The  "pitiless  publicity"  which  sup- 
presses every  item  of  information  on  public  matters  in  the 
departments  of  this  administration  has  found  its  counterpart 
in  the  secret  caucus  of  Congress  and  Mr.  Wilson  has  not 
issued  a  statement  that  there  be  light  on  these  matters  of 
public  importance. 

There  are  227  Democrats  in  the  present  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, and  114  is  a  majority.  A  rule  of  the  Democratic 
caucus  provides  that  two-thirds  of  those  present  shall  be 
necessary  to  bind  the  caucus,  with  an  added  provision  that 
this  two-thirds  must  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  membership 
of  the  caucus.  This  rule  has  never  been  enforced  as  a  matter 
of  fact  and  whatever  'number  attends  the  caucus  is  sufficient 
to  bind  the  whole  party  in  the  House.  But  even  if  the  rule 
were  enforced,  114  members  could  bind  the  Democratic 
majority  to  any  kind  of  legislation,  with  no  knowledge  of  the 
reasons  for  the  legislation  or  the  reasons  which  inspired  the 
action   of   the   caucus. 

In  the  Senate  the  Democratic  membership  is  56,  and  there- 
fore 29  members  of  that  body  hold  the  power  to  bind  the 
party  to  any  kind  of  legislation.  These  29  members,  there- 
fore, can  determine  just  what  kind  of  legislation  and  of 
what  character  shall  be  passed  by  that  body.  The  exercise 
of  this  power  is  fully  shown  in  the  revenue  bill — just  as  it 
was  shown  in  the  banking  and  currency  bill  and  other  meas- 
ures which  were   determined  by  the  Democratic   caucus. 

Woodrow  Wilson  used  to  hold  these  views  with  regard  to 
legislation  perfected  in  the  Democratic  caucus: 

Take  any  question  you  like  out  to  the  country — let  it  be  threshed  out 
in  public  debate — and  you  will  have  made  these  methods  impossible.  I 
am  not  intimating  that  corruption  creeps  in ;  I  do  not  know  what  creeps 
in.  The  point  is  that  we  not  only  do  not  know,  but  it  is  intimated  if  we 
get  inquisitive  that  it  is  none  of  our  business.  My  reply  is  that  it  is  our 
business,  and  it  is  the  business  of  every  man  in  the  State;  we  have  the 
right  to  know  all  the  particulars  of  that  bill's  history. 

That  was  Woodrow  Wilson  of  "The  New  Freedom";  but 
Woodrow  Wilson  of  the  White  House  reverses  himself, 
approves  the  workings  of  the  Democratic  party  caucus,  and 
tells  the  general  public  in  his  own  rhetorical  language  that 
it  is  none  of  their  affair.  The  use  of  the  caucus  by  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  this  Congress  and  the  preceding  Congress  has 
no  parallel  in  all  history.  The  sharp  contrast  between  the 
actions  of  the  party  and  the  protestations  of  its  leader  before 
he  came  into  the  VVhite  House  must  furnish  food  for  thought. 

I  am  here  retained  by  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
to  see  that  justice  is  done,  and  with  no  disposition  to  injure 
any  investment,  but  with  every  desire  to  give  the  fullest  op- 
portunity to  enterprise,  and  with  every  purpose  to  shield  and 
protect  every  just  property  interest.  I  stand  for  the  people 
of  the  State  of  New  York  against  extortion,  against  favori- 
tism, against  financial  scandal,  and  against  everything  that 
goes  to  corrupt  our  politics  by  interference  with  the  freedom 
of  our  Legislature  and  administration.  I  stand  for  honest 
government  and  effective  regulation  by  the  State  of  public 
service  corporations. — Charles  E.  Hughes,  while  Governor 
of  New  York. 


I 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOCK— 1916        385 

WHERE  THE  INCOME  TAX  COMES  FROM 

The   fourteen   States, 

Alabama,  Arizona,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  New  Mexico,  North 
Carolina,  Oklahonia,  South  Carolina,  Ten- 
nessee, Texas  and  Virginia,  paid $6,894,953 

New  York  alone  paid 45,230,685 

or  over  seven  times  as  much  as  the  entire  fourteen  States. 

The  same  fourteen  States— all  Democratic  except 
New  Mexico — 

Alabama,  Arizona.  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  New  Mexico,  North 
Carolina,  Oklahoma,  South  Carolina,  Ten- 
nessee, Texas,   and   Virginia,   paid $6,894,953 

Massachusetts  alone   paid    6,862,018 

or  nearly  as  much  as  the  entire  fourteen  States. 
The  same  fourteen  States, 

Alabama,  Arizona,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  New  Mexico,  North 
Carolina.  Oklahoma,  South  Carolina,  Ten- 
nessee, Texas,  and  Virginia,  paid $6,894,953 

Ohio    alone    paid    6,063,918 

The  same  fourteen  States, 

Alabama,  Arizona,  Arkansas.  Florida,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  New  Mexico,  North 
Carolina.  Oklahoma.  South  Carolina,  Ten- 
nessee, Texas,  and  Virginia,  paid $6,894,953 

Illinois  alone  paid  10,745,840 

The  same  fourteen  States, 

Alabama,  Arizona,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  New  Mexico,  North 
Carolina.  Oklahoma.  South  Carolina,  Ten- 
nessee, Texas,  and  Virginia,  paid $6,894,953 

Pennsylvania  alone  paid  I3>i03>434 

The  same  fourteen  States, 

Alabama,  Arizona,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  New  Mexico,  North 
Carolina.  Oklahoma.  South  Carolina,  Ten- 
nessee, Texas,  and  Virginia,  paid. $6,894,953 

Illinois  and  Ohio  alone  paid 16,809,758 

The  same  fourteen  States, 

Alabama,  Arizona,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  New  Mexico,  North 
Carolina,  Oklahoma.  South  Carolina,  Ten- 
nessee, Texas,  and  Virginia,  paid. $6,894,953 

Massachusetts  and  New  York  alone  paid 52,092,703 

The  same  fourteen  States, 

Alabama,  Arizona,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  New  Mexico,  North 
Carolina,  Oklahoma.  South  Carolina,  Ten- 
nessee, Texas,  and  Virginia,  paid $6,894,953 

Massachusetts,   New   York,   Illinois,   Pennsylvania, 

and  Ohio  alone  paid    82,005,895 

The  same  fourteen  States, 

Alabama,  Arizona,  Arkansas,  Florida,  Georgia, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  New  Mexico,  North 
Carolina.  Oklahoma.  South  Carolina,  Ten- 
nessee, Texas,  and  Virginia,  paid $6,894,953 

While  the  following  fourteen  Northern  States — 
Connecticut.  Illinois,  Indiana,  Maine,  Massa- 
chusetts, Minnesota.  Michigan.  New  Hamp- 
shire, New  Jersey,  New  York.  Ohio,  Pennsyl- 
vania. Rhode  Island,  and  Vermont,  paid $99,203,834 

OR  OVER  FOURTEEN  TIMES  AS  MUCH  AS 
THE  FOURTEEN  SOUTHERN  STATES. 


386        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

OUR  RAILROADS 

Over  half  the  people  of  the  country  are  directly  and  indirectly 
interested  in  and  concerned  over  the  prosperity  of  our  railroads. 
An  authoritative  railroad  statement  gives  the  following 
figures: 

There  are  at  least  1,500,000  owners  of  the  securities  of  these 
American  railways.  It  is  fair  to  assume  that  dependent  upon 
these  owners  are  four  other  persons,  and  in  that  case  this  would 
mean  6,000,000  people. 

There  are  1,800,000  men,  approximately,  employed  in  the  rail- 
way service,  and  if  you  allow  five  persons  to  be  depending  upon 
each,  tha'c  would  mean  9,000,000.  There  are  at  least  1,000,000 
workers  in  industrial  plants  directly  dependent  upon  railway 
operation — such  as  coal  mines,  rail  mills,  car  shops  and  so  on. 
They  represent  another  5,000,000  people. 

Thus  we  have  about  20,000,000  people  out  of  a  total  popula- 
tion of  100,000,000  who  depend  very  largely  for  their  daily 
livelihood  upon  having  this  great  piece  of  transportation  ma- 
chinery prosperous.  But  there  are  a  great  many  others  who 
are  interested.  The  insurance  companies  have  $1,500,000,000  in- 
vested in  railway  securities,  representing  30,000,000  policy  hold- 
ers;  the  savings  banks  of  the  country  have  $800,000,000  invested 
in  railway  securities,  and  chere  are  about  11,000,000  depositors  in 
these  savings  banks.  So  there  are  41,000,000  people  who  are 
vitally  interested,  either  as  holders  of  insurance  policies  or  de- 
positors in  savings  banks,  in  the  success  of  this  great  piece  of 
machinery.  When,  therefore,  we  speak  of  the  number  of  our 
citizens  directly  interested  in  the  railways,  we  really  are  speak- 
ing of  at  least  61,000,000 — the  20,000,000  mentioned,  that  are  per- 
sonally interested,  because  they  work  for  the  railways  or  for 
some  collateral  branch  of  the  industry,  and  of  those  who  own 
the  securities,  and  of  the  41,000,000  interested  in  the  investments 
of  insurance  companies  and  savings  banks.  It  is  well  to  re- 
member this  momentous  fact  in  considering  this  very,  difficult 
transportation  problem. 

The  prosperity  of  our  railroads  is  dependent  on  the  general 
prosperity  of  the  people — on  the  amount  of  profitable  freight 
and  passenger  traffic. 

The  Democratic  party  began  its  deadly  destructive  work  with 
the  approval  of  its  tariff  law  of  October  1913.  How  the  rail- 
reads  were  affected  during  the  two  following  years  can  be  seen 
by  two  facts.  One  is  that  less  mileage  was  built  last  year  than 
in  any  year  since  1864.  There  have  only  been  three  years  since 
1848  when  there  was  a  smaller  mileage  of  new  railways  con- 
structed than  in  1915.  The  other  fact  has  to  do  with  the  amount 
of  railway  mileage  in  the  hands  of  receivers  in  1915.  With  only 
one  exception,  1893,  was  the  mileage  that  entered  into  the  hands 
of  receivers  larger  than  last  year;  and  1893  was  a  panic  year. 

There  was  a  total  mileage  of  41,988  in  the  hands  of  receivers 
in  191 5,  the  total  capitalization  of  which  was  $2,264,000,000.  In 
that  year  alone  20,143  miles  of  road  went  into  the  hands  of  re- 
ceivers and  these  roads  had  a  total  capitalization  of  $1,070,808,- 
628.  This  compares  with  4,222  miles  in  1914  with  a  total  capi- 
taJiraiioin  oi  $199,5^^1,446,  in  receivers'  hands. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         387 


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388        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

DRAFTING  OFFICIALS  FROM  THE  BENCH 

Tn  reply  to  a  speech  by  Senator  Walsh,  of  Montana,  scoring 
the  selection  of  candidates  and  officials  from  the  bench,  Senator 
Townscnd.  of   Michigan,  said: 

As  I  understand  it.  the  Senator  from  Montana  is  opposed  to 
the  selection  of  Presidents  by  the  people  from  the  Supreme 
bench,  and  particularly  the  selection  of  Mr.  Hughes,  because  of 
its  political  effect  upon  the  bench  and.  through  the  bench,  upon 
the  country.  His  soul  does  not  seem  to  have  been  disturbed  by 
the  fact  th'it  almo-^t  from  the  beginning  of  the  Government,  and 
especially  during  the  last  three  years,  appnintments  to  the  bench 
have  been  made  almost  exclusively  for  political  reasons:  and 
if  this  be  an  offense  the  Democratic  Party  has  been  a  great 
offender. 

It  is  somewhat  surprising  that  an  incorruptible  indge.  vi'ith 
an  urbVmished  record  for  exalted  character  and  nbility.  should 
be  criticized  for  accepting  nn  unsolicited  call  to  the  Presidency, 
while  the  critics  raise  no  voice  of  protest  agan<;t  the  'rno-frenuent 
practice  indulged  by  Presidents  of  nominating  men  for  Federal 
judees  whose  chief  qualification  is  pnrtisan  political  service  ren- 
dered It  would  be  better  for  the  country  to  have  a  great  judge 
for  President  than  a  time-serving  politician  for  judge.  T  think 
there  is  more  danger  to  be  npprehended  to  popular  government 
from  the  selection  of  men  who  are  unfit  and  who  are  not  on  the 
bench,  but  who  are  selected  for  partisan  political  reasons  only 
than  there  is  to  come  from  the  practically  spontaneous  choice  of 
a  great  majority  of  the  people  in  favor  of  one  man  for  President, 
even  though  the  call  comes  to  him  on  the  bench. 

It  is  a  compliment  to  Mr.  Hughes  that  no  man  has  raised  his 
voice  against  him  for  any  other  reason  than  that  he  was  a 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Words,  and  partisan  political 
words,  alone  are  the  only  arguments  that  can  be  presented 
against  him.  Not  a  single  thing  in  his  official  career  has  been 
pointed  to  as  indicating  that  he  has  swerved  a  hair's  breadth 
from  what  he  considered  to  be  his  duty  as  a  Justice  of  the  Su- 
preme Court.  He  has  never  pandered  to  classes  or  to  transitory 
public  sentiment,  but  has  adhered  to  the  duties  that  were  imposed 
upon  him  under  the  Constitution  as  he  has  seen  those  duties. 

The  history  of  the  selection  of  Mr.  Hughes  stands  alone  in  the 
annals  of  the  American  Republic.  I  think  no  one.  unless  he  be  a 
partisan  who  is  urged  beyond  reason  to  take  advantage  of  poli- 
tics, will  clami  that  Mr.  Hughes  has  ever  done  or  said  a  thing 
to  induce  his  selection  by  his  party  as  its  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent. He  was  chosen  against  the  opposition  of  so-called  prac- 
tical politicians ;  and  when  he  was  nominated  the  first  thing  he 
did  was  [o  resign,  and  he  did  that  even  though  it  was  known 
that  the  strongest  member  of  the  Progressive  Party  had  been 
nominated  by  that  organi/.ation,  and  that  under  such  conditions 
his  hope  of  political  success  was  not  good.  Under  such  circum- 
stances could  his  action  in  resigning  from  the  bench  and  in  ac- 
cepting the  nomination  for  President  have  been  the  desire  for 
political  preferment,  solely  or  even  largely?  He  accep'ed  that 
nomination  because  he  believed  that  the  people  had  called  him, 
and  that  he  had  no  right  to  disobey  that  call.  He  believed  that 
there  was  an  emergency  in  the  American   Republic. 

I  think  an  emergency  does  exist  in  this  country,  and  has  ex- 
isted for  the  last  three  years.  1  believe  that  our  domestic  and 
f(^reign  policies  have  been  vacillating,  weak  and  dangerous.  I 
believe  that,  whatever  may  be  said  about  our  President  as  to 
whether  he  is  intellectually  honest  or  not — and  1  need  not  ex- 
press an  opinion  upon  that  at  this  time — everybody  must  admit 
that  he  is  certainly  unstable  and  uncertain  and  an  opportunist 
without  a  peer.     No  one  knows  how  he  is  going  to  meet  the 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        389 

problems  which  are  now  pressing  for  solution,  but  everyone 
knows  that  he  is  not  well  titted  co  grapple  with  conditions  which 
exist  now  and  which  will  be  more  complex  at  the  close  of  the 
European  war.  Everybody  must  know  that  in  spite  of  the 
President  we  are  at  peace,  and  not  because  of  any  acts  of  his. 
I  believe  that  every  thoughtful  man  understands  that  if  we 
had  had  a  President  who  had  meant  what  he  said  and  had 
spoken  the  meaningful  doctrines  of  American  tradition  we 
would  not  have  been  so  involved  in  difficulties  growmg  out  of 
the  European  war  as  we  are  now.  Every  thoughtful,  unbiased 
person  knows  that  the  President  has  interfered  in  Mexico,  and 
because  of  his  interference  we  are  in  the  deplorable  plight  of  the 
present,  irie  has  not  kept  us  out  of  war  with  Mexico.  Twice 
we  have  been  at  war  with  Mexico,  and  no  one  knows  what  our  ^. 
real  present  status  is.  To  me  it  is  clearly  political,  in  a  most  ^i^ 
offensive  manner.  He  assumed  to  make  war  on  Huerta  and  to  » 
use  the  armed  forces  of  his  Government  to  drive  the  Mexican 
President  from  his  Republic.  After  the  President  did  this  he 
loudly  proclaimed  that  Mexico  had  a  right  to  such  government, 
or  lack  of  it,  as  she  pleased.  It  was  none  of  our  business.  He 
was  right  in  this  statement,  but  he  almost  immediately  re- 
pudiated his  own  words  by  acts  of  interference. 

But,  Mr.  President,  I  do  jiot  wish  to  detain  the  Senate  by  an 
answer  to  the  political  speech  of  the  Senator  from  Montana. 
The  Democratic  necessities  of  the  hour  evidently  seemed,  to 
the  Senator  from  Montana,  to  require  that  such  a  speech  should 
be  made  now.  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  Senator  supported 
with  great  vigor  and  loyalty  the  candidate  of  1904  on  the  Demo- 
cratic ticket  for  President.  He  was  selected  from  the  bench  in 
New  York  to  take  that  position.  There  is  a  chance  for  dis- 
cussion on  the  merits  of  this  subject.  1  will  go  with  the  Sen- 
ator from  Montana  as  far  as  he  likes  in  his  efforts  to  maintain 
incorrupted  the  integrity  of  the  Supreme  Bench.  I  maintain 
that  Justice  Hughes  was  an  incorrupted  and  incorruptible  Jus- 
tice of  the  Supreme  Court.  He  is  a  patriotic  citizen  of  this 
Republic  which  is  ruled  by  the  people,  and  he  had  no  righi  to 
disobey  their  mandate  to  serve  them  in  the  highest  and  most 
responsible  position  in  the  world.  I  believe  that  a  majority  of 
the  people  called  Mr.  Hughes  for  service.  The  people  make 
and  they  can  remake  precedents,  yea— even  constitutions.  He 
did  not  seek  the  nomination.  The  nomination  sought  him  as  it 
has  sought  no  other  since  Washington.  He  gave  them  no  en- 
couragement that  he  would  accept,  even.  They  called  him  and 
under  such  circumstances  he  had  no  right  to  refuse.  He  will 
answer  his  critics  for  himself,  as  he  has  already  answered  them. 

The  frantic  efforts  of  political  orators  to  detract  from  a  man 
who  is  universally  admitted  to  be  supremely  fitted  for  President 
in  these  times  is  distinctly  complimentary  to  the  Republican 
candidate  for  President.  He  is  attacked,  not  for  anything  that 
he  has  done,  not  for  any  decision  that  he  has  rendered,  not  for 
swerving  a  particle  from  the  direct  path  of  duty,  not  because  he 
is  lacking  in  courage,  ability,  and  uncompromising  patriotism, 
but  bec'iuse  he  is  a  most  formidable  candidate  for  President, 
selected  by  the  people  without  political  influence,  but  accepting 
only  after  he  had  resigned  his  position  on  the  Supreme  bench, 
which  was  not  exactly  following  the  Democratic  precedent  of 
1904. 

The  European  war  v^rill  wipe  out  the  savings  of  the  people 
of  Great  Britain;  the  loss  already  amounts  to  $3,000,000,000 
and  if  the  war  lasts  another  year  the  loss  will  reach  $5,000,- 
000,000.  But,  and  this  is  important  for  us  to  note,  the  entire 
nation  is  learning  to  work  more  efficiently  and  skillfully  than 
before,  and  after  the  war  her  productive  power  will  be  greater 
than  ever. 


S90         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

JUGGLING  THE  TREASURY  FIGURES 

At  the  close  of  business  on  March  5,  1913,  the  first  day  of 
Democratic  control  of  National  afifairs,  the  daily  Treasury 
statement  was  issued  in  a  form  to  which  the  public  had  be- 
come accustomed,  and  it  showed,  to  use  its  own  language, 
a  "Working  balance  in  Treasury  Offices"  of  $82,210,619.97. 
This  represented  the  surplus  which  the  Republicans  turned 
over  to  the  Democrats. 

At  the  end  of  that  fiscal  year,  however,  the  Secretary  of 

the  Treasury  concluded  that  the  form  of  the  daily  Treasury 

statement  should  be  changed  and  this  change  was  made  on 

July  I,  1913.     In  the  new  form,  the  daily  statement  showed 

l^the  "Free  and  Available  Balance  in  Treasury  and  Banks,"  and 

fcthe  "Free  Balance"  was  given  as  $114,735,746.97:    "Total  Cash 

■Assets  in  the  General  Fund,"  included  Philippines,  "Balances 

in  Treasury  Offices,"  "limited  tender,"  or  "unavailable."    This 

last   item   included   silver   bullion,   subsidiary   silver   coin   and 

fractional  currency,  making  the  total  $303,250,006.96. 

From  that  moment  a  rapid  and  steady  decline  was  re- 
corded, and  on  September  i,  1913,  only  two  months  after  the 
old  form  of  daily  statements  had  been  discarded  another 
change  was  made.  This  new  statement,  instead  of  giving  a 
"Free  and  Available  Balance"  simply  gave  "Assets"  and 
"Liabilities."  The  "Net  Balance  in  the  General  Fund"  was 
then  given  as  $127,336,337.04.  This  form  of  statement  was 
followed  for  a  little  more  than  two  years  and  on  September 
30,  1915,  the  daily  Treasury  Statement  announced  the  "Net 
Balance  in  General  Fund"  as  being  $40,898,894.97. 

On  October  i,  1915,  the  daily  statement  showed  a  "Net 
Balance"  of  $128,063,545.23.  This  tremendous  increase  in  the 
balance  was  accounted  for  by  adding  the  balances  of  the  dis- 
bursing officers  to  the  available  balance  for  general  govern- 
mental purposes  and  also  by  adding  to  the  assets  column, 
funds  which  are  distinctly  indicated  for  specific  purposes 
and  are  in  the  custody  of  the  Treasury  to  be  paid  out  to  meet 
obligations  incurred  by  the  government. 

Mr.  Harvey  S.  Chase,  of  Boston,  a  well-known  certified 
public  accountant,  made  an  examination  of  the  figures  relat- 
ing to  the  daily  Treasury  statement  for  two  dates,  the  first 
August  4,  1913,  and  the  second,  October  23,  1915. 

On  October  4,  1913,  according  to  Mr.  Chase,  the  "free 
available  balance"  in  the  Treasury  office  and  in  banks  was 
$105,793,571.44.  On  that  date  Mr.  Chase  Was  at  work  in  the 
Treasury  and  the  form  of  daily  statement,  from  July  i,  1913, 
until  some  time  later  than  August  4,  was  prepared  under  his 
personal  supervision.  In  the  balance  thus  stated  neither 
"subsidiary  silver  coin,"  nor  "silver  bullion,"  nor  "minor  coin" 
was  included;  whereas  in  the  statement  of  October  23,  1915, 
these  items  are  listed  in  a  total  sum  of  more  than  thirty 
million  dollars,  which  sum,  Mr.  Chase  says,  should  be  de- 
ducted from  the  Treasury  balance. 

In  August,  1913,  the  balance  of  disbursing  officers  and  the 
national  bank  notes  redemption  fund  were  included  as  lia- 
bilities and  Mr.  Chase  points  out  they  were  so  included  until 
October  i,  1915,  when  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  took 
them  out  of  this  classification,  thus  increasing  the  apparent 
balance  by  about  eighty  million  dollars. 

Mr.  Chase's  conclusion  was  as  follows:  "If  the  daily  state- 
ment of  the  United  States  Treasury  of  October  23,  1915,  had 
been  made  up  on  the  same  basis  as  that  of  August  4,  1913. 
the  available  balance  in  the  Treasury  would  have  been  on 
the  latter  date,  $3,517,027.21. 

On  June  30,  1916,  the  daily  statement  of  the  United  States 
Treasury  showed  a  net  balance  of  $236,879,590.90.  Applying 
Mr.  Chase's  methods  to  these  figures,  that  is  to  say.  by  de- 
ducting sums  of  money  held  by  the  Treasury  Department  for 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        891 


payment  of  bills  incurred  by  the  government  such  as  the 
balances  of  disbursing  officers  and  other  funds  such  as  na- 
tional bank  notes,  subsidiary  silver  coin,  minor  coin,  silver 
bullion  and  deposits  in  the  Philippine  Treasury  it  would 
leave  an  actual  working  balance  of  less  than  one-half  the 
amount  claimed  by  the  Democratic  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 


NOTIFICATION   OF  MR.  HUGHES  BY  SENATOR 
WARREN  G.  HARDING 

Mr.  Hughes:  The  Committee  here  assembled,  representing 
all  of  the  United  States  and  territories,  chosen  by  the  Re- 
publican National  Convention  which  met  in  Chicago  on  last 
June  7,  is  directed  by  that  Convention  formally  to  notify  you 
of  its  action  in  selecting  you  as  its  nominee  for  the  Presidency 
of  the  Republic.  Speaking  for  the  Committee,  it  is  my 
pleasure  to  say  directly  what  was  conveyed  to  you  by  tele- 
graph while  the  Convention  was  yet  in  session — that  j^ou 
are  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  Republican  National  Con- 
vention for  the  party  standardbearer.  That  Convention 
uttered  the  principles  of  a  confident,  determined,  reunited  and 
enthusiastic  Republican  Party,  which  turns  to  you,  in  highest 
respect  and  trust,  as  a  nominee  best  typifying  the  party's  pur- 
poses and  the  people's  desires. 

Inasmuch  as  the  unusual  circumstances  inspired  an  in- 
formal notice  at  the  time  of  the  Convention's  action  and  you 
then  made  an  informal  acceptance  of  the  call  to  patriotic  duty 
which  won  the  plaudits  of  our  people,  I  shall  not  refer  in 
detail  to  the  action  of  the  Convention  or  the  declared  prin- 
ciples to  which  the  Republican  Party  is  committed.  But  it 
is  fitting  that  I  should  speak  the  congratulations  of  this  Com- 
mittee on  your  most  extraordinary  nomination.  It  has  no 
parallel  in  the  history  of  the  Republican  Party.  As  the  whole 
people  approvingly  witnessed,  you  have  been  chosen  for 
leadership  by  a  Convention  which  comprised  the  best  thought, 
the  highest  intention  and  deepest  consecration  of  a  great 
and  historic  party,  when  you  were  not  only  not  an  aspirant, 
but  discouraged  all  endeavors  in  your  behalf.  Notwithstand- 
ing your  holding  aloof  from  all  conference  and  participation, 
that  unfailing  understanding  which  directs  popular  senti- 
ment to  highest  victory  called  you  to  the  service  of  the  party 
and  the  Nation.  Your  record  of  public  service,  your  well- 
known  and  courageous  views  on  public  questions  when  in 
executive  position,  your  abiding  devotion  to  Republicanism, 
your  possession  of  a  confidence  which  has  united  all  believers 
in  Republican  policies  under  our  party  banner,  your  unalter- 
able and  abiding  Americanism,  your  high  personal  character 
and  well-known  capacity — all  these  have  fixed  you  in  the 
American  mind  as  the  best  exponent  of  Republican  princi- 
ples and  the  wisest  leader  to  restore  American  prestige  and 
efficient  government. 

We  bring  you  now  the  commission  to  that  leadership.  We 
bring  it  in  full  confidence  that  the  people  will  gladly  acclaim 
the  Republican  restoration  under  your  trusted  leadership. 
We  bring  it  in  the  highest  appreciation  of  that  peace  of 
right  and  justice  which  your  unwavering  Americanism  will 
hold  secure  rather  than  endanger.  We  bring  it  in  the 
strong  belief  that  American  material  good  fortune  under 
Republican  industrial  preparedness  will  be  the  glad  reflex 
of  our  own  peace  and  the  world's  peace  and  be  held 
permanent  under  Republican  protection.  We  bring  it  in 
firm  conviction  that  you,  sir,  will  hold  that  platform  promises 
constitute  a  sacred  party  covenant,  and  the  expressed  will  of 
the  people  at  the  polls  must  find  response  in  capable  and  ef- 
ficient administration.  Aye,  sir,  we  bring  it  believing  you  will 
add  to  our  self-respect,  confidence  and  good  fortune  at  home, 
and  to  that  respect  and  good  opinion  abroad  which  meets 
our  higher  American  aspirations. 


Americanism 


EDITORIAL  IN  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW 

The  pronouncements  upon  the  predominant  question  of  Amer- 
icanism read  as  follows: 

REPUBLICANS  DEMOCRATS 

We   believe    in    American    policies  The     Democratic     Party     *     *     * 

at    home   and    abroad.      We    declare  summons  all    men.   of   whatever  ori- 

that   we   believe  in   and   will  enforce  gin  or  creed,  who  would  count  them- 

the    protection    of    every     American  "^elvcs  Americans   to  join   in   making 

citizen    in   all   the    rights   secuied   ro  clear  to  al  the  world  the  unity  and 

him  by  the  Constitution,  treaties  ^'i.d  consequent  power   of  America, 

the    law    of    nations,    at    home    .-nd  Whoever,  actuated  by  the  purpose 

abroad,    by    land    and    sea.       TI.ese  to  promote  the  interest  of  a  foreign 

rights,    which     in     violation     of    the  Power,  in  disregard  of  our  own  coun- 

specific  promise  of  their  parly  ma^ie  try's  welfare,  or  to  injure  this  Gov- 

at  Baltimore  in   19 12  the  Democratic  ernment   in    its   foreign   relations,   or 

President  and  the     'emocra.i^  Con-  cripple   or   destroy    its   industries   at 

gress  have  failed   to  defend,  we  will  home,  and  whoever,  by  arousing  pre- 

unlbnchiugly   maintain.  judices  of  a  racial,  religious  or  other 

He     appeal     to     all      Americans,  nature,    creates    discord    and    strife 

wriierher   naturalized   or  native  born,  among  our  people  so  as  to  obstruct 

to   prove    -c    the    world    that    we  are  the  wholesome  process  of  unification, 

American?    n    thought  and   in   deed,  is    faithless    to    the    trust    which    the 

with   one         ally,  one  hope,  one  as-  privileges    of    citizenship    repose    in 

piration       \v  >;  call  on   all   Americans  him  and   is  disloyal  to  his  country, 

to  be  true  to  the  spirit  of  America,  We  again   declare  the  policy  that 

to  the  ^reat  traditions  of  their  com-  the   sacred    rights    of   American   citi- 

mon  c<>un :■,',',  and,  above  all  things,  zenship  must  be  preserved  at  home 

to  kee,.'  ti  e  laith.  and  abroad. 

Merer-  the  Repuhlican  Par'ty  has  a  tremendous  advantage  and 
make-'  '^'-O't  effecive  appeal.  No  number  of  fair-seeming  words 
or  c  he.  -.ge  re  in  but  unsupported  notes  can  offset  or  palliate  the 
hunuiiating  failure  of  the  VVMlson  Administration  to  safeguard 
the  lives  and  propenies  of  its  naiionals.  Whether  the  Repub- 
lican Party  would  have  done  better  in  the  crying  circumstances 
can  only  be  surmised,  but  it  is  quite  impossible  to  imagine  any- 
body domg  worse.  In  the  most  presumptuous — or  should  we 
say  most  fighting — mood.  Mr  Wilson  never  penned  words  so 
wholly  nerveful  as  "We  again  mclare  the  policy  that  the  sacred 
rights  of  American  citizenship  must  be  preserved  at  home  and 
abroad." 

Nor,  frankly  can  we  recall  anything  more  fatuous,  though 
seemingly  adroit,  than  the  following: 

We  condemn  all  alliances  and  combinations  of  individuals  in  this 
country,  of  whatever  nationality  or  descent,  who  agree  and  conspire 
together  for  the  purpose  o?  embarrassing  or  weakening  our  Government 
or  of  improperly  influencing  cr  coercing  our  public  representatives  in 
dealing  or  negotiating  with  any  foreign  Power.  We  charge  that  such 
conspiracies  among  a  limile■^  number  exist  and  have  been  instigated  for 
the  purpose  of  advancing  the  interests  of  foreign  countries  to  the  preju- 
dice and  detriment  of  out  country.  We  condemn  any  political  party 
which,  in  view  of  the  activity  of  such  conspirators,  surrenders  its  integrity 
or   modifies    its   policy. 

Since  we  can  hardly  assume  ihat  President  Wilson  would 
accuse  his  own  personally  conducted  party  of  surren<lering  its 
integrity  or  modifying  its  policy  at  the  behest  of  marplots,  it 
follows  necessarily  that  he  is  driving  at  the  Republicans  and 
Progressives  or  at  their  candidate.  He  refers,  of  course,  to 
sympathizers  with  Germany — not,  mind  you.  tc  the  great  body 
of  German-born  citizens  whose  votes,  we  suspect,  would  be 
quite  as  acceptable  to  him  as  to  Mr.  Hughes — but  to  a  "limited 
number"  of  conspirators  of  whose  activities  he  has  been  officially 
apprised.     Speaking  more  explicitly  on   Flag  Day,  he  said  : 

There  is  disloyalty  active  in  the  United  States,  and  it  must  be  abso- 
lutely crushed.  It  proceeds  from  a  minority,  a  very  small  minority,  but 
a  very  active  and  sulitle  minority.  It  works  underground,  but  it  also 
shows  its  ugly  head  where  we  can  see  it ;  and  there  are  tho.se  at  this 
moment      who     are      trying     to     levy     a     species     of    political     blackmail, 

39* 


HEPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         39'd 

saying,  "Do  what  we  wish  in  the  interest  of  foreign  sentiment  or  we  will 
wreak  our  vengeance  at  the  polls."  That  is  the  sort  of  thing  against 
which  the  American  nation  will  turn  with  a  might  and  triumph  of  senti- 
ment which  will  teach  these  gentlemen  once  for  all  that  loyalty  to  this 
flag  is  the  first  test  of  tolerance  m  the  United  States. 

Now  if  it  be  a  fact — and  surely  no  President  would  make  so 
grave  an  accusation  unless  sure  of  his  ground — that  disloyalty  is 
not  only  "active  in  the  United  States"  but  even  "shows  its  ugly 
head"  where  he  can  "see  it";  if,  in  other  words,  as  is  plainly 
implied,  the  country  is  infested  with  traitors  whose  where- 
abouts are  known  or  discoverable,  whose  business  it  is  to  run 
them  to  earth  and  eiiher  drive  them  out  of  the  country  or  put 
them  in  jail?  Surely  the  obligation  does  not  rest  upon  Mr. 
Hughes,  who  has  neither  the  information  nor  the  authority. 
And  surely  not  upon  a  political  party  out  of  power  which  is 
neither  required  nor  able  to  enforce  the  laws.  Where  then  lies 
the  duty?  The  accusation  is  of  conspiracy  "instigated  for  the 
purpose  of  advancing  the  interests  of  foreign  countries  to  the 
prejudice  and  detriment  of  our  own  country."  Whether  or  not 
such  an  act  falls  technically  within  the  Constitutional  definition 
of  treason  as  "adhering  to  their  (the  United  States's)  enemies, 
giving  them  aid  and  comfort,"  it  comes  perilously  near  it  and, 
in  any  case,  it  constitutes  a  crime  punishable  under  laws  which 
either  exist  already  or  could  be  obtained  in  a  day's  time. 

There  was  no  difficulty  in  sending  Huerta  to  prison  to  die, 
though  for  what  offense  nobody  knows.  Why  are  the  officers 
of  justice  impotent  in  the  present  instance?  The  Constitution 
fixes  the  responsibility  and  confers  the  authority  upon  the 
President  himself.  If  he  possesses  the  information,  why  does 
he  not  act  instead  of  meaninglessly  warning  political  opponents 
against  "surrendering  their  integrity"  and  "modifying  their 
policy"?  We  can  understand  why  the  adversaries  of  a  candi- 
date for  re-election  might  call  him  to  task  for  failure  to  heed 
his  oath  to  enforce  the  laws  but  self-accusation  on  the  part  of  a 
President  himself  is,  we  venture  to  assert,  no  less  unprecedented 
than  it  is  amazing.  The  most  charitable  conclusion  is  that  the 
charge  itself  either  lacks  foundation  or  could  not  be  sustained 
or  is  mere  political  bunqombe  of  the  cuttle-fish  variety. 


FAVORABLE  TRADE  BALANCES 

By  John  Hays  Hammond 

Many  ^  of  us  have  been  deluded  into  a  feeling  of  national 
security,  financially  speaking,  because  of  the  so-called  "favor- 
able" trade  balances,  amounting  to  several  hundred  millions  of 
dollars  a  year,  that  our  nation  has  enjoyed;  but  these  trade 
balances  are  fictitious,  not  real,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  ex- 
planation of  what  are  called  by  "economists  the  annual  "invisible 
exports,"  that  tend  to  wipe  out  this  apparent  credit  balance. 
These  normal  ''invisible  exports'  are,  first,  one  hundred  and 
seventy-five  million  dollars  or  more  on  account  of  payments  of 
loans  made  to  this  country,  and  of  interest  and  dividends  due 
to  European  financiers  on  investments  made  here,  the  United 
States  still  being  a  debtor  nation  to  Euiope  to  the  extent  of 
about  three  and  one-half  billion  dollars  for  money  borrowed 
and  expended  in  the  development  of  our  national  industries. 
Second,  money  drawn  on  letters  of  credit  and  other  forms  of 
foreign  drafts  by  Americans  traveling  or  residing  abroad, 
which,  according  to  Sir  George  Paish,  amounts  to  a  net  yearly 
sum  of  about  one  hundred  and  seventy  million  dollars.  Third, 
funds  remitted  abroad  for  investment  by  immigrants  residing  in 
this  country.  These  remittances  amount  to  from  one  hundred 
and  fifty  million  dollars  to  two  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars 
annually.  Fourth,  sums  remitted  by  American  manufacturers 
and  merchants   in   payment  of   freight   shipped   in   foreign  hot- 


S94         REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— W 16 

toHK-,,  esiimated  at  a  net  sum,  after  deductions,  of  about  one 
hundred  million  dollars.  This  makes  a  total  sum,  conservatively 
estimated  at  from  five  to  six  hundred  million  dollars  yearly  of 
invisible  exports,  to  be  deducted  from  our  "favorable"  trade 
balance. 

From  this  explanation  it  is  obvious  that  our  nation  must  have? 
an  excess  of  exports  over  imports  to  cover  these  "invisible  ex- 
ports," or  it  must  pay  the  difference,  that  is,  the  deficit,  either  by 
the  shipment  of  gold  abroad  or  by  selling  additional  American 
securities  to  foreign  investors. 

In  times  of  a  great  European  war  and  its  aftermath,  the  sale 
of  American  securities  abroad  is,  of  course,  impracticable,  and 
there  is  then  no  alternative  but  'che  exportation  of  American 
gold  to  liquidate  our  indebtedness.  The  continued  shipments 
abroad  of  large  sums  of  gold  would  of  course  soon  become  a 
great  menace  to  the  financial  integrity  of  the  nation.  The  pres- 
ent tariff  unfortunately  operates  to  produce  an  excess  of  im- 
ports rather  than  of  exports.  We  have  indisputable  evidence  of 
this  in  the  records  our  foreign  trade  for  the  five  months  pre- 
ceding the  outbreak  of  the  European  war,  at  which  time  the 
monthly  imports  actually  exceeded  the  exports  owing  'to  the 
unscientific  revision  of  the  tariff  under  the  Underwood  Law. 

Fortunately,  the  effect  of  the  war  has  I  .en  to  create  what  is 
tantamount  to  a  protective  tariff  by  reason  of  the  incident  re- 
s'triction  of  exports  to  this  country  from  the  belligerent  nations. 

American  Investments  Abroad 

In  order  to  stimulate  the  investment  of  American  capital  in 
foreign  lands  it  is  prerequisite  that  the  investor  be  assured  of 
protection  by  his  Government  against  any  unfair  interference  or 
discrimination  on  the  part  of  foreign  governments  where  these 
investments  are  made.  It  will  not  be  necessary  for  our  Gov- 
ernment to  assume  a  truculent  attitude  towards  the  smaller 
nations  where  investments  may  be  less  securely  established  than 
in  other  countries,  nor  is  it  expected  that  our  Government 
should  in  any  way  guarantee  the  success  of  commercial  enter- 
prises, for  business  men  are  willing  to  assume  legitimate  risks 
in  their  investments;  but  it  is  nevertheless  imperative  that 
our  Government  demand  and  secure  the  fair  treatment  of 
its  citizens  who  have  invested  their  capital  in  legitimate 
industry  under  laws  obtaining  in  the  country  when  those  in- 
vestments were  made.  Certain  it  is  that  laws  resulting  in  the 
confiscation  of  property,  legally  acquired,  do  not  justify  a  great 
nation  in  repudiating  its  obligation  to  obtain  the  redress  of  the 
legitimate  grievance  of  its  citizens,  and  certain  it  is  also  that  our 
Nation,  if  it  hope  to  compete  with  other  great  nations  in  the 
development  of  foreign  markets,  must  at  least  secure  for  its 
citizens  the  same  guarantee  of  the  protection  of  life  and  property 
as  is  assured  'the  nationals  of  our  competitors  in  commerce  in 
those  countries. 


BUSINESS  LEGISLATION 

The  Sixty-third  Congress  enacted  a  series  of  anti-trust  acts 
regulating  not  only  the  operation  and  relationship  of  indus- 
trial combinations  to  each  other,  but  the  conduct  of  their 
employes  during  industrial  disputes,  undertaking  to  limit  the 
judicial  protection  for  life  and  property  under  such  circum- 
stances. That  legislation  was  inspired,  shaped  and  pressed 
by  the  Representatives  of  nonindustrial  constituencies  wnth 
the  least  understanding  and  experience  with  and  stake  in  the 
critical  problem  at  issue.  The  Sixty-third  Congress  was 
composed  of  435  members,  the  majority  party  possessing  290. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916         395 

Of  these  165  were  from  Northern  and  Western  States  in 
which  the  urban  or  industrial  population  outnumbered  the 
rural  about  eleven  million.  One  hundred  and  twenty-five 
were  from  Southern  States,  with  an  industrial  and  urban 
population  of  approximately  six  million,  and  a  rural  and 
nonindustrial  population  of  substantially  twenty-three  mil- 
lion. One  hundred  and  sixty  five  would  seem  to  be  a  ma- 
jority over  125,  and  one  would  therefore  say  that  in  the 
dominant  party  the  industrial  States  were  more  than  amply 
represented  in  control.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that 
important  legislation  is  not  made  on  the  floor  of  either 
House,  but  in  the  great  committees.  Of  the  125  members 
from  the  nonindustrial  States  thirty-four  were  Chairmen  of 
the  most  important  fifty-eight  committees  of  the  House,  ex- 
cepting only  Appropriations,  Mines,  and  Pensions.  That  situ- 
ation is  substantially  true  in  the  present  Congress. 

In  the  Senate,  in  the  last  Congress,  as  in  the  present,  the 
same  nonindustrial  States  possessed  the  Chairmanship  of 
the  Committees  on  Appropriations,  Banking  and  Currency, 
Claims,  Commerce,  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources,  Edu- 
cation and  Labor,  Finance  (which  handles  the  Tariff  ques- 
tion), Immigration,  Judiciary,  National  Banks,  Naval  Affairs, 
Patents,  Postoffices,  Public  Buildings  and  Grounds,  Public 
Health  and  Quarantine,  and  Rules. 

In  the  Sixty-third  Congress  the  tremendously  important 
Federal  Trade  Commission  act  was  in  charge  of  a  Senator  who 
represented  a  State  which  contains  less  than  one-tenth  of  i 
per  cent  of  the  wage-earners  of  the  United  States,  and  con- 
tributes less  than  i  per  cent  of  our  industrial  production. 

The  twelve  leading  industrial  States  of  the  Union — Cali- 
fornia, Indiana,  Illinois,  Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota. 
Missouri,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Ohio,  Pennsylvania,  and 
Wisconsin — neither  contributed  to  the  membership  of  the 
subcommittee  of  the  House  which  first  formulated  the  trust 
legislation,  nor,  with  a  single  exception,  were  those  States 
represented  in  the  majority  of  the  conference  committees  of 
the  House  or  the  Senate  which  practically  remade  the  Trade 
Commission  and  Clayton  acts.  Yet  those  twelve  States  hold 
a  dominant  interest  in  American  industry.  Their  production 
is  the  largest  factor  in  American  wealth,  the  largest  maker  of 
employment  for  American  labor.  They  possess  three-fifths 
of  our  voters,  50  per  cent  of  our  population,  50  per  cent  of 
our  farm  values,  five-sixth  of  our  wage  earners,  produce  three- 
fourths  of  our  manufactured  products,  and  in  1915  contributed 
to  the  support  of  our  Government  approximately  $305,500,000 
of  the  $415,500,000  of  internal  revenue  tax;  $35,000,000  of  the 
$41,000,000  personal  income  tax;  they  are  the  home  of  102,000 
business  corporations  of  the  174.000  with  taxable  incomes;  and 
they  hold  in  their  banks  $4,000,000,000  of  the  $5,000,000,000  odd 
of  the  saving  deposits  of  the  country. 

These  States,  politically  inconsequent  in  originating  and 
molding  the  rule  of  business  life  under  which  they  must 
operate,  possess  230  of  the  435  Representatives.  They  hold 
the  vast  industrial  wealth-making  majority,  yet  they  are 
politically  a  minority  in  actual  legislative  influence. 

The  severest  restrictive  regulation  of  industry  and  com- 
merce was  formulated  by  a  majority  representation  and  influ- 
ence, which,  however  able,  well  intentioned  and  sincere,  were 
qualified  by  neither  experience,  environment,  or  knowledge  to 
fix  the  rule  for  the  development  of  industrial  life.  On  the 
contrary,  by  the  inevitable  law  of  human  nature,  they  have 
written  into  that  statute  a  native  prejudice  against  large 
things  because  of  their  size,  against  industrial  things  because 
of  their  nature,  against  corporate  things  because  of  their 
name. 


396        REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


TRUTH  ABOUT  THE  NAVY 

Secretary  Daniels  has  the  effrontery,  amazing  even  in  him, 
to  claim  for  the  Wilson  Administration  the  lion's  share  of 
the  credit  for  the  great  naval  program  proposed  by  the 
Senate,  and  on  Tuesday  accepted  by  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, which  had  previously  voted  to  lay  down  five 
battle  cruisers  in  1917  and  had  refused  to  include  battle- 
ships. The  bill  that  will  go  to  the  President,  after  the 
adjustment  of  minor  differences  in  conference,  authorizes 
four  battleships  and  four  battle  cruisers  at  once — that  is 
to  say,  contracts  will  be  made  for  them  this  year  and  the 
keels  will  be  laid  in  1917 — and  a  continuing  program  of  ten 
battleships  and  six  battle  cruisers  in  three  years.  The  last 
dreadnought  of  the  sixteen  should  be  completed  in  or  before 
1923,  eight  of  them  in  three  years. 

In  a  campaign  statement  issued  by  the  Hon.  Josephus 
Daniels  after  the  consenting  vote  by  the  House,  thirty-five 
Democrats  holding  out  against  the  Senate  program,  he 
boasted  that  the  amended  bill  carried  the  largest  appropri- 
ation, $315,000,000,  that  had  ever  been  written  into  a  naval 
bill  in  any  country;  estimated  that  $655,289,800  would  be 
voted  for  the  navy  under  the  Wilson  Administration  as  com- 
pared with  much  smaller  sums  provided  during  the  McKin- 
ley,  Roosevelt  and  Taft  Administrations  in  the  years  before 
the  great  war  in  Europe;  and  complacently  said  that  "the 
first  recommendation  ever  made  by  a  Chief  Executive  for  a 
continuing  program  for  naval  construction  was  made  by 
President  VVilson  in  his  message  to  Congress  last  Decem- 
ber." Also  Mr.  Daniels  exulted  over  "the  eight  capital  ships 
to  be  contracted  for  this  year"  and  the  eight  to  be  contracted 
for  "during  the  next  two  years,"  pointing  out  that  the  pro- 
gram adopted  "would  alone  make  a  much  more  powerful 
fighting  navy  than  the  country  had  when  the  fleet  went 
round  the  world."  Very  true,  but  it  was  not  the  program 
of  Josephus  Daniels  and  Woodrow  Wilson. 

In  December,  1914.  more  than  four  months  after  the  great 
war  began  on  the  Continent  of  Europe,  Secretary  Daniels, 
after  sounding  the  President,  disregarded  the  urgent  recom- 
mendations of  the  General  Board  of  the  Navy,  and  sub- 
mitted to  Congress  the  following  absurdly  inadequate  build- 
ing program  for  1915,  the  second  year  of  the  war:  two 
dreadnoughts,  six  destroyers,  eight  submarines  or  more,  one 
to  be  of  seagoing  and  seven  or  more  of  coast  defence  type, 
one  gunboat,  one  oiler.  A  storm  of  protest  rose  at  once,  in 
the  navy  and  throughout  the  country;  and  it  gathered  volume 
and  fury  until  Woodrow  Wilson  and  Josephus  Daniels  were 
driven  into  a  policy  of  naval  preparedness.  In  his  report  of 
December  i,  1915,  Secretary  Daniels  presented  a  continuous 
five-year  program  calling  for  two  battleships  and  two  battle 
cruisers  in  1917,  two  battleships  in  1918,  two  battleships  and 
one  battle  cruiser  in  1919.  two  battleships  and  two  battle 
cruisers  in  1920,  and  two  battleships  and  one  battle  cruiser 
in  192T.  Congress,  the  initiative  and  impulse  coming  from 
the  Senate,  and  mainly  from  the  Repul)licans,  has  now 
authorized  all  these  ships,  eight  to  be  laid  down  next  year 
and  all  in  three  years. 

But  Josephus  Daniels  fails  to  make  a  distinction  between 
the  two  programs  and  would  have  the  country  believe  that 
it  will  ^owe  to  Woodrow  Wilson  a  debt  of  gratitude  for  the 
greater  navy  that  should  be  expressed  in  votes  on  election 
day.  Unhappily,  however,  for  the  pretensions  of  Josephus 
and  the  political  fortunes  of  his  chief,  Mr.  Kitchin.  the 
Democratic  leader  in  the  House,  has  exposed  both  of  them. 
In  closing  the  debate  he  testified  that  the  Administration,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  the  chairman  of  the  Naval  Affairs 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916        397 

Committee  had  approved  of  his  course  when  he  attacked  the 
Republican  building  program  as  excessive,  and  later  deserted 
him  and  asked  him  to  eat  his  words.  The  truth  is  that  the 
Administration  was  satisfied  with  the  five  battle  cruiser  pro- 
gram for  one  year  which  the  Democrats  put  into  tlieir  bill. 
Does  not  Representative  Page  declare  that  the  Secretary  said 
it  was  "as  large  as  the  Administration  would  go?" 

Surely  there  was  never  a  greater  humbug  than  Josephus 
Daniels,  and  he  has  only  one  rival. — New  York  Sun,  August 
17,  1916. 


INEXCUSABLE  DELAY  OF  CONGRESS 

Inertia,  indecision  and  inefficiency  characterize  the  present 
Congress.  Nothing  else  could  be  expected  of  a  note-writing 
Administration.  President  Wilson  himself  has  set  the  stand- 
ard and  Congress  meekly  follows.  Words,  not  action,  are  the 
keynote  of  the  Administration,  and  time  consuming  speeches, 
not  constructive  legislation,  comprise  the  ignominious  record 
of  Congress. 

No  less  authority  than  Senator  Underwood  substantiates 
this  charge.  In  a  speech  in  the  Senate  on  March  13,  1916, 
he  said: 

I  have  been  a  Member  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  for  more 
than  two  decades,  and  in  that  time  I  have  never  seen  the  pubh'c  business 
of  the  nation  so  far  behind  and  so  much  delayed  as  it  is  to-day.  I  have 
been  silent  because  the  responsibility  did  not  rest  upon  me;  but  I  feel 
that  the  time  has  come,  unless  we  are  going  to  drag  this  session  of 
Congress  into  the  time  when  a  national  election  will  be  confronting  the 
American  peop'e,  that  we  must  speed  up  those  bills  that  it  is  necessary 
for  Congress  to  pass  before  we  reach  a  final  adjournment.  We  have  been 
in  session  for  something  over  three  months.  So  far  as  the  Senate  is 
concerned,  if  my  recollection  serves  me  aright,  we  have  passed  three  con- 
tested bills  in  three  months.  It  is  true  that  we  have  transacted  some 
business  by  unanimous  consent — more  or  less  important  business.  We 
have  passed  an  Urgent  Deficiency  Bill,  we  have  passed  a  bill  relating  to 
the  Philipp'ne  Islands,  we  have  passed  a  general  dam  bill.  So  far  as  my 
recol  ection  serves  me,  that  is  all  the  legislation  that  this,  branch  of  Con- 
gress has  transacted  in  three  months.  In  what  would  have  been  in  the 
olden  days  one-half  the  time  devoted  to  a  session  of  Congress,  and  in 
what  I  may  say  in  the  extreme  limit  might  be  called  in  these  days  at 
least  one-third  of  the  time  that  we  ought  to  be  expected  to  keep  the 
Congress   in  session,  we  have  standing  to  our  credit  three  bills. 

Three  bills  in  three  months!  "An  urgent  deficiency  bill," 
the  only  bill  that  always  receives  prompt  attention  in  a 
Democratic  Congress;  "the  Philippine  bill,"  a  bill  of  scut- 
tling and  dishonor,  also  characteristic  of  a  Democratic  Con- 
gress, and  the  "dam  bill,"  a  title  certainly  applicable  to  most 
Democratic  legislation. 

Senator  Newlands  expressed  himself  in  accord  with  Sena- 
tor Underwood  and  agreed  with  him  "regarding  the  necessity 
for  a  businesslike  program."  The  country  is  pretty  well  con- 
vinced by  this  time  that  a  "businesslike  program"  is  too 
much  to  expect  from  a  Democratic  Congress. 

As  an  example  the  attendance  of  Democratic  members  of 
the   House  of   Representatives  is  given   for  January   last: 

By  actual  daily  count  the  Democrats  were  fewer  in  num- 
ber on  the  floor  of  the  House  than  Republicans,  except  for 
seven  roll  calls.  An  uninformed  observer  would  have  sup- 
posed that  the  Republicans  and  not  the  Democrats  were  the 
responsible  party. 

There  are  in  the  House  228  Democrats  and  197  Repub- 
licans. The  record  of  attendance  shows  that  on  every  day 
during  January,  with  the  exceptions  noted,  the  Republicans 
outnumbered  the  Democrats  on  the  floor,  sometimes  two  lio 
one,  and  sometimes  three  to  one. 

Here  is  the  record,  by  daily  actual  count: 


398         EEPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


Democrats  Present 

January  5th,  21;  6th,  20;  7th,  19;  8th,  31;  loth,  25;  nth,  25; 
I2th,  11;  13th,  13;  14th,  8;  15th,  23;  17th,  17;  i8th,  12;  19th, 
42;  20th,  27;  21  St,  20;  22d,  18;  24th,  50;  25th,  48;  26th,  62; 
27th,  29;  28th,  21;  29th,  29;  31st,  II. 

The  inability  of  the"  Democratic  Party  to  legislate  has  been 
shown  in  the  past.  Haste,  inaccuracy  and  crude  incompe- 
tency run  like  a  scarlet  thread  through  the  statutes  they  have 
enacted. 

To  this  record  is  now  added  the  proof  of  shameful  neglect. 
With  a  majority  in  Congress  responsible  for  the  enactment 
or  failure  of  an  important  program,  the  Democrats  have  con- 
stantly shirked  that  responsibility. 

Listless,  very  often  divided  among  themselves,  they  are 
furnishing  a  conspicuous  example,  not  only  of  their  inca- 
pacity to  handle  the  affairs  entrusted  to  them,  but  also  a 
total  lack  of  appreciation  of  the  necessity  for  close  applica- 
tion to  the  business  in  hand,  if  errors  and  disastrous  conse- 
quences are  to  be  avoided. 

Had  the  Democrats  attended  to  business  earlier  in  the  ses- 
sion, they  would  not  need  to  hurry  legislation  in  midsummer 
and  pass  continuing  resolutions. 


USELESS  OFFICES 

Here  is  a  plank  found  in  the  Democratic  platform  of  1912. 
seldom  referred  to: 

"We  demand  a  return  to  that  simplicity  and  economy  which  befits  a 
Democratic  Government,  and  a  reduction  in  the  number  of  useless 
offices,   the   salaries  of   which   drain  the   substance    of   the   people." 

From  the  Official  Regis'cers  of  the  United  States  on  the  1st  day 
of  July,  1913,  after  the  Democratic  Party  had  been  in  power 
four  months,  and  on  the  ist  day  of  July,  1915,  two  years  there- 
after, is  given  the  number  of  employes  in  the  different  depart- 
ments : 

Number  of   employes   July    i,    1913 470,015 

Number    of    employes   July    i,    1915 488,711 

Some  of  the  noticeable  increases  being  as  follows: 

I9»3-  1915- 

Department   of    State    1,328  1,37a 

Treasury     Department *7,595  31,108 

Department    of    Justice    1,976  4, 700 

Post     OfBce     Department 392,049  *97.53i 

Department    of    the    Interior 14,304  19.851 

Department    of    Agriculture     14.478  16,229 

Department    of    Commerce     7,693  10, 355 

Department    of    Labor 1,906  ',036 

Interstate     Commerce     Commission 719  1,890 

Government   of   District   of   Columbia 4,977  7,348 

The  above  table  shows  the  great  increase  in  the  number  of 
employes  in  these  departments,  which  have  been  largely  added  to 
during  the  past  year. 

The  line  of  progress  lies  not  in  arbitrary  action  but  in  se- 
curing suitable  publicity  and  supervision,  and  by  accurate 
definition  of  wrongs  and  the  infliction  of  proper  punishment. 
The  processess  of  justice  may  be  slower  and  more  laborious; 
but  if  we  desert  the  lines  of  soberness  and  fair  play  to  get 
quick  results  through  arbitrary  interferences  with  trade,  we 
shall  find  that  such  short  cuts  lead  only  to  disaster. — Charles 
E.  Hughes,  at  Youngstown,  Ohio,  in  1908. 


We  seek  physical  power  because  it  may  advance  our  moral 
and  intellectual  well-being. — Hon.  C.  W.  Fairbanks,  at  Lan- 
caster, Mass.,  June  30,  1903. 


REPUBLICAN    CAMPAIGN    TEXT-BOOK— 191«        $9$ 
\ 

"DESERVING  DEMOCRATS"* 
An  Administration  Policy  as  Admitted  by  Its  Secretary  of 

State 

Testifying  at  the  Hotel  Waldorf,  New  York,  January  I4» 
1915,  before  James  D.  Phelan,  Special  Commissioner  for  the 
investigation  of  the  charges  against  James  Mark  Sullivan,  U^  S. 
Commissioner  to  Santo  Domingo,  Walter  W.  Vick,  who  suc- 
ceeded Air.  Pullman  as  Receiver  General,  showed  what  pur- 
ported to  be  a  photograph  of  a  letter  sent  him  by  Secretary 
Bryan  on  August  20,  1913,  shortly  after  Vick  became  Receiver 
General,  in  which  the  Secretary  of  State  said: 

My    Dear    Mr.    Vick: 

Now  that  you  have  arrived  and  are  acquainting  yourself  with  the 
situation,  can  you  let  me  know  what  positions  you  have  at  Vour  disposal 
with  which  to  reward  deserving  democrats?  Whenever  you  desire  a 
suggestion  from  me  in  regard  to  a  man  for  any  place  there,  call  on  me. 
You  have  had  enough  experience  in  politics  to  know  how  valuable 
workers  are  when  the  campaign  is  on,  and  how  difficult  it  is  to  find 
suitable  rewards  for  all  the  deserving.  I  do  not  know  to  what  extent  a. 
knowledge  of  the  Spanish  language  is  necessary  for  employes.  Let  me 
know  what  is  requisite,  together  with  the  salary,  and  when  "appointments 
are   likely  to  be  made. 

Sullivan  will  come  down  before  long,  and  you  and  he  ought  to  be  able 
to  bring  about  such  reforms  as  may  be  necessary  there.  You  will  find 
Sullivan  a  strong,  courageous,  reliable  fellow.  The  more  I  have  seen  of 
him  the  better  satisfied  I  am  that  he  will  fit  into  the  place  there,  and  do 
what   is   necessary   to   be   done.  WM.   J.    BRYAN. 


Attention  has  been  called  to  the  fact  that  our  exports  in- 
creased somewhat  to  the  South  American  nations  during  the 
period  covered  by  the  war.  This  was  only  the  natural  result 
of  the  war.  When  they  could  no  longer  obtain  manufactured 
products  from  Germany  on  account  of  the  blockade,  or  from 
England  and  France,  because  their  workers  were  too  busy 
making  munitions,  the  South  Americans  had  to  buy  them  in 
the  United  States.  The  exports  to  the  neutral  countries  in 
Europe  also  largely  increased,  but  the  increase  passed  through 
the  neutral  countries  to  supply  the  nations  at  war.  Turn 
where  you  will  to  any  increase  v/orth  noting  in  our  exports 
and  it  will  be  found  to  be  due  to  the  war. 


America  First 

and 

America  Efficient 

Charles  E.  Hughes. 

Statistical  Tables 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  UMITEO  STATES 


Year 

Area,  a 

Population 
June  1. 1 

Wealth,  c 

Public  debt,  less  cash  in 
Trea^•u^y  July  1. 

Total. 

Per 

capita. 

Total,  d 

Per 
capita 

1800 

Sq.  miles. 
89>.135 
1,720.122 
1,792,223 
J, 792, 223 
1,792.223 
3,026,789 
2.997.119 
3,026,789 
3,026,789 
3,026,789 
3,026,789 
6,026.789 
3.026.789 
3,026.789 
3,026  789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.780 
3  026.789 
3,026.789 
3,026.789 
3,026,789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026,789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026,789 
3.026.789 
3,026,789 
3,026,789 
3.026.789 
3,026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3,026,789 
3,026.789 
3,026,789 
3,026,789 
3,026.789 
3.026,789 
3.026,789 
3.026,789 
3.026,789 
3.026.789 
3,026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026. 7H9 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026,789 
3,026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026,789 
3.026.7X9 
3,026.789 
3,026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 
3.026.789 

5.308.483 

Dollars. 

Dollars 

Dollars. 

82.976.294 

53.173.217 

91.015.566 

48.565.406 

3,573,343 

35,586,956 

63.452,773 

10,965.953 

9.998.621 

37.900.  l<Tl 

53.405.234 

59.964.402 

87.718.660 

505.312.752 

1.111.350,737 

1.709.452.277 

2.674.815.856 

2.636.036.163 

2.508.151.211 

2.480.853.413 

2.432.771.873 

2.331.169.956 

2.246.994.068 

2.149.780.5.50 

2.105.462.060 

2,104.149.153 

2.090.041.170 

2.060,925.340 

2,019.275.431 

1.999.382.280 

1.996.414.905 

1.919.326.747 

1.819,6,50.154 

1,675,023,474 

1,538.781,825 

1,438.542.995 

1,375,352,443 

1,282,145.840 

1,175.168,675 

1,063,Q04.894 

975.939.750 

890.784.370 

851.912,751 

841.526,463 

838,969.475 

899.313.380 

901.672,966 

955.297,253 

986.656.086 

1.027.085.492 

1.155,320.235 

1,107,711,257 

1,044,7.59,119 

969,4=^7,241 

925,011,637 

967.231,773 

989,866,772 

964,435,686 

878..596.755 

938.132.41)9 

l,023.«61.530 

1.046,449,185 

1.015.784.338 

1.027.574  697 

1.028.564,055 

1.027.257,009 

1,090.148,006 

1,006,281.572 

Dolls. 
15.63 

1810 

7.239.881 
9.638,453 
12.866.020 
17.069.453 

7.34 

1820 

1830 

9.44 
3,77 

1840 

.21 

1855 

27.256.000 
23.191,876 
28.083,000 
28.916,000 
29.758.000 
30.596.000 
31.443,321 
32.064.000 
32,704.000 
33.365.000 
34.046.000 
34.748.000 
35.469.000 
36.211.000 
36,973,000 
37.756.000 
38.558.371 
39.555.000 
40,596,000 
41.677.000 
42.796.000 
43.95 1  000 
45,137.000 
46.353.000 
47,598,000 
48.866.000 
.50.155.783 
51.316.000 
52.495.000 
53.693.000 
54.91 1. 000 
56,148.000 
57,404.000 
58,680.000 
59.974.000 
61.289.000 
62.947.714 
63,844.000 
65,086,000 
66,349.000 
67.632.000 
68.934.000 
70,254.000 
71  592.000 
72,947.000 
74.318.000 
75,994.575 
77.612.569 
79,230.-563 
80.848.557 
82,466.551 
84  084.545 

1.31 

1850 

1856 

7,135,780,000 

307 

2.74 
1.14 

1857 

.99 

1858 

1.51 

1859 

1.91 

1860 

1861 

16,159.616,000 

513 

1.91 
2.74 

1862 

15.45 

1865 

33.31 

1864 

50.21 

1865 

76.98 

1866 

74,32 

1867 

69.26 

1868 

67.10 

1869 

64.43 

1870 

1871 

30,068.518,000 

779 

60.46 
56,81 

1872 

1873 



52  96 
50.52 

1874 

1875 

49.17 

47,53 

1876 

45.66 

1877 

43,56 

1878 

42.01 

1879 

40.85 

1880 

1881 

1882 

43,642,000,000 

870 

38.27 
35.46 
31.91 

1885 

28.66 

1884 

26.20 

1885 

24. .50 

1886 

22.34 

1887 

20.03 

1888 

1889 

17.72 
15.92 

1890 

1891 

65,037,091,000 

1,035 

14.15 
13.34 

1892  ... 

12.93 

1893 

12.64 

1894 

13  30 

1895 

1896 

77,000.000,000 

1,117 

13.08 
13.60 

1897 

13.78 

1898 

14.08 

1899 

15.55 

1900 

1901 

88,517,307,000 

1,164 

14.58 
13.46 

1902 

12.24 

1903 

11  44 

1904 

1905 

107,104,212,000 

1,318 

11.73 
11.77 

1906 

85.702.533 
87.320  539 
88,938.527 
90.556.521 
92.174.515 

11.25 

1907 

10.06 

1908 

10.55 

1909 

11.31 

1910 

11  35 

1911 

93.792.509 
95,410.503 
97,028,497 
98,646,491 
100,264,485 
101,882,479 

10.83 

1912 

1913 

187,739.071.090 

1,965 

1077 
10.60 

1914 

1041 

1915 

1916 

220.000,000,000 

2.200 

1087 
9.87 

a  The  figures  relate  to  continental  United  States. 

b  For  other  than  census  years  prior  to  1890  the  figures  are  for  July  1. 

c  True  valuation  of  real  and  personal  property;  the  figures  are  thosf^  of  the 
Bureau  of  the  Census,  Department  of  Commerce,  relate  to  continental  United 
States,  and  cover  census  years, 

d  1800  to  1855,  outstanding  principal  of  the  public  debt  Jan.  1. 

400 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


401 


PROGRESS  OF   MANUFACTURING   IN  THE  UNITED   STATES. 
1850  TO  1910 

[From  official  reports  of  Census  Office.) 


Years. 

Number 
of  estab- 
lish- 
ments. 

Average 
number 
of  wage 
earners. 

Wages  paid. 

Value  of 
product. 

1850 

1 2.^.025 
140.4.V^ 
252,148 
25.^.852 
355.415 
512  254 
216.262 
268.491 
275.791 

957.059 
1,311.746 
2.0S3.9')6 
2.73?. 595 
4.251.613 
5,308.406 
5.470.^21 
6.615,046 
7,035,322 

$236  755,464 

378.878.9^6 

77  5.584.343 

947.953.795 

1,891.228.321 

2,322.33^877 

2.611.540.532 

3.427.037,884 

4,078.638.702 

$1,019  106.616 

1860 

1,885.861.676 

1870 

4.23'  375.442 

1880 

5.U)0,579  191 

1890 

1900* 

1905*.  . 

9.372.4^.283 
n.O()4.400.143 
14  802.147.087 

1910 

20.672.051.870 

1914 

24,241.348.692 

*Exclusive  of  statistics  for  governmental  establishments  and  for  Hawaii.     Fig- 
ures for  1905  and  1910  do  not  include  neighborhood  industries  and  hand  trades. 


VALUE  OF  FARM  PROPERTY:    Census  Years  1850  to  1910. 
[Source:  Reports  of  the  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Department  of  Commerce.] 


a  Land  and  buildings  not  separately  stated. 

b   [lu-luding  only  the  reported  value  of  live  stock  on  farms. 

c  Gold  values. 

d  Including  estimated  value  of  live  stock  on  ranges. 

e  Including  value  of  live  stock  on  ranges  as  well  as  on  farms. 


BANK  CLEARINGS  IN  UNITED  STATES.   1887-1915. 


Year. 

Bank  Clearings.* 

Year. 

Bank  Clearings.* 

Year. 

Bank  Clearings.* 

1887 

$52,126,704,488 

1897 

$54,179,545,030 

1907 

$154,476,830,537 

1888 

48,7.50.886,813 

1898 

65,924,820.^69 

1908 

126,238.694.398 

1889 

53,501,411.510 

1899 

88,828,672,533 

1909 

158.877,192.100 

1890 

58,845.279,505 

1900 

84,582.450.081 

1910 

168.986,664,000 

1891 

57,298,737,938 

1901 

114.819.792.086 

1911 

159,539.539.000 

1892 

60,883,572.438 

1902 

116.021.618,003 

1012 

168.685.953.000 

1893 

58,880.682,455 

1903 

113,963.298,973 

19n 

173,193.009.000 

1894 

45.028.496,746 

1904 

102,356.435,047 

1914 

163,849,811  000 

1895. 

50  975.155.046 

1905 

140,592,087.616 

1915 

162,777.508.000 

1896 

51.935,651,733 

1906 

157.681.259.999 

♦Years  ended  September  30. 


I  would  be  ashamed  of  myself  if  I  called  the  attention  of 
this  committee  to  the  attempted  raid  upon  the  Treasury  of 
$8,ooo  by  a  poor  70-year-old  soldier  out  in  Minnesota,  if  T 
did  not  call  their  attention  to  the  abstraction  of  $7,000  from 
the  contingent  fund  of  one  of  the  Departments  of  the  Gov- 
ernment in  violation  of  the  laws  of  this  country  by  a  Cabinet 
minister. — Representative  Dies  (Dem,),  of  Texas,  in  the 
House,  February  27,  1914. 


4Ui  REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

GOVERNMENT  RECEIPTS 


Ordinary. 


Total. 


Customs. 


Internal 
revenue. 


Excess  of  ordi- 
nary receipts 
(+)  or  deficit 
(— ). 


Dollars. 

10.848.749 

9,384,214 

17,840.670 

24,844,117 

19,480  115 

43.592,889 

65.350.575 

74,056.699 

68.965.313 

46.655.366 

52,777,108 

56.054,600 

41,476.299 

51,919.261 

112.094,946 

243.412.971 

322.031,158 

519.949,564 

462,846,680 

376,434.454 

357.188,256 

395,959,834 

374,431,105 

364.694,230 

322.177,674 

299.941.091 

284,020,771 

290,066,585 

281,000,642 

257.446,776 

272,322,137 

333,526,501 

360,782.293 

403,525,250 

398,287,582 

348,519,870 

323,690,706 

336,439.727 

371,403,278 

379,266.075 

387,050,059 

403,0R0.983 

392.612  447 

354,937.784 

385,819.629 

297,722019 

313.390  075 

326,976.200 

347.721,705 

405,321.335 

515,960.620 

567,240,852 

587,685,338 

562,478,233 

560.396,675 

539,716,914 

544.606  759 

594.717,942 

663,125.660 

601,060,723 

603,589,490 

675.511.715 

701.372,375 

691,778,465 

724.111,230 

734,673.167 

697,910.827 

777,480,488 


Dollars 

9.080.933 

8.583.309 

15.005.612 

21.922,391 

13.490.502 

39,668,686 

53,025.794 

64.022.864 

63,875.905 

41,789.621 

49  565,824 

53,187.512 

39.582,126 

49,056,398 

69.059.642 

102,316.153 

84.928.261 

179.046.652 

176.417.811 

164.464,600 

180,048.427 

194.538.374 

206  270,408 

216,370  287 

188.089.523 

163,103,834 

157.167,722 

148.071,985 

130.9  =  6,493 

130,170.680 

137.250.048 

186,522,065 

198.159  676 

220.410,730 

214.706.497 

195.067,490 

181,471  939 

192.905,023 

217,286,893 

210,091,174 

223,832.742 

229,668,585 

219,522,205 

177,452.964 

203.355.017 

131,818,531 

152,158.617 

160,021  752 

176.554,127 

149,575,062 

206  128.482 

233.164  871 

238.585.456 

254.444.708 

284,479.582 

261.274.565 

261.798.857 

300.251,878 

332,233.363 

286.113.130 

300,711.934 

333,683,445 

314,497  071 

311.321,672 

318,891,396 

292.320.015 

209.786.672 

211,866.222 


Dollars. 

809,397 

7.431 

106.261 

12.161 

1,682 


Dollars. 


+ 


37.640.788 
109,741.134 
209.464.215 
309.226.813 
266.027.537 
191.087.589 
158.356,461 
184,899.756 
143.098.154 
130  642.178 
113.729.314 
102,409,785 
110,007,494 
116.700,732 
118,630.408 
110.581.625 
113,561,611 
124,000,374 
135.264.386 
146  49'/ .595 
144,720,360 
121,586.073 
112.498726 
116,805,936 
118.823,391 
124  296.872 
130.881,514 
142,606,706 
145.686.249 
153.971,073 
161,027,624 
147,111,233 
143.421,672 
146,762,865 
146,688.574 
170,900,641 
273  437.162 
295.327.927 
307.180.664 
271,880.122 
230,810  124 
232  904,119 
234,005.741 
249.150.213 
269.666,7  73 
251.711,127 
246.212.644 
289.9.33.519 
322.529.201 
321.612.200 
344,416.966 
380,041.007 
415,669.646 
512,740,770 


+ 


+ 


34,778 
909.461 
44.865 
9.702.009 
4,834.403 
2,644,506 
6,719,012 
5,330,349 
1.330.904 

—  27.327.127 

—  16.216.492 

—  7,146,276 

—  25.173.914 
—417,650.981 
—606,639.330 
—621.556.130 
—973.068.132 

+  927.208 
+  116.117.354 
+  6,095,320 
+  35,997,658 
+  102.302.829 
+  91,270,711 
+  94,134,534 
+  36,938.348 

—  1,207,709 
+  9..397,379 
+  24.965,500 
+  39.666.167 
+  20.482.450 
+  5.374,253 
+  68.678.864 
^101.1.30,654 
+  145,543  811 
+  132.879.444 
+  104  393  626 
^■  6 1.463.7 71 
+  93,956.589 
4  103,471.098 
+  119,612,116 
+  105.053,443 
+  105.344.496 
+  37.239.763 
+  9  914.454 
+  2.341.674 

—  69,803,261 

—  42,805.223 

—  25,203.246 

—  18,052.454 

—  38,047.248 

—  89.111.560 
+  79,527.060 
+  77.717,984 
+  91,287,376 
+  54.307.652 

I       7.479.093 

—  18.753,335 
+  45.312  517 
+  111,420.531 

—  20,041,667 

—  58,734.955 
+  15.806.324 
+  47.234.377 
+  37.224,502 
+  41.340,524 
+   34.418,677 

—  33.488.932 
+  61.112.814 


Note  the  increase  shown  above  in  Internal  Revenue  during 
the  last  three  years.  This  comes  largely  from  Democratic 
''war"  taxes  in  time  of  peace  to  make  up  for  loss  of -revenue 
in  customs  duties.  Under  the  operation  of  the  present  Tariff, 
we  shall  have  lost  about  $400,000,000  in  revenue  during  this 
administration. 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


40» 


GOVERNMENT  DISBURSEMENTS 


Year 

Ordinary. 

Interest 

ending 

War. 

Navy. 

on  public 
debt. 

Pensions. 

June  30. 

Total 

Dollars. 

Dollars. 

Dollars. 

Dollars. 

Dollars 

1800 

10,813.971 

2,560.879 

3,448.716 

3.402,601 

64,131 

1810 

8,474.753 

2,294,324 

1.654.244 

3.163,671 

83.744 

1820 

18  285.535 

2,630.392 

4.387.990 

5.151.004 

3.208.376 

1830 

15.142.108 

4.767,129 

3.239,429 

1.912.575 

1.363,297 

1840 

24.314,518 

7.095,267 

6.113,897 

174.598 

2.603,562 

1850 

40,94^.383 

9.687.025 

7,904.725 

3.782.393 

1.866.886 

1855 

58,6,'0.663 

14,648  074 

13.327.095 

2,314,465 

iAn  612 

1856 

68,726.350 

16,963,161 

14.074.835 

1,953,822 

1.296.2,30 

1857 

67,634,409 

19,159,151 

12.651,695 

1,593,265 

1.310,381 

1858 

73.082  493 

25.679,122 

14.053,265 

1.652.056 

1,219,768 

1859 

68.90^,600 

23J54.721 

14,690,928 

2,637.650 

1.222.223 

18-0 

63,200.876 

16,472.203 

11,514.650 

3.144.121 

l.lOO.s-02 

1851 

66.650.213 

23,001.531 

12.387,157 

4.034,157 

l.OUCOO 

1862..... 

469,570,242 

380,173,562 

42,640  353 

13.100.345 

852,  r-o 

1863 

718,734.276 

603,314,412 

63,2(1.235 

24,729,701 

1.078.513 

18  4 

864.969.101 

690,391,049 

85,704,964 

53,685.422 

4.985.474 

1865 

1,295  090,290 

1.030.600,400 

122,617.434 

77.395.090 

16.347.621 

1866 

519.022.356 

283,154,676 

43.285,662 

13^067.625 

15,605,550 

1867 

346,729,326 

95,224.416 

31.0.34.011 

143,781,592 

20.936.552 

1868 

370,3^9,134 

123,246.649 

25.775.503 

140.424,046 

23,782,387 

1869 

321,190,598 

78.501.991 

20.000.758 

130,694.243 

28,476.622 

1870 

293.657.005 

57,655,675 

21.780.2.-0 

129.235.498 

28,340,202 

18H 

283.U0.=  94 

35,799,992 

19.431,027 

125,576.566 

34.443.895 

1872 

270.559,6<;6 

35.372.157 

21,245.810 

117,357.840 

28.533.403 

1873 

285,239.325 

46.323.138 

23,526,257 

104,750.688 

29,359.427 

1874 

301.238.800 

42.313.927 

30.932.587 

107,119.815 

29.038,415 

1875 

274  623,393 

41,120.646 

21,497.626 

103.093.545 

29.456,216 

1876 

265.101,085 

38,070.889 

18.963.310 

100.243.271 

28.257.396 

1877 

241,334.475 

37.082,736 

14.959,935 

97.124.512 

27,963.752 

1878 

236.964,327 

32.154,148 

17,365.301 

102,500,875 

27,137,019 

1879 

266,947.884 

40,425.661 

15.125.127 

105,327.949 

35,121.482 

1880 

264,847,637 

38.116,916 

13.536.985 

95  757.575 

56  777.174 

1881 

259.651,639 

40,466,461 

15.686,672 

85,508,711 

50,059.280 

1882 

257,981,440 

43,570,494 

15.032,046 

71.077,207 

61,345.194 

1883 

265,408,138 

48.911,383 

15.283  437 

59.160.131 

66,012,574 

1884 

244.126.244 

39.420.603 

17,292,601 

54.578.378 

55  429.228 

1885 

260.226,935 

42.670,578 

16  021.0V0 

51,^86  256 

56.102  267 

1886 

242.4J'3,139 

34.324,153 

13  907.888 

50  580  146 

63.404  864 

1887 

267.932  180 

38.561.026 

15.141  127 

47,741,577 

75.029.1C2 

1888 

259,6S3.9.S9 

38,522.436 

16,926,438 

44.715  007 

80,288.509 

1889 

281.996,616 

44.435.271 

21.378.809 

41,001.484 

87  024.779 

1890 

297.736.487 

44..'=82,838 

22.006,206 

36,099,284 

106,939,855 

1891 

355.37  2.685 

48.720.065 

26.113.896 

37.547,135 

124,415,951 

1892 

345,023,331 

46.895,456 

29.174.139 

23,378,116 

134,583,053 

1893 

383,477.954 

49,641.773 

30.136.084 

27.264.392 

159.357,558 

1894 

367.525.280 

54.567,930 

31.701.294 

27.841.406 

141,177.285 

1895 

356. 19'=:,  298 

51,804.579 

28,797,796 

30,978.0.30 

141,395.229 

1896 

352  179,446 

50,830,921 

27.147.732 

35.385.029 

139,434.001 

1897 

365.774  160 

48,950,268 

34.561.546 

37,791,110 

141,053,165 

1898 

443.368.583 

91.992.000 

58,?  23, 104 

37.585,056 

147,452,369 

1899 

605.072.180 

229.841.254 

63.942,985 

39.896.925 

139,394.929 

1900 

487,71^.792 

134.774.768 

55,953.078 

40.160.333 

140,877.316 

1901 

509.067  353 

144,615,697 

60.506.978 

32.342,979 

1.39.323,622 

1902 

471.190.858 

112,272,216 

67.803,128 

29,108.045 

138,488.560 

1903  

506,089,022 

118.619.520 

82,618,034 

28.556.349 

138.425.646 

1904  .... 

506.0^9  022 

11^,619,520 

82,618,034 

28.556  349 

138,425.646 

1904 

532.237,821 

115.035.411 

102.956,102 

24.646,400 

142.559.266 

1905 

563,360.094 

122,175,074 

117  550..308 

24.500.944 

141.773.965 

1906 

540.405,425 

117.946.692 

110,474.264 

24,308.576 

141.034,562 

1907 

551.705,129 

122,576,465 

97,128,469 

24.481.158 

139,309,514 

1908 

621,102,391 

137.746,524 

118,037,097 

21.426.138 

153.892  467 

1909 

662,324,445 

161.067,462 

115,546,011 

21.803,836 

161.710,367 

1910 

659,705,.391 

155.911.706 

123,173.717 

21.342.979 

160.696.416 

1911 

654,137.998 

160,135,976 

119,937,644 

21.311.334 

157.980.575 

1912 

654,553,963 

148.795.422 

135.591.965 

22,616..300 

153.590,456 

1913 

682,770.706 

160.387.453 

133  262.862 

22.899,108 

175.085,4.50 

1914 

700.254.490 

173.522,804 

139.682,186 

22,863.957 

173.440.231 

1915 

731..?99,759 

172,973.092 

141.835.654 

22,992,897 

164.387,942 

1916 

7lf>,367.674 

I  am  afraid,  gentlemen  of  the  House,  that  we  will  expend 
more  money  this  year  than  has  ever  been  expended  in  the  his- 
tory of  this  Government  before  in  any  one  year. — Represen- 
tative Sisson  (Dem.),  of  Mississippi,  in  the  House,  Dec.  4, 
1913- 


404 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


FOREIGN  COMMERCE. 

Merchandise  Importro  Mcn  Exported,  an'>  the  Annual  Excess  of  Imports 
OR  Exports.    Specie  Values.,  1872  to  1916. 


Year 
ended 
June 
30— 


1«72. 

1873 

1874. 

1875. 

1876. 

1877. 

1878. 

1879. 

1880. 

1881. 

1882. 

1883. 

1884. 

1885. 

1886. 

1887. 

1888. 

1889. 

1890. 

1891. 

1892. 

1893 

1894. 

189S 

1896. 

1897. 

1898 

1899.. 

1900.. 

1901 

1902 

1903. 

1904. 

1905. 

1906. 

1907. 

1908. 

1909 

1910. 

1911. 

1912. 

1913 

1914. 

1915. 

1916. 


Exports. 


Imports. 


PoUnrs. 

444.I77..S86 

522.479,922 

.586.283  040 

513,442,711 

540.384,671 

602.475.220 

694.865.766 

710.439.441 

835.038,658 

902.377  346 

7.50.542  257 

823.8.?9.402 

740.513  609 

742,189.755 

679.524.830 

716.183.211 

695.954..S07 

742.401.375 

857,828,684 

884.48(»810 

1.0.?0,278.148 

847.665,194 

892.140  572 

80-.5.<8,I65 

882,606.9  ?8 

1 ,050.993.556 

1.2<I.4S2  3,?0' 

1,227  023  M)2' 

1,394,183  082: 

1,487  764.9911 

1.381  719.4011 

1.420,141,679 

1,460  827.2711 

1.518,561  666' 

1,743.864,-500 

1.880,851.078! 

1.860,7  7  <„U6 

1  663.01 1.1041 
1.744  984,720' 

2  049,320,199: 
2.204  322  409 
2,465  884,149 
2,364  579.148 
2  768.589,3*0 
4,333.698,604 


Total  exports 
and  imports. 


Dollars. 

626.595.077 

642.1. 56.210 

567.406,342 

533,005,436 

4<.0  7n.l90 

451,523  126 

437,051.5321 

445,777,775 

667,9,54,746 

642,664.628! 

724.639,5741 

723.180  914t 

667  697.69  51 

577,527.329 

635,436,136 

692,319  768, 

723.957,114 

745.Hl.652i 

789.31 0.4091 

844.916.196 

827.402.462 

866.400.922 

654  991.622 

731  969.965! 

779.724674 

764.7  50,412 

610,049.654 

697  I  18.4X9 

849  941  184 

823,172  165 

903.320.948 

1.025,719.237. 

99J  0X7  371 

1  117,515.071 

1  226.502.446 

1  434.421,425 

1.194  ,541,792 

1,311.920  224 

1.556,947.4^0 

1.527.226.105 

1.6.53.264.9  541 

1,813.008,2341 

1,893  925.0.57! 

1,674,169.740 

2.197,984.842 


Exress  of 
exports 

over 
jmports. 


Dollars . 
1.070.772.663 
1,164,616.132 
1  153,689,582 
1  046,448.147 
1,001.125.861 
1.053.798.346 
1,151.917,298 
1,156.217,216 
1,. 505.593,404 
1.. 545.04 1.974 
1.475,181,831 
1.. 54  7  020.316 
1,408,211,302 
1.319.717  0841 
1.314.960  966 
1.408..502.979' 
1.419.911,621 
1.487.533.027 
1.647,139,093 
1,729.397,006 
1.857  680.610 
1.714,066  116 
1,-547  1  55  194 
1.539,-508,1.50 
1,662,331,012 
1.815.725.968 
1,847,5-51.984 
1  924  171,791 
2,244,424  206 
2,310,937  156 
2,285.040,549 
2,445,,X00,916 
2,451  914.642 
2.636,074,737 
2,970,426,946 
3.315.272  505 
3.055.115.1.58 
2.974.951.528 
3,-501,9  52,1.50 
3.576.546.304 
3.857.587.343 
4,278.892.583 
4.2.58.504,805 
4,442  759.080  1 
6.531.683,446  2 


Dollars. 


18.876.698 

79.643.481 
151.152,094 
257.814  2.54 
264,661,666 
167.683.912 
259.712.718 

25,902  683 
100,658,488 

72.815.916 
16-1,662426 

44.088.694 

23.863.443 


68.518.275 

39. .564.61 4 

202.875.686 

i237.V4S,950 
75.568.200 
102,882,264 
2H6  263.144 
615.432  676 
529.874,813 
-544.541.898 
664  592.8261 
478.598.4.S3i 
304,422, 442i 
469. 7  ^9. 900  i 
401,048  595; 
517.502,0-54 
446,429  6.53 
666,431.554 
351  090.880 
1 88. 03 7, 2 W 
522.094.094 
551.057.475 
652  875  915 
470  653  491 
094.419  600 
135.713.762 


Excess  of 
imports 

over 
exports. 


Dti'ars 
1*52,417.491 
119.656.288 

19.562,723 


28.002.607 
2.730,277 


18,735,728 


Our  exports  to  the  nations  of  peace  under  the  present  tariff 
law  have  generally  decreased  or  our  imports  have  gradually 
increased.  This  is  strongly  shown  when  you  compare  the 
figures  for  1915  under  the  present  Democratic  Tarifi:"  law, 
with  the  figures  for  1913,  the  last  year  under  the  Republican 
Tariff.  Taking  these  years  for  comparison,  the  following  is 
the  result: 

With  Argentina  our  imports  increased  270  per  cent;  our 
exports  decreased  4  per  cent. 

With  Brazil  our  imports  increased  19  per  cent;  our  exports 
decreased  12  per  cent. 

With  Peru  our  imports  increased  46  per  cent;  our  exports 
only  4  per  cent. 

With  Chile  our  imports  increased  26  per  cent;  our  exports 
only  7  per  cent. 

With  Australia  our  imports  increased  207  per  cent;  our 
exports  decreased  20  per  cent. 

With  China  our  imports  increased  32  per  cent;  our  exports 
decreased  22  per  cent. 

These  figures  show  conclusively  what  the  present  Tariff 
law  wul  do  when  it  is  not  stimulated  by  the  abnormal  de- 
mands that  come  from  the  great  tragedy  being  waged  in 
Europe. 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


405 


a  ^-3. 


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406 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


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52 


OOOCO^P^'C'^uiNOt^XONO^PNJf^'ti/^NOr^XO'C— <Pn)P0'*«'>^ 

•/-NOr^XO-ONOONOONOONCNCNOCpOOOOCCC  —  —  —  —  —  —  — 

X00XXXXXXXXXXXXONON»ONO-ONONO>ONONONONON»ONO'a 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


407 


^1 


lOC^)— 'O•<tO0^*0f^lN»O^^«-l0CC0CO-+<^^^'■^-+(N^tNr0O^0^0l/^•«t•-^ 

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408 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


GOLD:  Values  of  Imports  and  Exports  axd  Annual  Excess 
OR  Exports.  1866  to  1916.  a 

OF  Imports 

Exports. 

Imports. 

Excess 

of— 

Year  ended  June  30 — 

Exports  over 
imports. 

Imports  over 
exports. 

1866 

Dollars. 

71.197.309 

39,026.627 

72.396.344 

36.003.498 

33.635.962 

66,686,208 

49,548,760 

44,856,715 

34,042.420 

66.980,977 

31,177,050 

26,590,374 

9,204,455 

4.587,614 

3.639.025 

2.565,132 

32.587.880 

11.600,888 

41.081,957 

8,477.892 

42,952,191 

9,701,187 

18.376,234 

59.952.285 

17.274.491 

86.362.654 

50.195.327 

108  680,844 

76,978,061 

66.468,481 

112,409.947 

40,361.580 

15,406,391 

37,522.086 

48,266,759 

53,185.177 

48.568,950 

47,090.595 

81,4.59.986 

92.594.024 

38,573.591 

51.399.176 

72,432.924 

91,531,818 

118,563,215 

22.509.653 

57,328.348 

77,762.622 

112.038.529 

146.224.148 

90.249,548 

Dollars. 

8,196,261 
17.024.866 

8.737.443 
14.132.568 
12.056.950 

6,883,561 

8.717,458 

8,682.447 
19.503  137 
13.696.793 

7,992,709 
26.246.234 
13.330,215 

5,624,948 
80,758,396 
100,031,259 
34,377.054 
17.734.149 
22.831.317 
26.691.696 
20.743.349 
42,910,601 
43.934,317 
10.284,858 
12,943.342 
18,232.567 
49.699,454 
21.174.381 
72,449.119 
36.-^84.760 
33.525.065 
85,014.780 
120  391.674 
88.954.603 
44.573,1»4 
66.051,187 
52.021.254 
44.982.027 
99.055,368 
53,648.961 
96,221,730 
114,510,249 
148,337,321 
44,003,989 
43,339,905 
73,h07,013 
48.936.500 
69.194,025 
66.538.659 
171  568.755 
494,009.301 

Dollars. 
63.001,048 
22,001.761 
63.658,901 
21.870.930 
21.579.012 
59.802.647 
40.831,302 
36.174.268 
14,539.283 
53.284,184 
23.184,341 
344,140 

Dollars. 

1867 

1868 

1869 

1870 

1871 

1872 

1873 

1874 

1875 

1876 

1877 

1878 

4,125,760 
1,037  334 

1879 

1880 

77  119  371 

1881 

97,466,127 

1882 

1,789  174 

1883 

'■i8,25d,646' 

6  133  261 

1884 

1885 

18.213  804 

1886 : 

22,208,842 

1887 

33,209,414 

1888 

* 

25,558,083 

1889 ;■ 

49,667.427 
4.331.149 

68,130,087 
495,873 

87.506.463 
4.528.942 

30.083  721 

78.884.882 

1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 

1895 

1896 

1897 

44.653  200 

1898 

104,985.283 

1899  .  . 

51,432  517 

1900 

3.693,575 

1901 

12,866.010 

1902 

3,452  304 

1903 

2,108.568 

1904 

17.595,382 

1905 

38.945,063 

1906 ■■• 

57.648  139 

1907 

63,111.073 

1908 

75,904  397 

1909 

47,527,829 
75,223,310 

1910 

1911 

51  097,360 

1912 

8  391,848 

8,568,597 

45.499,870 

1913 

1914 

1915 

2'?  344  607 

1916 

403,759,753 

a  The  figures  relate  to  coin  and  bullion  only  prior  to  1895;  subsequently  they 
include  ore  also. 


Republicans  passed  the  Inter-State  Commerce  Act,  which 
guards  shippers  against  excessive  charges  or  discriminations 
and  yet  affords  the  railroads  opportunities  to  secure  an  in- 
crease in  rates  when  they  can  demonstrate  the  reasonable- 
ness thereof. 


A  Republican  Congress  passed  mining  and  other  safety- 
device  legislation,  which  has  diminished  the  danger  to  laborers 
in  hazardous  occupations  where  accidents  are  most  frequent. 

The  pure-food  law,  which  not  only  protects  the  consumer 
against  adulterated  articles  and  prevents  his  being  cheated, 
but  also  protects  the  honest  manufacturers  against  unfair  com- 
petition, was  enacted  by  a  Republican  Congress  and  signed 
by  a  Republican  President. 


The  Postal  Savings  Bank  law  was  passed  by  a  Republican 
Congress,  with  every  vote  against  it  in  the  House  cast  by 
Democrats  and  every  vote  for  it  in  both  Houses  cast  by 
Republicans  with  the  exception  that  one  Democrat  in  the 
Senate  supported  it. 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


40S 


NATIONAL   WEALTH:     Estimates   Under   Specific   Heads   in    1900. 
1904,  AND  1912. 

[Source:    Reports  of  the  Bureau  of  the  Census,  Department  of  Commerce.] 


Form  of  wealth. 


Real  property  taxed 

Real  property  exempt 

Live  stock  a 

Farm  implements  and  machinery 
Gold  and  silver  coin  and  bullion 
Manufacturing  machinery,  tools, 

etc 

Railroads  and   their  equipment 


Total. 


Street  railways,  etc: 

Street  railways 

Teieuraph  systems 

Telephone  systems 

Fiillinan  and  private  cars 

Shipping  and  canals 

Irrigation  enterprises.  ... 

Privately  owned  waterworks 

Privately  owned  central  elec 

trie  liRht  and  power  stations 

Total 


All  other: 

Agricultural  products , 

Manufacturing  products. 
Inipurted  merchandise. . . 

Minln«  products 

Clothing  and  personal  orna- 
ments     

Furniture,  carriages,  etc... 

Total 

Grand  total 


1900 


1904 


Dollars. 

46,324,839.234 

6,212.788.930. 

3,306.473, 278| 

749.775,970 

1,677.379,8251 


Dollar'!. 

55..S10,247,S64 

6,831,244.570 

4.073,791.736 

844,989,863 

1,998,603,303 


2,541.046,630]     3,297,754,180 
9.035,732.000     11,244,752.000 


6«).X4X,035.876     83,801.-383,2 16 


1.576.197,160 

211,650,000 

400,324,000 

98,836,600 

537.849.478 


267,752,468 
402.618.653 


3,495.228,359 


1,455,060,323 

6,087,1  SI  108 

424.970.592 

326,851,517 

2.000.000  000 
4,880.000.000 


15,174.042.540 


2,219,966.000 
227,400.000 
585.840.000 
123.000.000 
846,489,804 


275.000,000 
562.851,105 


4,840.. S46.909 


1,899,379,652 

7.409,291,668 

495.543  685 

408.066.787 


18  462.281,792 


Dollars. 

98.362,813.569 

12.313,519.502 

6.238,388.985 

1,368.224,548 

2,616.642.734 

6,091,451.274 
16.148.532.502 

143.139.573,114 


4.596,563.292 
223,252.516 

1.081.433.227 
123, .562. 701 

1.491.117,193 
360.865.270 
290.000.000 

2,098.613.122 


10.265.207,321 


5.240.019.651 

14.693.861.489 

826.632.467 

815.552,233 

4.205.008.593 
8,463,216,222 


,34.334,290,655 


8M.517.306,775jl07.104.21 1.917  187,739.071.090 


a  Including  live  stock  on  farms  and  ranges  and  in  cit'es  and  towns. 


THE  ELECTORAL  COLLEGE. 


Followlne  i?  the  electoral  vote  of  the  States,  based  upon  the  apportionment 
of  Representatives  made  by  Congress  under  the  census  of  1910: 


State  Vote. 

Alabama 12 

Arizona 3 

Arkansas 9 

California 13 

Colorado 6 

Connecticut 7 

Delaware. 3 

Florida 6 

Georgia '.  14 

Idaho 4 

Illinois 29 

Indiana 15 

Iowa 13 

Kansas 10 

Kentucky 13 

Louisiana 10 

Maine 6 

Maryland 8 

Massachusetts 18 

Michigan 15 

Minnesota 12 

Mississippi 10 

Missouri 18 

Montana 4 

Nebraska 8 

Nevada 3 


State  Vote 

New  Hampshire 4 

New  Jersey 14 

New  Mexico 3 

New  York 45 

North  Carolina 12 

North  Dakota 5 

Ohio 24 

Oklahoma 10 

Ort'gon 5 

Pennsylvania 38 

kiiode  Island 5 

South  Carolina 9 

South  Dakota 5 

Tennessee 12 

Texas 20 

Utah 4 

Vermont 4 

Virginia 12 

Washington 7 

West  Virginia 3 

Wisconsin 13 

Wyoming -r 3 

Total 531 

Necessary  to  choice 266 


Our  imports  during  June,  191 1,  were  $122,807,184  in  value. 
During  June,  1916,  with  most  of  Europe  at  war,  they  were 
$245,896,770  or  more  than  twice  as  much.  What  will  they  be 
when  the  war  is  over? 


410 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


MANUFACTURES  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

(From  Census  Bureau's  Summary  for  1909,  issued  April.  1912.) 


Census. 


1909 

1904 

268.491 

216.180 

7,678.578 

6,213,612 

273,265 

225.673 

790,267 

519.556 

6.615.046 

5,468.383 

18,680.776 

13.487.707 

$18,428,270,000 

$12,675,581,000 

$18,453,080,000 

$13,138,260,000 

$4,.?65.613.000 

$3.184.884.tX)0 

$938,575,000 

$574,439,000 

$3,427,038,000 

$2,610,445,000 

$12,141,791,000 

$8,500,208,000 

$1,945,676,000 

S1.453. 168.000 

$20,672,052,000 

$14,793,903,000 

$8,530,261,000 

$6,293,695,000 

Number  of  establishments 

Persons  engaged  in  manufactures 

Proprietors  and  firm  members 

Salaried  employees 

Wage  earners  (average  number) 

Primary  horse  power 

Capital 

Expenses 

Services 

Salaries 

Wages 

Materials.- 

Miscellaneous 

Value  of  products 

Value  added  by  manufacture  (value  of  prod 
ucts  less  cost  of  materials^ 


MANUFACTURES  BY  INDUSTRIES.* 


Average 

Value 

Industries. 

number 

Value  of 

added 

of  wage 

products. 

by 

earners. 

manufacture. 

Slaughtering  and  packing 

89,728 

$1,370,568,000 

$168,740,000 

Foundries  and  machine  shops..  . 

531,011 

1.228.475,000 

'    688,464,000 

Lumber  and  timber 

695  019 

1  156  129  000 

648  on  000 

Iron  and  steel,  steel  works 

240!076 

985,723.000 

328.222.000 

Flour  and  grist  mills 

39,453 

883.584.000 

116.008,000 

Printing  and  publishing 

258,434 

737.876,000 

536,101.000 

Cotton  goods       

378.880 

628,392.000 

257  383  000 

Clothing,  men's 

239.696 

568.077.000 

270.562.000 

Boots  and  shoes 

198,297 

512.798.000 

180,060.000 

Woolen,  worsted,  and  felt  goods 

168.722 

435.979.000 

153,101,000 

Tobacco 

166.810 

416,695.000 

239,509,000 

Car  shops 

282,174 

405,601,000 

206,188,000 

Bread  and  bakeries 

100,216 

396,865,000 

158.831.000 

Iron  and  steel,  blast  furnaces. .  . 

38,429 

391,429,000 

70,791,000 

153.743 

384,752.000 

175.964.000 

Copper,  smelting  and  refining.. . 

15.628 

378,806.000 

45.274,000 

Liquors,  malt 

54.579 

374,730,000 

278.134.000 

Leather 

62,202 

327.874,000 

79.595.000 

Sugar  and  molasses,  not  includ- . 

ing  beet 

.      13.526 

279,249.000 

31,666.000 

Butter,  cheese,  and  milk 

18.431 

274.558.000 

39,012.000 

Paper  and  wood  pulp 

89.492 

267.657.000 

102,215.000 

Automobiles 

75.721 

249.202.000 

117,556.000 

Furniture 

128.452 

239,887,000 

131,112,000 

Petroleum  refining 

13.929 

236,998.000 

37,725,000 

Electrical  machinery 

87,256 

221.309,000 

112,743.000 

Liquors,  distilled 

6,430 
129,27.'; 

204,699.000 
200.144.000 

168.722.000 

Hosiery  and  knit  goods 

89,903,000 

Copper,  tin,  and  sheet  iron 

73,615 

199.824.000 

87.242,000 

Silk  and  silk  goods     . 

99,037 
7.424 

196.912,000 
167.406,000 

89,145.000 

Lead,  smelting  and  refining 

15,443,000 

Gas.  illuminating  and  heating.. . 

37,215 

166,814.000 

1 14.386  000 

Carriages  and  wagons 

69.928 

159,893,000 

77.942.000 

Canning  and  preserving 

59.968 

157,101,000 

55,278,000 

Brass  and  bronze 

40.618 
17.071 
50.551 

149,989,000 
147,868.000 
146,329.000 

50,761,000 

Oil.  cottonseed 

28,035,000 

Agricultural  implements 

86.022.000 

Patent  medicines 

22.895 
44,638 

141,942.000 
134,796.000 

91.556,000 

Confectionery 

53.645.000 

Paint  and  varnish 

14,240 
43.086 

124.889.000 
123,730.000 

45.873.000 

Cars,  steam  railroad 

44.977.000 

Chemicals 

23,714 
65.603 

117,689.000 
113,093,000 

53  567,000 

Marble  and  stone  work 

75.696.000 

Leather  goods 

34.907 
1.634.927 

104,719,000 
4.561.002,000 

44.692.000 

All  other  industries.. 

2.084.399,000 

All  industries,  total 

6,615,046 

20,672,052,000 

8.530.261,000 

*In  the  year  1909. 

In  the  above  table  the  industries  are  arranged  in  the  order  of  their  gross  value 
of  products.  Some  of  the  industries  which  hold  a  very  high  rank  in  gross  value 
of  products  rank  comparatively  low  in  the  average  number  of  wage  earners  em- 
ployed and  in  the  value  added  by  manufacture.  Wliere  this  is  the  case  it  indicates 
that  the  cost  of  materials  repre.«!ents  a  large  portion  of  the  total  value  of  products, 
and  that  therefore  the  value  added  by  manufacture,  of  which  wages  constitute 
usually  the  largest  item,  is  not  commensurate  with  the  total  value  of  products 


ute    -j 

J 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


411 


TOTAL  VALUES  OF  IMPORTS  AND  EXPORTS  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES— 1916. 

Merchandise. 

IPreliminary  figures  for  1916.J 


Twelve  months  ending  June — 

Increase    (+)   or 
decrease  ( — ). 

twelve  months. 
1915  and  1916. 

1914 

1915 

1916 

Imports. 

Free  of  duty 

Dutiable 

Dollars. 
1,127.502.699 
766.422.958 

Dollars. 
1,033,526.675 
640.643,065 

Dollars. 
1.492.765,118 
705.219.724 

Dollars. 
+    459.238.443 
+      64,576.659 

_          Total .  ; 

1           Exports.  ► 

:     Domestic 

Foreign.  . 

1.893,925,657 

2.329.684.025 
34,895.123 

1,674.169.740 

2,716,178.465 
52.410,875 

2.197,984,842 

4,272,406,069 
61,292.535 

+    523.815.102 

+1.556.227,604 
-f        8.881.660 

J             Total 

^    Exce^  of  exports. 

2.364,579.148 
470.653,491 

2.768.589.340 
1.094.419,600 

4,333,698,604 
2,135,713,762 

+  1,565,109,264 
+  1,041,294,162 

TOTAL  VALUES  OF  IMPORTS  AND  EXPORTS  OF  THE  UNITED 
STATES— 1916. 

Gold  and  Sil\er 
[Preliminary  figures  for  1916.] 


% 

Twelve  months  ending  June — 

Increase   (+1   or 
Decrease  (— ). 
twelve  months, 
1915  and  1916. 

1914 

1915 

1916 

Gold. 

Dollars. 
66.538.659 
112.038,529 

Dollars. 

171.568.755 

146.224.148 

25.344.607 

Dollars. 
494.009.301 
90.248.082 

403,761,219 

Dollars. 
+    322.440.546 

Exports 

—      55.976.066 

Excess  of  imports. 
Excess  of  exports. 

Silver. 

+    378,416.612 

45.499,870 

30,326.604 
54.965.023 

24.638.419 

29.110.323 
50,942,187 

21,831,864 

34.154.375 
59,789,680 

25,635,305 

+        5.044,052 

Exports 

+        8,847,493 

Excess  of  exports. 

+        3.803.441 

During  the  twelve  years  of  the  Dingley  protective  tariff 
law  our  imports  averaged  $1,015,933,167  a  year.  During  the 
four  years  of  the  Payne-Aldrich  protective  tariff  law  our  im- 
ports averaged  $1,637,611,676  a  year.  During  the  first  year  of 
the  war,  under  the  present  free-trade  bill,  our  imports  were 
$641,804,019  larger  than  the  average  under  the  Dingley  bill, 
and  $20,125,510  larger  than  the  average  under  the  Payne  bill. 
And  this,  too,  with  the  great  nations  of  Europe  engaged  in 
a  great  war.  What  would  the  situation  have  been  had  they 
remained  at  peace  and  dumped  their  full  product  on  our 
shores? 


The  Republican  party  stands  for  the  policy  of  protection. 

maintains  its  historic  position  in  defense  of  American  stan- 
aards  of  living  and  of  the  American  scale  of  wages. — Charles 
I..  Hughes,  at  Youngstown,  Ohio,  1908. 


412  REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

AGRICULTURAL  EXPORTS  AND  IMPORT?. 


Agricultura'  exp(jrts. 

Agricultural 

imports. 

Domestic. 

Excess  of 

Year. 

Foreign. 

Total. 

Percent- 
age   of 
all  im- 

exports ( +) 

Porcent- 

or  of 
imporis  ( — ), 

Total. 

age  0!  all 
domestic 
exports. 

ports. 

agricultural. 

1800.. 
IS  10.. 
1820. 

Dollars. 

Dollars. 
......... 

Dollars. 



Dollars. 

1830  . 
1840  . 
18.S0. 
1855.. 

i46.V0V.277 

■'n'i"' 

9.601.6.59 

"Sl"  ,'726.640 

ii'?' 

+  '76.975.696 

1856.. 

222.409,001 

83  5 

6,451,870 

102.541,703 

33  0 

+  126.319.168 

1857. 

232.180.205 

83,2 

8,182,890 

133.226.318 

38.2 

+  107.136,777 

1858. 

20S.8S3.748 

81    9 

13.739.733 

102.482.331 

38  9 

+  117,111,1.50 

18  =;<).. 

226.135.020 

81    2 

9.054.220 

126.236  317 

38   1 

+  108,952.023 

18 'SO  . 

260,280.413 

82.3 

10.577.00,s 

129.816.165 

36.7 

+  141.041.256 

186!.. 

154.094.839 

75.2 

9.315.314 

113.329,585 

39   2 

+   50.080,56* 

186i. 

140.463.928 

78   2 

5,569,056 

91.263.088 

48   2 

+   54,769,896 

18.3. 

137.512.273 

73  9 

8.162.395 

102.882.7n 

42.3 

+  42.787.055 

1S04.. 

102.794.359 

71    6 

9.037.218 

138.124.440 

43  6 

_  26.292.863 

1805.. 

84,886.860 

62.0 

17.876,028 

114.031.753 

47.8 

_   11.2^8.865 

1866.. 

228.670.278 

82   6 

5.793.649 

164.801,739 

37  9 

+  110,662,188 

18,')7.. 

214.258.245 

76.6 

9.244.181 

141.622,826 

35.8 

4-   81.879.600 

186X. 

206,979.580 

76.8 

6.709.785 

157.638  217 

4;.i 

4-   56,051,148 

1869 

205.3.i0.174 

74.6 

7,067.011 

185.348,661 

44.4 

4-   27.048,524 

1870 

296.962.3  S7 

78  9 

10.667.193 

191,559.361 

43  9 

-l_  116.070,189 

1871. 

3,50.034.934 

77   0 

9.002.337 

222.700.936 

42.8 

ll  16.336.335 

1872 

332,936.080 

77   7 

9.20s.  158 

274.146.298 

43,8 

1   67.994,040 

1X73. 

396.240.107 

78  5 

9,574,000 

277.604.621 

43   2 

1 128.209.486 

1874. 

453,862,070 

79   7 

9.629,988 

267.414.990 

47    1 

+  196.077.068 
1 135.107.673 

1875. 

389.409.703 

78.0 

7,406.702 

261.618.732 

49    1 

1876. 

410,884.027 

78   2 

8.450.386 

234.993.224 

51,0 

1  184. .34 1.1 89 

1877. 

435,354,451 

73   8 

7.296.110 

249.281,945 

55.2 

1193.386.616 
1304.944.671 
1331.777  656 
X386.871,681 
X^  1.030.356 
1237.103.371 
1311.951.697 
X237.649.I42 
X285. 788.294 
X203.036.598 
X219.251.205 
X  173.234.969 
Xl78.137.986 
X257  664.254 
1238,?05.763 
1373.063.743 
1202.700.202 
"*"  28 1.060.304 

1878 

531.637.041 

78,1 

9.410,767 

236.112.137 

54,0 

1K79 

557.321.801 

79  8 

8.079.701 

233.623.M6 

52  4 

1880 

694.315.497 

84    3 

7.173.664 

314.617.480 

47.1 

1881 

738,123,799 

83   5 

11,189.058 

298.283.101 

46  4 

18S2 

557.620,340 

76.0 

9.857  878 

330.375.047 

45  6 

1883. 

626,420,608 

77   9 

11.282,895 

325,757.806 

45  0 

1884 

547.952.579 

75.6 

8.749.894 

319.053.331 

47   8 

1885 

554.051.145 

76.2 

9.077.454 

277.340.305 

48.0 

188  ). 

501.313.738 

75.3 

7.734.192 

306.011.332 

48.2 

1887  . 

536.938.387 

76   4 

7.965,572 

325.652.754 

47,0 

1888. 

505.402.327 

73.9 

7,031.986 

339.199.344 

46.9 

1889.. 

536.82«.5o5 

73.5 

6,895.482 

365.586.061 

49.1 

1800, 

634.855..S69 

75.1 

6.908,820 

384.100.435 

48.7 

1891. 

652,407.931 

74.8 

6.109,781 

420.211.949 

49.7 

1892. 

803.122.045 

79   1 

6.638,755 

436,697.057 

52   8 

189  J. 

621.201.671 

74.8 

7,155.979 

425,657,448 

49    1 

1894  . 

636.633,747 

73   2 

9.586.876 

365,160,319 

55.8 

1895. 

558,385.861 

70  4 

7.934.115 

373,115,985 

51   0 

X  193.203.991 
1194.285.587 
X20h.591.507 

1896. 

574.398.264 

66  5 

10.916.7.^0 

391,029,407 

50   1 

1897. 

689.755,193 

66  8 

9,707.782 

400,871,468 

52   4 

1898.. 

859,018,946 

71,0 

10,409.348 

314,291.796 

51   0 

+555.136.498 

1899. 

792,811,733 

65  9 

12,1.U.268 

355.514.881 

51   0 

+449.431.120 

1900 

844.610.530 

61   6 

11.263.253 

420.139.288 

49.4 

+435.740,495 

1901 

951.028,331 

65   2 

11.293,045 

391,931.051 

47.6 

+570.990.325 

19,12. 

857,113.533 

63  2 

10.308.366 

413,744,557 

45.8 

+453.677.282 

1 90.1 

878,480,557 

63    1 

13.505.343 

456,199,325 

44  5 

+435,786,575 

1904 

859.160.264 

59   9 

12,625,026 

461,434,851 

46  6 

+410,3S0.139 

1 905 

826.904.777 

55   4 

12.316.525 

553.851,214 

49  6 

+285.170,088 

1006. 

970.047.104 

56  8 

10.856. 2.S9 

554,175.242 

45,2 

+432,72H.121 

1907. 

1.054.405.416 

56  y 

11,613.519 

626.836.808 

43   7 

+  439,182,127 

1908. 

1.017.390.404 

55   5 

10.298.514 

539.600.121 

45   2 

+  488,004,797 

1909  . 

903.238,122 

55    1 

9.5";4.722 

638.612.692 

48,7 

+274,210,152 

1910 

871.158,425 

50  9 

14.469.627 

87.509.115 

44.2 

+  198.118,937 

1911 

1.030.794,402 

51.2 

14.664.748 

680.201.932 

44.5 

+365.254,218 

1912   . 

1.050.627.131 

48  4 

12.107.656 

783.457,471 

47  4 

+  279.277.316 

1913.. 

1.123.651.985 

46  3 

15,029.444 

815.300.510 

45  0 

+323.380.M9 

1914.. 

1.113,973.635 

47,8 

17.729.462 

924,246.616 

48.8 

+207.456.481 

1915.. 

1.470.344,195 

54,1 

33,972,527 

908,185.128 

54.2 

+596.131.594 

Thomas  Jefferson,  the  founder  of  the  Democratic  Paity, 
believed  in  reducing  internal  taxation  and  that  as  much  of 
our  revenue  as  possible  should  be  raised  from  customs  duties. 
In  Jefferson's  time  83  per  cent  of  the  revenues  of  the  Govern- 
ment was  raised  by  customs  duties.  Today  omy  about  20 
per  cent  of  the  revenues  are  so  raised. 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TKv  r-BOOK— 1916 


413 


sis    1.^1 

u  :;  c  ^  11  c  O 


414  REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

DUTIES  COLLECTED. 


Year. 


On  merchandise. 


Total  value. 


Per 
capita. 


Average  ad  valorem 
rates. 


On  du- 
tiable. 


1800. 

1810. 

1820. 

1830. 

1840. 

1850. 

18.55. 

1856. 

1857. 

1858. 

1859. 

1860. 

1861. 

1862. 

1863. 

1864. 

1865. 

1866. 

1867. 

1868. 

1869. 

1870. 

1871. 

1872. 

1873 

1874. 

1875. 

1876. 

1877. 

1878 

1879. 

1880. 

1881. 

1882. 

1883. 

1884. 

1885. 

1886. 

1887. 

1888. 

1889. 

1890. 

1891. 

1892. 

1893. 

1894. 

1895. 

1896. 

1897. 

1898. 

1899. 

1900. 

1901. 

1902. 

1903. 

1904. 

1905. 

1906. 

1907. 

1908. 

1909. 

1910. 

1911. 

1912. 

1913. 

1914. 

1915. 

1916. 


Dollars. 


Dollars 


Per  ct. 


18.883.252 
28.417,056 
15.178.975 
40.181,813 
54,119,677 
64.084.401 
63.664,864 
42,046,722 
48.894.684 
52.692.421 
39,038,269 
46,509.215 
63,729.203 
96.465.957 
80,635,170 
177,056,523 
168.503,750 
160,532,779 
176,557,584 
191.-^90.500 
202.446.673 
212.619,105 
184,929,042 
160  522,285 
154,554,983 
145,178,603 
128,428,343 
127,195,159 
133,395.436 
182.747.654 
193.800.880 
216.138.916 
210,637.293 
190,282.836 
178.151.601 
189.410.448 
214.222,310 
216.042,256 
220,576.989 
226,540.037 
216,885,701 
174.124,270 
199,143,678 
129.558,892 
149,450,608 
157,013.506 
172.760  361 
145.438,385 
202.072,050 
229,360,771 
233,556,110 
251,453,155 
280,152,416 
258,161.130 
258,426,295 
293.910,396 
329,480.048 
282,582,«5 
294,667,054 
326,561  683 
309,965  692 
304,899,366 
312,509  946 
283,511.564 
205.755.073 
211,866,222 


1.90 
2.21 

.88 
1.73 
1.99 
2.28 
2.20 
1.41 
1.59 
1.68 
1.22 
1.42 
1.91 
2.83 
2.33 
4.96 
4.65 
4.34 
4.68 
4.96 
5.12 
5.24 

.43 
3.75 


51 

,22 

77 

,67 

,73 

,64 

,78 

12 

,92 

,47 

3.17 

3.30 

3.65 

3.60 

3.60 

3.60 

3.40 

2.67 

3.00 

1.92 

2.17 

2.23 

2.41 

1  99 
2.72 
3.02 
2.96 
3.13 
3.42 
3.08 
3.03 
3.38 
3.72 
3.13 
3.21 
3.50 
3.25 
3.15 
3.17 

2  83 
2.02 


35  97 
48.88 
30.37 
25.85 
26.82 
26.05 
22.45 
22.44 
19.56 
19.67 
18.84 
36.19 
32.62 
36.69 
47.56 
48.83 
46.67 
48.63 
47.22 
47.08 
43.94 
41.35 
38.04 
38.49 
40.58 
44.70 
42.84 
42.71 
44.82 
43.46 
43.27 
46.61 
42.41 
41.57 
45 .  83' 
45.53 
47.08 
45.61 
45.11 
44.39 
46.26 
48.69 
49.56 
50.00 
41.75 
39.95 
42.17 
48 . 8.0 
52.07 
49.24 
49.64 
49  79 
49.03 
48.77 
45.24 
44.16 
42.55 
42.«>4 
43.15 
41.52 
41.22 
40.12 
40  05 
37.60 
33.43 


The  Department  of  Commerce  makes  the  announcement 
that  Bermuda  is  purchasing  onion  seed  from  America.  They 
will  be  returned  to  us  an  hundredfold  in  the  shape  of  onions, 
under  the  50  per  cent,  cut  in  duty  made  by  the  Democratic 
Tariff.  A  duty  of  20  cents  a  bushel  was  placed  on  onions  by 
the  Democrats  because  of  the  amount  grown  in  the  South. 
Potatoes,  which  are  grown  more  largely  in  the  North  and 
West,  were  put  on  the  free  list.  The  South  now  finds  the 
duty  on  onions  too  low.     • 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

D  PRICES  OF    BESSEMER 
UNITED  STATES,   1876  TO 


415 


PRODUCTION  AND  PRICES  OF    BESSEMER  STEEL  RAILS  IN  THE 
j^jj^ 


Years. 

Gross  tons. 

Price. 

Duty. 

1867 

2,277 

6.451 

8.616 

30.357 

34.152 

83.991 

115.192 

129,414 

259,699 

368,269 

385.865 

491,427 

610.682 

852.196 

1,187,770 

1,284.067 

1.148,709 

996.983 

959.471 

1,574,703 

2,101.904 

1.386.277 

1,510.057 

1,867.837 

1.293.053 

1,537,588 

1,129.400 

1,016.013 

1.299,628 

1.116.958 

1.644.520 

1,976,702 

2.270,585 

2.383.654 

2.870.816 

2.935.392 

2.916.756 

2.137.957 

3,192,347 

3.791.459 

3,380.025 

3.349.153 

3.767.171 

3.884.442 

3.138.633 

2,822.790 

3,327.915 

3.502.780 

1,945.095 

$166.00 
158.46 
132.19 
106.79 
102.52 
111.94 
120.58 
94.28 
68.75 
59.25 
45.58 
42.21 
48.21 
67.52 
61.08 
48.50 
37.75 
30.75 
28.52 
34.52 
37.08 
29.83 
29.25 
31.78 
29.92 
30.00 
28.12 
24.00 
24.33 
28.00 
18.75 
17.62 
28.12 
32.29 
27.33 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 
28.00 

-. 

•1868        

45  per  cent  ad  valorem  to  January 

1869 

[      1.  1871. 

1870 

1871 

^ 

1872 

1873 

1874 

$28.00  per  ton  from  January  1, 
1871.  to  August  1.  1872>  $25.20 

.  from  August  1,  1872,  to  March 
3,  1875;  $28.00  from  March  3. 
1875.  to  July  1,  1883. 

1875    

1876 

1877 

1878   

1879 

1880 

1881            

1882 

1883    

1884 

1885 ; 

$17.00  per  ton  from  July  1.  1883. 
'     to  October  6,  1890. 

1886 

1887 

1888    

1889 

J 

1890 

■^ 

1891 

1  $13.44  per  ton  from  October  6. 

1892 

f     1890,  to  August  28,  1894. 

1893 

J 

1894 

1895 

1896 

1897 .  . 

1898 

1899 

1900        

1901 

I  $7.84   per   ton   from   August   28, 

1902 

1894,  to  August  5,  1909. 

1903 

1904 

1905 

1906 

1907 

1908 

1909 

■^ 

1910 

1  $3.92  per  ton  from  August  6,  1909. 

1911 

f      to  October  3,  1913. 

1912 

J 

1913 

) 

1914. . 

>  On  free  list. 

1915 

j 

The  Parcel  Post  Act  was  attached  to  the  Post  Office  ap- 
propriations bill  in  a  Republican  Senate,  after  the  Democratic 
House  had  included  in  that  measure  only  a  temporary  ex- 
perimental provision  which  would  have  been  of  no  value  from 
the  standpoint  of  service. 


Republican  Congresses  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  States 
constitutional  amendments  for  popular  election  of  Senators 
and  for  the  establishment  of  an  income  tax. 


The  Republican  Party  established  the  Department  of  Labor 
and  the  Bureau  of  Mines  and  brought  our  Postal  Service 
to  a  high  state  of  efficiency,  approved  and  commended  by 
all  the  people  of  the  coimtry. 


The  Republican  Party  passed  the  act  for  the  construction 
of  the  Panama  Canal,  a  piece  of  work  that  will  be  remem- 
bered by  the  people  of  the  earth  long  after  the  pyramids  of 
Egypt  have  crumbled  into  dust.  The  finances  of  the  Govern- 
ment were  such  that  the  greater  part  of  the  expense  was  paid 
out  of  current  revenues,  although  an  issue  of  bonds  had  been 
authorized  to  cover  the  cost. 


416 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


COMMERCIAL  FAILI;RES  ANNUALLY.  1891  TO  1916:  Number.  Amount 

OF   Ll.\BILITIES,   AND   AVERAGE   LIABILITIES. 

[Source:  Dun's  Review,  New  York,  N.  Y.] 


Total  for  the  year. 

Calendar  year. 

Num- 
ber 
failures. 

Number  of 
business 
concerns. 

Per 
cent 
of  fail- 
ures. 

Amount  of 
liabilities. 

Aver- 
age    • 

liabili- 
ties. 

« 

1891 

12.273 
10.344 
15.242 
13.885 
13,107 
15.088 
13.351 
12.186 

0.337 
10.774 
1 1 .002 
11.615 
12.060 
12,100 
11.520 
10.682 
11,725 
15,600 
12,024 
12,652 
13.441 
15.452 
16.037 
18.?S0 
22.156 

9.405 

1.142.951 
1.172.705 
1.193.113 
1,114,174 
1,209.282 
1.151.579 
1.058.521 
1.105.830 
1.147.595 
1.174.300 
1,219.242 
1,253,172 
1,281.481 
1.320.172 
1.357.455 
1.392.949 
1.418,075 
1,447,554 
1.4X6.389 
1.515.143 
1.525.024 
1.564.270 
1.616  517 
1.655.406 
1.674.486 

1  07 

.88 

1.28 

1   25 

1   09 

1   31 

1   26 

1.10 

.81 

.92 

.90 

.93 

.94 

.92 

.85 

.77 

.83 

1.08 

.87 

.83 

.88 

.98 

.99 

1.10 

1.32 

Dollars 
189.868.638 
114.044.167 
346.779.889 
172.992.856 
173,196,060 
226,096.834 
154,332,071 
130,662.899 
90.879.889 
138.495.673 
113.092.376 
117.476.769 
155.444.185 
144,202.311 
102.676.172 
119.201.515 
197.385.225 
222.315.684 
154.603.465 
201,757.097 
191.061,665 
203.117.391 
272.672.288 
357.008.859 
302.286.148 
111.241.421 

Dollars 
15.471 

1892. 

11.025 

1803         

22,751 

1894                 

12  458 

1895 

13.124 

1896           

14  98S 

1897 

11,559 

1898    

10.722 

1899        

9  733 

1900 

12.854 

1901       

10.279 

1002                    

10  137 

1903      

12.879 

1004                    

11,820 

1005 

8.013 

1906           

11.159 

1007 

16.8.34 

1008    

14.169 

1000               

1 1 .963 

1010    

15.947 

101 1       

14.215 

1012 

13.145 

1013    

17.004 

1914               

19  579 

1015    

13,644 

l916o 

a  First  six  months. 


BEET   AND    SUGAR   AND    MOLASSES:     Quantities    Produced    in    the 
United  States,   1852   ro  1916 

Soutces:  Cane  sugar  beginning  with  190.?-4  from  Willett  &  Gray.  All  other 
fijjnrps  of  cane-sugar  and  molasses  production  are  tlio«e  of  A.  Bouchereau, 
New  Orleans,  except  that  for  census  years  and  1898-99  they  are  thosf  of  the 
Census  Bureau.  Beet-sugar  production  for  1897-98  and  for  1901-2  and  later 
^ears  from  reports  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture;  for  other  years  from 
illetl  &  Gray.] 


Wi 


Period,  i 

Cane  sugar. 

Beet  sugar. 

Molassei. 

18S2-60  2 

Pounds. 
331.227.423 
132,420.873 
168.100.535 
282,001.287 
541,284.654 
557  470.047 
681.636.480 
735  616.000 
7 1 0.080.000 
721.748,160 
325,147.200 
601.074.880 
40^.230.040 
275,240.000 

Pounds. 

Gallons. 
21.007.030 

1861-70  2    

896.000 

851,200 

2,353.568 

27.272.000 

95.243.615 

388,724.619 

870.405.53  2 

1 .020.34  4.000 

1,190.000.000 

l..i85.1 12.000 

1,466.80.>.000 

1,444,108,000 

9.000.2  IS 

1871-80  2 

12,310.040 

188i -00  2 

18.5.<7.762 

1801-95    2           

27.401.932 

1806-1000   2 .• 

27.092.668 

1001-1005   2 

34.671,905 

1006-1010   2 

101 1 

31.24».740 
44  55S.600 

1012                

34.120.100 

1913 

29.407.500 

1014    

37.,<01,750 

1915 

27.630.343 

1916                              .      .    .. 

/  The  periods  relate  to  sugar-production  years  which  end  with  March. 
2  Average  for  the  period. 


Since  last  October  our  imports  have  increased  every  month 
and  for  the  five  months,  ended  June,  broke  all  previous  records 
♦ach  month  in  spite  of  the  war  in  all  large  producing  countriei. 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


417 


SHIPS  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  NAVY  IN  COMMISSION 
JULY  1,   1916. 


Type. 


In  commission. 


No. 


Displace- 
ment. 


Under  construc- 
tion or  authorized 


No.      Displace- 
ment. 


Total. 


No.      Displace- 
ment. 


Battleships,  first-line 

Battleships,  serond  line.  .  . 

Armored  Cruisers 

Cruisers,  first  class 

Cruisers,  second  class 

Cruisers,  third  class 

Monitors 

Destroyers . 

Torpedo  Boats 

Submarines 

Tenders  to  Torpedo  Ves- 
sels  

Gunboats 

Transports 

Supply  Ships 

Fuel  Ships 

Tugs 

Special  Type 

Converted  Yachts 

Unserviceable  for  war  pur- 
poses   

Total , 


Tons. 

256.050 

321.204 

140,900 

46,465 

11,850 

47,845 

24,964 

49,128 

2,712 


19,362 
19,041 
12,620 
26,650 
228.376 
16,204 
51.656 
5,026 

14,981 


35 


Tons. 
127.400 


5,496 


10,000 

8,500 

14,500 


Tons. 

383,450 

321,204 

140,900 

46,465 

11.850 

47,845 

24,964 

54,624 

2,712 


19,362 
19,041 
22,620 
35,150 
242,876 
16,204 
51,656 
5.026 

14.981 


317 


1.295.034 


56         165.896      373 


1,460.930 


Above  displacements  are  misleading  as  those  of  some  vessels  are  not  given. 
The  total,  including  submarines,  will  aproximate  1,500,000  tons. 


RAILROADS:    Operated    Mileage    and    Annual    Increase    of    Mileage, 
1834  TO  1914. 

{Sources:  Calendar  years  1834  to  1889,  Poor's  Manual  of  Railroads;  years  ending 
June  30.  1800  to  1914,  statistical  reports  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Com- 
mission. No  mi'eage  inc!u(l«'d  for  Alaska  or  Hawaii.  The  term  "mileage" 
signifies  single-track  mileage.) 


Year. 


1834 
1835 
1836 
1837 
1838 
1839 
1840 
1841 
1842 
1843 
1844 
1845 
1846 
1847 
1848 
1849 
1850 
1851 
1852 
1853 
1854 
1855 
1856 
1857 
1858 
1859 
1860 


Miles  of 

line  in 

operation. 


633 
098 
.273 
,407 
913 
.302 
18 
..S?5 
.026 
.185 
,377 
633 
,930 
598 
.996 
.365 
021 
,982 
908 
360 
720 
374 
016 
503 
068 
789 
626 


Year. 


1861 
1862 
1863 
1864 
1865 
1866 
1867 
1868 
1869 
1870 
1871 
1872 
1873 
1874 
1875 
1876 
1877 
1878 
1879 
1880 
1881 
1882 
1883 
1884 
1885 
1886 
1887 


Miles  of 

line  in 

Year. 

operation. 

31.286 

1888 

32.120 

1889 

33,170 

1800 

33,908 

1801 

35.085 

1892 

36.801 

1803 

30.250 

1894 

42.229 

1895 

46,844 

1896 

52.922 

1897 

60,301 

1898 

66.171 

1899 

70,268 

1900 

72.385 

1901 

74.096 

1902 

76,808 

1903 

70,082 

1904 

81,747 

1005 

86,556 

1906 

93.262 

1907 

103.108 

1908 

114.677 

1909 

121.422 

1910 

125.345 

1911 

128.3.>0 

1912 

1.36.338 

1913 

149.214 

1914 

Miles  of 

line  in 

operation. 


156.114 
161.276 
167  191 
172.0S5 
175.691 
179.8.H 
182,733 
184,628 
186.681 
188,844 
190.870 
194.336 
198,964 
202.288 
207.253 
213,422 
220,112 
225.196 
230,761 
236,949 
240.846 
244.084 
249,092 
254.732 
258,033 
261.036 
263,547 


1915,  264.600;  1916,  265,600,  a«  estimated  by  Bureau  of  Railway  Economic 


418 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


FOREIGN  CARRYING  TRADE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  AMERICAN 
FOREIGN  VESSELS:     Values,  1869  TO  1915. 

Total  United  States  Imports  and  Exports. 


Year  em'ed 
June  30 — 


By  Sea.  a 


In  American 
vessels. 


In  Foreign 
vessels. 


Per  cent  in 

Total. 

American 

Vessels. 

Dollars. 

876,448.784 

33.2 

991,896,889 

35.6 

1.109,486,748 

31.9 

1.184,677.463 

29.2 

1.313.029.243 

26.4 

1.289,658.100 

27.2 

1.199,046,309 

26.2 

1,124.431.158 

27.7 

1,176,580,817 

26.9 

1.190,042,035 

26.3 

1.183,284.924 

23.0 

1,482,612,011 

17.4 

1.519.589,453 

16.5 

1.440,208.514 

15.8 

1.498.927.424 

16.0 

1.361.497,234 

17.2 

1,274.384.309 

15.3 

1.271.260,616 

15.5 

1.359.551.254 

14.3 

1.365,554.794 

14.0 

1.420,868,649 

14.3 

1.573.567,830 

12.9 

1.656.540.812 

12.5 

1.784.733.386 

12.3 

1.626.082.075 

12.2 

1,468.290.672 

13.3 

1.456.403.388 

11.7 

1.565.665,408 

12.0 

1,714,829,043 

11.0 

1.743.820,496 

9.3 

1.806,876.063 

.8.9 

2.089.528,616 

9.3 

2.151.935.411 

8.2 

2,104.849,301 

8.8 

2,240,801,420 

9.6 

2,230,938,633 

10.3 

2.393,809,408 

12.1 

2,690,014.559 

12.0 

3.002.627,317 

10.6 

2.793.253.186 

9.8 

2,721.351.031 

9.5 

2.982.799.622 

8.7 

3.210.642.970 

8.7 

3.431.470.423 

9.4 

3,773,060.925 

10.1 

3.785.468,512 

9.7 

3,992.625,475 

14.3 

1869... 

1870... 

1871... 

1872... 

1873... 

1874... 

1875... 

1876... 

1877... 

1878.  .  . 

1879... 

1880... 

1881... 

1882... 

1883... 

1884. . . 

1885... 

1886. . . 

1887... 

1888. . . 

1889. . . 

1890. . . 

1891... 

1892... 

1893... 

1894... 

1895... 

1896. . . 

1897... 

1898... 

1899. . . 

1900. . . 

1901... 

1902... 

1903. . . 

1904. . . 

1905... 

1906. . . 

1907... 

1908... 

1909. . . 

1910... 

1911... 

1912... 

1913... 

1914... 

1915... 


Dollars. 
289,956.772 
352.969.401 
353.664.172 
345.331.101 
346,306,592 
350,451,994 
314,257.792 
311.076.171 
316.660.281 
313.050,906 
272,015,692 
258,346,577 
250,586,470 
227,229,745 
240,420,500 
233.699,035 
194,865.743 
197,349.503 
194.356,746 
190.857.473 
203.805.108 
202.451,086 
206,459.725 
220.173,735 
197,765.,S07 
195.268.216 
170.507.196 
187.691.887 
189.075.277 
161.328.017 
160,612,206 
195.084.192 
177.398.615 
185.819.987 
214.695,032 
229,735.119 
290,607.946 
322.347.205 
318.331.026 
272.513.322 
258.657.217 
260.837.147 
280,206.464 
322,451,565 
381.032.496 
368,359.756 
571.931.912 


Dollars. 

586.492.012 

638,927.488 

755,822,576 

839,346.362 

966,722,651 

9.^9,206,106 

884,788,517 

813,354,987 

859,920,536 

876.991.129 

911.269.232 

1,224.265.434 

1.269.002.983 

1,212,978,769 

1.258.506.924 

1.127.798.199 

1.079.518,566 

1,073.911.113 

1,165.194.508 

1.174.697.321 

1.217,063,541 

1,371,116,744 

1,450,081,087 

1,564,559,651 

1,428,316,568 

1,273,022,456 

1,285.896.192 

1.377,973.521 

1.525.753.766 

1.582,492.479 

1,646,263,857 

1,894,444.424 

1,974,536,796 

1,919,029,314 

2.026.106,388 

2,001,203.514 

2.103.201.462 

2.367.667.354 

2.684.296,291 

2.520,739.864 

2.462.693.814 

2.721.962.475 

2.930,436.506 

3,109,018,858 

3,392,028.429 

3,417,108,756 

3,420,693,563 


a  Includes  also  all  water-borne  foreign  commerce  of  ports  on  the  Great 
Lakes. 


According  to  the  Philadelphia  Record  "No  one  cares  about 
the  tariff."  Still  leaving  out  the  Republicans  the  Southern 
business  organizations  that  have  urged  higher  duties  are 
neither  few  nor  weak.  It  is  a  matter  of  record  that  an  upward 
revision  has  been  advocated  by  the  Age-Herald  of  Senator 
Underwood's  home  town.  It  is  not  forgotten  that  Judge  Gray 
laments  the  more  severe  reductions,  that  Judge  Baldwin  has 
commented  unfavorably  on  them,  that  Senator  Newlands  has 
referred  to  their  disastrous  effect;  that  the  Brooklyn  Eagle 
calls  for  Protection  after  the  war;  that  Mr.  Kitchin  tells  us 
what  has  just  now  been  done  for  dyestuffs. 


In  1904  the  United  States  imported  only  $4,000,000  worth 
of  meat  and  dairy  products,  whereas  in  1914,  such  imports 
totaled  $52,000,000. 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


419 


RAILROADS    PLACED    UNDER    RECEIVERSH  P   AND    SOLD    UNDER 
FORECLOSURE:    Number  and  Mileage,  1877  to  1915. 

[Source:  The  Railway  Age,  Chicago.] 


/ 

Placed  under  receivership. 

Sold  under  foreclosure. 

Calendar 
year. 

Number 

Stocks  and 

Number 

Stocks  and 

of  roads. 

Miles. 

bonds. 

of  roads. 

Miles. 

bonds. 

Dollars. 

Dollars. 

1877 

38 

3,637 

220,294.000 

54 

3.875 

198.984.000 

1878 

27 

2,320 

92.385,000 

48 

3.906 

311.631,000 

1879 

12 

1,102 

39.367.000 

65 

4.909 

243.288,000 

1880 

13 

885 

140,265,000 

31 

3.775 

263.882.000 

1881 

5 

no 

3.742.000 

29 

2.617 

137.923.000 

1882 

12 

912 

39.074.000 

16 

867 

65.426,000 

1883 

11 

1.990 

108,470.000 

18 

1,354 

47.100,000 

1884 

37 

11,838 

714.755.000 

15 

710 

23.504.000 

1885 

44 

8.836 

385.460.000 

22 

3.156 

278.394,000 

1886 

13 

1,799 

70,346.000 

45 

7.687 

374.109.000 

1887 

9 

1,046 

90.318.000 

31 

5.478 

328,181.000 

1888 

22 

3.270 

186.814.000 

19 

1.596 

64.555,000 

1889 

22 

3,803 

99,664.000 

25 

2.930 

137.815.000 

1890 

26 

2,963 

105,007.000 

29 

3,825 

182.495,000 

1891 

26 

2,159 

84.479.000 

21 

3,223 

169.069.000 

1892 

36 

10,508 

357.692.000 

28 

1,922 

95.898.000 

1893 

74 

29,340 

1.781.046.000 

25 

1.613 

79,924,000 

1894 

38 

7.025 

395.791,000 

42 

5.643 

318,999,000 

1895 

31 

4,089 

369.075.000 

52 

12,831 

761.791.000 

1896 

34 

5,441 

275„597,000 

58 

13,730 

1,150.377.000 

1897 

18 

1,537 

92,909,000 

42 

6,675 

517.680.000 

1898 

18 

2.069 

138,701.000 

47 

6.054 

252.910.000 

1899 

10 

1,019 

52.285.000 

32 

4.294 

267.534.000 

1900 

16 

1,165 

78.234,000 

24 

3.447 

190,374.000 

1901 

4 

73 

1.627.000 

17 

1.139 

85,808,000 

1902 

5 

278 

5.835.000 

20 

693 

39,788.000 

1903 

9 

229 

18.823.000 

13 

555 

15.885.000 

1904 

8 

744 

36.069.000 

13 

524 

28.266.000 

1905 

10 

3,593 

176,321.000 

6 

679 

20.307.000 

1906 

6 

204 

55,042.000 

8 

262 

10.400.000 

1907 

7 

317 

13.585.000 

6 

114 

13.777.000 

1908 

24 

8,009 

596,359,000 

3 

138 

2.547.000 

1909 

5 

859 

78,095,000 

12 

2,629 

250.033,000 

1910 

7 

735 

51,427,500 

17 

1,100 

93,660,109 

1911 

5 

2,606 

210,606,882 

13 

1,386 

40.741.453 

1912 

13 

3,784 

182,112,497 

12 

661 

25.910.990 

1913 

17 

9.020 

477,780,820 

6 

1,159 

86,163.850 

1914 

22 

4,222 

199.571,446 

9 

1,470 

83.189.500 

1915 

12 

20,143 

1,070,808,628 

11 

3,914 

285.258.782 

Total. .  . 

788 

169.541 

9,532,833,733 

1.014 

126,410 

7,761.426,784 

In  1915  the  mileage  of  i^ilroads  in  the  hands  of  receivers 
was  41,988,  the  total  capitalization  of  these  roads  was  $2,264,- 
000,000.  In  that  year  alone  20,143.  fhiles  went  into  the  re- 
ceivers' hands.  These  roads  had  a  total  capitalization  of 
$1,070,808,628.  This  compares  with  4,222  miles  in  1914  with 
a  total  capitalization  of  $199,571,446  in  receivers'  hands.  This 
unhealthy  condition  affects  directly  and  indirectly  every  one 
in  the  country. 


If  our  abnormal  foreign  import  trade  is  the  result  of  the 
"wise  policies  of  free-trade,"  rather  than  bloody  warfare,  why 
is  it  that  while  our  trade  last  year  with  the  belligerent  nations 
leaped  to  nearly  three  billions,  it  fell  in  South  America  from 
$109,000,000  in  1913  to  $62,760,000  in  the  free-trade  year  of 
1916? 


The  American  Locomotive  Company  passed  through  its 
period  of  greatest  depression  in  the  fiscal  year  which  ended 
on  June  30,  1915.  Gross  earnings  amounted  to  only  $9»303»298, 
as  compared  with  $29,987,438  in  1914,  a  decrease  of  $20,684,140. 
In  1913  the  company's  gross  earnings  were  $54,868,175,  while 
in  1908-09,  the  worst  previous  year  in  the  company's  history, 
they  totalled  $19,008,634. 


420  REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


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REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 19l6 


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422 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


IMPORTS    AND     EXPORTS     OF     MERCHANDISE    AND     EXCESS  OF 

EXPORTS  OF  MERCHANDISE  UNDER  SPECIFIED  TARIFF  ACTS 

1890  TO  1915. 

McKiNLEY  Act.  a 


Period. 

Imports. 

Exports, 

domestic  and 

foreign. 

Excess 
of  exports. 

Oct.  1.  1890.  to  Sept.  30,  1891  h.. 
Oct.  1,  1891,  to  Sept.  30,  1892.  .  . 
Oct.  1,  1892.  to  Sept.  30,  1893.  .  . 
Oct.  1.  1893,  to  Aug.  31,  1894  c .  . 

Dollars. 
824,716,842 
837.280.798 
830.150,318 
603,865,896 

Dollars. 
923.362.015 
998.226.775 
876.332.434 
790.706,509 

Dollars. 

98.645.173 
160.945.977 

46,182.116 
186.840,613 

Wilson  Act.  d 


Sept.  1,  1894,  to  Aug.  31,  1895*.. 
Sept.  1,  1895,  to  July  31,  1896.  .  . 
Aug.  1,  1896,  to  July  31,  1897  /.  . 


759,108,416 
687.695.637 
766,296,619 


806,670.050 

837.802,519 

1,054,379,735 


47,561.634 
150.106,882 
288,083,116 


DiNGLEY  Act.  g 


Aug.  1, 
Aug.  1, 
Aug.  1, 
Aug.  1, 
Aug.  1, 
Aug.  1, 
Aug.  1, 
Aug.  1, 
Aug.  1, 
Aug.  1, 
Aug.  1, 
Aug.  1, 


1897. 
1898, 
1899, 
1900. 
1901. 
1902. 
1903, 
1904, 
1905. 
1906, 
1907, 
1908. 


to  July  31, 
to  July  31, 
to  July  31, 
to  July  31, 
to  July  31, 
to  July  31, 
to  July  31. 
to  July  31, 
to  July  31. 
to  July  31, 
to  July  31, 
to  July  31, 


1898  A. 
1899..  . 
1900..  . 
1901..  . 
1902... 
1903..  . 
1904..  . 
1905..  . 
1906..  . 
1907..  . 
1908..  . 
1909  i. 


613.359,276 

706,265,852 

853.499.132 

832.594.908 

909.386.387 

1,028,759.186 

980.093.491 

1,130,831.734 

1,244,642,289 

1,456,450,869 

1,156,155,392 

1.337,973.085 


1,232.903,411 
1,249,424,423 
1.400,009,719 
1,496.764.694 
1.361,057.518 
1.423.164.317 
1.454.237.485 
1.541,268,608 
1,747,627.353 
1.897,707.339 
1.835.392.449 
1.669.148,480 


619.544,135 
543,158,571 
546.510,587 
664,169,786 
451,671,131 
394,405,131 
474,143,994 
410,436,874 
502,985,064 
441.256.470 
679.227.257 
331,175.395 


Payne  Act.j 


Aug.  1,  1909,  to  July  31,  1910 fe.. 

1,561,774,667 

1,750,275,260 

188.500.593 

Aug.  1.  1910,  to.uly  31,  1911.... 

1,527,964,718 

2,062,389.661 

534.424.943 

Aug.  1.  1911.  to  July  31,  1912.... 

1.683.877.468 

2.225,510,810 

541.633.342 

Aug.  1.  1912,  to  July  31,  1913..  .  . 

1.803.403,266 

2,477,989,572 

674.586.306 

Aug.  1,  1913,  to  Oct.  3.  1913 

308,736,396 

406,149,021 

97.412.625 

Underwood  Act.  / 


Oct.  4,  1913,  to  Sept.  30,  1914.. , 
Oct.  1,  1914,  to  Sept.  30,  1915.. . 


1.875.283.283 
1.681,324,913 


2.217,998,123 
3,178,707,228 


342,714,840 
1,497,382,315 


ANNUAL  AVERAGE  EXCESS  OF  EXPORTS  OF  MERCHANDISE  UNDER 
SPECIFIED  ACTS,  1890  TO  1915. 

/  Excess  of  Exports — Merchandise 

McKinleylAct  of  1890 $123,153,470 

Wilson  Act  of  1894 161.917.210 

Dingley  Act  of  1897 504.891.183 

Payne  Act  ©f  1909 487.798.277 

Underwood 'Act  of  1913 923,898,144 


a  The  McKinley  Act  took  effect  October  6,  1890. 

b  Includes  6ve  days.  October  1-5.  1890.  under  the  act  of  March  3.  1883. 
c  Includes  four  days.  August  28-31.  1894,  under  the  Wilson  Act. 
d  The  Wilson  Act  took  effect  August  28.  1894. 

e  Excludes  four  days.  August  28-31.  included  under  the  McKinley  Act. 
/  Includes  eight  days.  July  24-31,  excluded  under  the  Dingley  Act. 
g  The  Dingley  Act  took  effect  July  24.  1897. 

h  Excludes  eight  days.  July  24-31.  1897.  included  under  the  Wilson  Act. 
t  Excludes  Pve  days,  August  1-5,  1909,  included  under  the  Payne  Act. 
j  The  Payne  Act  took  effect  August  6,  1909. 

k  Includes  f^ve  days,  August  1-5,  1909,  excluded  under  the  Dingley  Act, 
iThe  Underwood  Act  took  effect  October  4,  1913. 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


423 


RECEIPTS    FROM    CUSTOMS    AND    TOTAL    ORDINARY    RECEIPTS 
UNDER  SPECIFIED  TARIFF  ACTS.  1890  TO  1915. 

McKiNLEY  Act.  a 


Period. 

Customs. 

Ordinary 
receipts,  b 

Nine  months  ending  June  30,  1891 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1892 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30.  1893 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1894 

Months  of  July  and  August,  1894 

Dollars. 
151,548,298.14 
177,452.964.15 
203,355,016.73 
131,818,530.62 
20,673,479.59 

Dollars. 
280.686,613.16 
354,937,784.24 
385.819,628.78 
297.722,019.25 
76.351.447.54 

Total    

684,848,289.23 

1,395,517,492.97 

Wilson  Act.  t 


Ten  months  ending  June  30,  1895 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1896 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1897 

Month  of  July.  1897 

131,485,137.86 

160,021.751.67 

176,554,126.65 

16,966.801.65 

237.038,627.57 

326,976,200.38 

347,721,705.16 

39,027,364.25 

Total 

485.027,817.83 

950,763.897.36 

DiNGLEY  Act.  d 


Eleven  months  ending  June  30,  1898. . , 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30.  1899 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1900 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1901 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30.  1902 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30.  1903 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1904 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1905 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30.  1906 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30.  1907 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30.  1908 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30.  1909 

Month  of  July,  1909 

132,608.260.70 
206,128,481.75 
233,164,871.16 
238,585,455.99 
254,444,708.19 
284,479,581.81 
261,274.564.81 
261,798,856.91 
300,251,877.77 
332,233,362.70 
286,113,130.29 
300,711,933.95 
29,963,161.98 

366,293.970.95 
515,960.620.18 
567,240,851.89 
587,685,337.53 
562,478,233.21 
560,396.674.40 
539,716.913.86 
544,606,758.62 
594.717.942.32 
663.125,659.92 
601,060,723.27 
603,589,489.84 
57,577,080.87 

Total    

3.121.758,248.01 

6.764,450,256.86 

Payne  Act.  e 


Eleven  months  ending  June  30,  1910 
Fiscal  year  ending  June  30.  1911 .  .  . , 
Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1912 ... , 
Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1913.  .  .  . 
Three  months  ending  Sept.  30,  1913. 

Total 


303.720,283.05 
314,497,071.24 
311,321,672.22 
318,891,395.86 
86,988,240.97 


,335.418,663.34 


617,934,634.15 
701,372,374.99 
691,778,465.37 
724,111,229.84 
181,636,386.13 


2.916,833,090.48 


UiTOERWooD  Act.  / 


Nine  months  ending  June  30,  1914 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1915 

Fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1916 

205,331,773.54 
209,786,672.21 
211,866,222.34 

553.036,780.58 
697,910,827.58 
777,480,487,96 

Total 

626,984.668.09 

2,028,428  096  12 

0  The  McKinley  Act  took  effect  October  6,  1890. 

b  Ordinary  receipts  include  customs,  internal  revenue  and  miscellaneous. 

c  The  Wilson  Act  took  effect  August  28,  1894. 

d  The  DingleyAct  took  effect  July  24,  1897.  The  receipts  include  receipts  from 
stttlements  with  Paci6c  railroads,  as  follows:  In  ^scal  year  1898,  $64,751,224; 
in  1899,  $11,798,314;  in  1900,  $4,159,914;  in  1901,  $6,833,031;  in  1903.  $4,066,350; 
in  1904,  $6,265,460;  in  1905.  $5,745,385;  in  1906,  $5,521,667;  in  1907,  $5,374,036; 
in  1908,  $5,098,227,  and  in  1909,    ^5.409,858. 

e  The  Payne  Act  took  effect  August  6,  1909. 

/  Th«  Underwood  Act  took  effect  October  4.  1913. 


i24 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


IRON  AND  STEEL  PRODUCTION. 


Manufactures  of  Iron  and  steel. 

Iron  and  stee!.  and 
manufactures  of. 

Year. 

NO.  of 
estab- 
lish- 
ments. 

Wages. 

Value  of 
products. 

Imports. 

Exports 
(domestic). 

1800   . . 

Dollars. 

Dollars. 

Dollars. 

Do/'arT. 

52  144 

1810 

91.014 

1820 

46.552 

1830.    .  .  . 

6,346.287 
8.157.92? 
20.145.067 
28.603,079 
20.0'50.101 
30.743,649 
20,171.007 
22.379  743 
26.158.2^5 
21,160.2^5 
11.451,707 
16  152.843 
23,827,876 
16.660.991 
25.59«<.147 
31.6^0,519 
30.346,768 
38.213  717 
40,273.682 
53.024.075 
6?.85'»616 
74.302,102 
46.786.169 
31.432.380 
23  107  4  17 
1 9.320.9  >  7 
18.087  130 
19  594  608 
71.266,699 
60,')O4  477 
67  976.897 
58.405  i46 
40  147  0VJ 
33,610.093 
37.534,078 
40  203.164 
48.992  7=17 
42  377.793 
41.079  491 
53.544  372 
28.U28.103 
34.937.974 
20.925.769 
23.048.515 
25,338,103 
16.094,559 
12.626  431 
12.l(i0.4JO 
20.4 7^  728 
17.874.789 
27,180247 
51.617.312 
27.028  312 
23.S10.164 
29.0.-)  1987 
40  5K7.865 
27.607.909 
22.439.787 
39  807,725 
35  984  303 
26,676.056 
33.636.358 
31.790.851 
22.702.704 

322  747 

1840 

1.127.877 

1850 

1  0^3,702 

1855 

3,«03  706 

1856 

4.256.613 

1857.    ... 

4.059.238 

1858 

4.843.-02 

1859 

5.577  748 

1 860 . 

5.870  I  14 

1861 

6  039.149 

1862 

4  7 '.2.348 

1863 

6,681.417 

1864 

7.511  067 

1865. 

11.227,294 

1866 

4,006.  I'D 

1867   

9.351,062 

1868 

10  050,275 

18',9 

WQi'*  492 

1870 

808 

40.514.981 

207,208.696 

13  483.163 

1871 

21.1'«0.692 

1872 

11.463.880 

1873 

13  655,087 

1874  

15,09S,248 

1875 

10.534  215 

1876 

15.440.846 

1H77 

16.501  63S 

1878 

16  05  3.571 

1,S79 

IS  133.493 

1880..   .. 

792 

55.451,510 

296,557.685 

14.716.524 

18H1 

16.6'  8.767 

1882 

20.748.206 

1 883 

22.826.S28 

1884 

, 

21.909.881 

1885 

16.592,155 

1886.  .  .'. 

15,745.569 

1887 

15,598,502 

1888 

17.763,034 

1889  .. 

21.156.077 

1890 

719 

89.273.956 

478  687  519 

25.542  208 

1891 

28,909,614 

1892 

2^,800  9^0 

1893 

30  106.482 

1894  . . 

29,220.264 

1895 

32,000.989 

1895 

41,160.877 

1897 

57  497.872 

1898 

70,406.885 

1899   . 

93  7 16' 03 1 

1900  

19(»1 

668 

120.820.276 

803.968,273 

121  913.548 
117.319,320 

1902 

98.552.S62 

1903  

96.612.467 

1904   . . . 

111  948,586 

1905 

605 

141,426,506 

905,787.733 

134.728.363 

1906  

160  989.985 

1007 

181,530  871 

1008 

183  982. 1S2 

1909 

U4.9S1  ^57 

1910   . 

654 

187.807.288 

1.377.151.817 

170.133.186 

1911 

2.30,725.352 

1912   

26^.154.262 

1013 

304.605,707 

1914 

2.S1.480  677 

1915     ...  . 

225,861,387 

"A  Virginia  factory  made  two  and  a  half  million  shrapnel 
shells  for  a  European  consumer.  An  ample  supply  to  fill  at 
least  500,000  graves,"  says  the  Portland  Oregonian.  Yes,  but 
it  has  taKen  orders  like  these  to  restore  business  conditions 
that  were  shot  to  pieces  by  Democratic  legislation. 


Index 

A 


Pages 

Absenteeism    in    Congress    398 

Agricultural    Exports    and    Imports     412 

Agricultural      Extension 268 

Aldricii-Vreeland     Act,     Efficiency    of     290 

A.drich-Vreeland    Bill,    a   Temporary    Measure    288 

Aldrich-Vreeland    Law,    Prevented   a    Panic    295 

American     Rights,    Hughes    on     9 

Americanism,  Editorial  in  North  American  Review   392 

Americanism,     Hughes    on     3 

American     Spirit     27 

America    Unarmed    21 

Anderson.    Sydney,    War    Prosperity    231 

Appointments    of    Democratic    Campaign    Contributors 330 

Appropriations   of  Sixty-third   and   Sixty-fourth   Congresses 274-279 

Army,    Humiliation    of    181 

Army,   Increase  of 12 

Austin,  R.  W.,  on  Conditions  in  Japan  and  China 223 


B 


Baker,   Newton   D.,   Quotation   from    273 

Bank    Clearings 401 

Banking,    Hughes'  Attitude   Towards    134 

Bartlett,  C.    L.,  Quotation  from   80 

Beef,    Exports    of    212 

Beet    Sugar     Industry     214 

Bench,  Drafting  Officials  from   388 

Bennet,   William   S.,   Quotation   from    273 

Bryan,  on   Platform   Promises   67 

Bryan.  William  Jennings,   Quotation  from    67 

Buchanan,   Frank,   Quotation    from    89 

Budget  System,   Hughes  on   18 

Business    Legislation     196  394 

Business,   Square   Deal    for    25 


Callaway,  Oscar,   Quotation   from    81 

Campaign  Contributors  to   Democratic  Fund   330 

Canadian    Commission,    Fairbanks   and    118 

Carranza    and    Villa     150 

Carranza    and    VViison     177 

Carrizal    Incident    8 

Cattle,    Imports   of    213 

Caucus    Rule 383 

Chamiierlain,   George    E.,    Quotation    from    87 

Child     Labor     258 

Child   Labor,    Hughes  on 124 

Child    Labor,    President   Wilson's   Attitude   on    360 

China,  Conditions  in    226 

Civil   Service 848 

J 


426  REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

Pages 

Civil   Service   Board,    Keeps   Records   Secret    351 

Civil  Service,  Democratic  Attitude  Towards   64 

Civil  Service,    Hughes  Stands  for    31 

Civil   Service   Reform   League,   Reports  of    348 

Civil    Service,    Wilson's    Secret 314 

Clark,   Champ,    on   Platform    Repudiation    67 

Clark,    Champ,    Quotations    from     69  87  89 

Clarke  Amendment  to  Philippine   Bill    312 

Coastwise   Shipping,  Attack   on    340 

Coastwise  Shipping,  Surrender  of   344 

Colquitt,   O.   B.,  Quotation   from    184 

Columbus  Raid,    Hughes  on    8 

Conimerce,  Department  of 239 

Congress,  Inexcusable  Delay  of   397 

Conservation,    Hughes'   Attitude    Towards    136 

Conservation  of  Natural  Resources,  Hughes  on    Ill 

Corn,   Exports  of    211 

Cost  of    Living    24  194 

Cost  of  Living,    Hughes   on    15 

Cox,   W.    E.,   Quotations   from    ...  76  79  82 

Customs  Receipts  Under  Various  Tariffs   423 


Dana,    Richard    H.,    Letter   to    President    Wilson    353 

Daniels,  Election  of  Wilson  Means  Four  Years  More  of 255 

Daniels,    Josephus    247 

Democratic  Caucus  Rule    383 

Democratic    Extravagance     282 

Democratic  Party  and  Federal  Reserve  System    292' 

Democratic    Platform,    1916    53 

Democratic     Repentence     25 

Democratic    Testimony    and    Confession    67 

Democratic    Unpreparedness    334 

Deserving   Democrats    399 

Deserving   Democrats,    Hughes'    Allusion  to    4 

Dies,   Martin,    Quotations   from 83  84 

Diplomatic  Appointments,   Newspaper  Comments  on    324 

Diplomatic    Service    Spoils    3I5 

Disbursements  of  Government    : 403 

Discriminating     Duties 335 

Duties    and    Imports    230 

Duties  Collected    4^4 

Duties,  Specific  and  ad  valorem   I93 

Dyestuflfs     Situation     219 


Efficiency  in   Office,    Hughes  on    113 

Election    Law    Reform,    Hughes    on    IQg 

Electoral   College    4O9 

Electoral   Reform,    Hughes  and    I39 

Eliot,  Charles  W.*,  on  Diplomatic  Appointments   324 

Embargo  on  Arms  and  Munitions  to  Mexico    7 

Employers'    Liability    127 

Europe,  Our  Course  With 29 

\ 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916  427 

Pages 

Exports,    no    Peace    347 

Exports    of    Merchandise    406 

Exports,  non   War    232 

Extravagance,    Democratic     282 


Failures,    Commercial    416 

Fairbanks,  Charles  W.,  Biographical  Sketch  of 115 

Farmer   and    the    Tariff    201 

Farm   Loan   Board    ' 303 

Farm    Property,   Value   of    401 

Faunce,   W.  H.  P.,  Opinion  of  Charles  E.  Hughes    2 

Federal  Reserve  Act,  Passage  of 289 

Federal  Reserve  Act,  Sectionalism  in   273 

Federal    Land    Bank    303 

Federal  Reserve  System   288 

Federal    Reserve    System    and    Democratic    Party    292 

Federal     Trade     Commission     370 

Fess,  Simeon  D.,  Quotation  from   ^       68 

Financial  America,  on  Dyestuffs  Situation   221 

Fiscal   Reform,    Hughes  on    18 

Fitzgerald,  John  J.,   Quotations   from    76  77  80  89 

Fordney,  J.   W.,  on  Imports  ^nd  Duties    230 

Fordney,  J.  W.,  on   Our  Wondrous  Wealth    375 

Foreign    Commerce    404 

Foreign  Relations   28 

Foreign  Trade  in  American  and  Foreign  Vessels    418 

Foreign  Trade,  Total  for  Recent  Years   411 

Foreign  Trade  Under  Various  Tariffs   422 

France,   War   Exports  to    368 

Full  Crew   Bill  Veto    104 


Gallinger,  Jacob  H.,  on  Merchant  Marine    336 

Gamboa,    Reply    of 162 

Gillett,    Frederick    H.,    on    Appropriations    and    Democratic    Ex- 
travagance       274-282 

Gold,    Exports    and    Imports    408 

Gompers,   Samuel,  Quotation   from    263 

Green,    W.   R.,   Quotation   from    347 


H 


Hammond,  John  Hays,   on  Trade   balances    393 

Harding,  Warren  G.,  Address  as  Temporary  Chairman   19 

Harding,   Warren   G.,   Notification  of  Mr.   Hughes    391 

Hardwick,  T.  W.,  Quotation  from 79 

Harrison,  B.   P.,  Quotation  from    gg 


428 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


Pages 

Harvey,   George,  on   Diplomatic  Appointments    323-325 

Herrick,  Amijassador,  witlidrawal  of 4 

Herrick.   Myron  T.,   Analysis  of   I^ural  Credit  Law   298 

Uitciicock.  (uil)ert  M.,  Ouotation  from 73 

Hosiery     Trade     ' 242 

Howard,    VN'illiam    S.,   Quotation    from    g3 

H  uerta.    l<cco>,Miition  of   5-447 

H  ujjhes.  Cliarles   K.,  antl   the   Flag    42 

Hughes,   Cliarles   E.,  as  Greatest   Friend  of   Labor   2 

Hughes,  Charles  L.,  Biographical  Sketch  of 91 

Hughes,  Charles  F^.,   Declines  to  Kun  for   Mayor  of  New  York.,,.  95 

Hughes,  Charles   E.,   Elected   Governor   97 

Hughes,   Charles   E.,   in    1908   Convention    99 

Hughes.  Charles  E.,  Letter  to  Colonel  Roosevelt 41 

Hughes,  Charles  E.,   Lettej»  to   Progressive  Committee   39 

Hughes,   Chares   E.,   Nominated   for   Governor  of   New   York....  ,96 

Hughes,   Charles  E.,  President  Schurman's  Estimate  of 99 

Hughes,   Charles  E.,   Record  as  Governor    122 

Hughes,   Charles   E.,   Speech  of  Acceptance   3 

Hughes,    Charles   E.,   Telegram   to   Chairman    Harding    30 

Humphrey,    VViLiam    E.,   on    Shingle    Industry    217 


Idleness  Throughout  the  Country 14 

Immigration,    Hughes  and    140 

Imports  and    1  >uties    230 

Imports    by    Great    Groups    407 

Imports   of  Merchandise    405 

Income    Tax,    Hughes'    Message    on    .♦,  .  104 

Industrial    Relations,    Commission    on,    F"acts    Concerning 372 

Industrial    RelatioTis,    Commission    on.    Newspaper    Comments    on  374 

Income    Tax,    Where    It    Comes    from     3g5 

Insurance    l^eform    Bills   of    New    York    Legislature    96 

International    'iVibunal,    Hughes    on     13 

Internal    Revenue    Collections    413 

Iron  and   Steel   Production    424 


Jackson's    Successor    272 

James,   Ollie    M.,    (Juotation    from    72 

Japan    an     Industrial    Peril     223 

Jaiian,    Employment   and   Wages   in    228 

Japan,     Imports     from     223 

Johnson,   Henry    Lincoln,  Article   on   the   Negro    '  376 


K 


Kindel,   George  J.,    Quotation   from 


89  90 


Labor,  Comparison  of  Attitude  of  the  Two  Parties  on 257 

Labor,  Hughes'  Attitude  Towards  When  Governor   122 

Labor,    Hughes   on,    in    Speech    of   Acceptance    16 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916  429 

Pages 
Labor   Legislation,   President   Wilson's    Changed   Attitude   on..,.     '       361 

Labor    Legislation    Under    Hughes    109 

Lansing's    Last    Mexican    Note    ISt) 

Latin    America,    Appointments    to     .• 4 

Lehmaier,   James    S.,    Huglies'    Letter   to    98 

Life     Insurance     Investigation 94 

Lind,    John,     Mexican     Mission     5 

Lind    Mission,    Hughes    on     101 

Lodge,    Henry    Cal^ot,    on    Mexican    Question    146 

Longworth,    Nicholas,    Quotation    from    273 

Lonergan    A,,   Quotation    from    82 

Lumber    Industry     243 


M 


Madero   Government    146 

Mail    Service,    the    Impaired    364 

Maim,   James    R.,    Quotation    from    66  90 

Manufacturmg    in    the    U.    S.,    Progress    of    401 

Manufactures    in    the    United    States    •     410 

Martine,    James    E.,    Quotation     from     68 

Merchant    Marine    Commission   and    Its    Work 338 

Merchant    Marine,    Hughes    on    16 

Merchant    Marine,    by     Senator    Gallinger     336 

Mexican    Catechism    154 

Mexican    Tragedy,    Theodore    Roosevelt    on     171 

Mexico,   at   War   With 153 

Mexico,   Five    Policies    Concerning    183 

Mexico,    the    Story    of    146 

Mexico,   Embargo  on   Arms  and   Ammunitions    7 

Mexico,    President    Wilson's   Changed    Attitude   on    358 

Mexico,    H  ughes    on    4 

Miller,    Clarence    B.,    on    Philippines    307 

Militarism,  Curse  of 23 

Mondell,    F.     W.,    Quotation     from     18 

Montgomery    County    (Pa.)    Manufacturers    241244 

Moon,  J.   W.,   Quotation   from    85  86  70 

Munitions,    Exports    of     239 

Murray,   William  H.,   Quotation   from    73  79 


N 

National  Guard  Ordered  Out   8  11 

Navy,  Truth    AI)out   the    396 

Negro     Appointees     Displaced      379 

Negro,   the.    Under    Wilson    376 

North  American    Reviews,  on  Americanism    392 

North  American    Review,  on   Democratic  Unpreparedness 334 

North  American  Review,   on  Josephus  Daniels 247 


O'Gorman,  James  A.,  Quotation  from 68  86 

Offices    Created,    Useless    39g 

0'Shaim«ssy,   G.    F.,    Quotation   from    gg 


430  REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 


I 

Pages 

Page,    R.    N.,   Quotation   from    77 

Party    Solidarity     20 

Payne   Tariff,   Changes  in Igg 

Philippines,    The     307 

Philippine   Facts    312 

Philippine  Policy,  Hughes  on   17 

Platform,    Democratic,     1916     53 

Platform,   Democratic,  Pledges   Broken    g2 

Platform,  Republican,   191 6    4g 

Post,    Washington,    on    Close    of   the    War    3g7 

Pottery    Industry    '. 240 

Preparedness     33I 

Preparedness,    Hughes   on    10 

Preparedness,   Hughes   Urges    31 

Prices  of  Articles  of  Farm  Consumption    421 

Prices   of   Farm    Products    420 

Primary  Law   Reform,   Hughes   on    106 

Progressives,  Roosevelt's  Appeal  to  in   Support  of  Hughes 37 

Progressives,    Roosevelt's    Letter    to    32 

Prosperity,    Our   Temporary 24 

Protective  Policy,  Harding  on    23 

Public     Building    Appropriations     267 

Public    Service    Commission    Law    101 

Public   Service   Corporations,   Hughes  on    129 


Race   Track   Gambling,    Hughes    on    109 

Rai:roads,    Facts    and    Figures    Concerning    386 

Railroads,    Mileage    of    , 417 

Railroads    Under    Receivership     419 

Railway  Labor  Wages 260 

Randolph,   Carman   R.,   on   Shipping   Bill    341 

Ransdell,   Joseph    E.,    Quotation   from    67 

Receipts    of    Government     402 

Reclamation    Service    335 

Reed,  James  A.,   Quotation   from    68 

Republican   Leaders    47 

Republican    Party,    Achievements    of    43 

Republican    Party,    History   of    .  . ; 42 

Republican    Party,    Not   a    Sectional    Party    15 

Republican  Party,  Results  Under 46 

Republican    Platform,     191 6     48 

River  and    Harbor   Appropriations    265 

Roddenbery,   S.  A.,  Quotation   from 77 

Rogers,   J.    J.,    on    Diplomatic    Service    Spoils    315 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  on  Hughes   85 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  Letter  to  Progressives    32 

Roosevelt,    Theodore,    on    Mexican    Tragedy    171 

Rucker,   William  W.,   Quotation   from    86 

Rural  Credit  Law 298 

Rural  Post  Roads   269 


Saunders,   E.   W.,   Quotation   from    71  81 

Schurman,  Jacob   Gould,  Estimate  of   Hughes    99 

Security,  Economy  in 22 


REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916  431 

Pages 

Sectionalism  and  Federal  Reserve  Act   273 

Sectionalism,    Hughes  on    15 

Shaw,   Leslie  M.,  on  Close  of  the.  War    365 

Sherley,    Swagar,    Quotation    from    78 

Sherman,    Lawrence   Y.,    Quotation   from    184 

Shields,    John    K.,    Quotation    from     71 

Shingle    Industry    • 217 

Shipping    Bill     341 

Ships  in  the  United  States  Navy   417 

Sisson,   T.    U.,    Quotations   from    75  79  80  82 

Sloan,  Charles  H.,  on  The  Tariff  and   the   Farmer 201 

Smith,    Alexander    R.,    on    Surrender   of    Coastwise    Shipping.  . .  .  344 

South,  the  Dominant   265 

Statistical   Tables    400 

State   Department,    Personnel   of    3 

Steel    Rails,    Production    and    Prices    of 415 

.Stevens    Gas    Investigating    Committee    94 

Stevens,  R.   B.,   Quotation  from   81 

Subsidies,     Foreign     337 

Sugar  Production    416 

Sun,  New  York,  on  Charles  J,  Vopicka   322 

Sun,  New  York,  on  Close  of  the   War   366 


Tampico   incident    148 

Tariff  and  the  Farmer    201 

Tariff    Board   Abolished    198 

Tariff   Commission    198 

Tariff,    History    of   the    185 

Tariff,  Hughes  for  Readjustment  of   31 

Tariff,  Hughes  on — Speech  of  Acceptance   15 

Tariff   Laws,    Our   Principal    189 

Tariff   Law,   the   Present,    Its   Mechanism    and    Results 192 

Tariff    Revisions,    Important    191 

Thomas,  Charles  S.,  Quotations  from   74    76 

Thomas,    Robert   Y.,    Quotation    from    72 

Thompson,    J.    B.,    Quotations    from    ".  72  74 

Thornton,  John  R.,  Quotations  from    67  69 

Tillman,    Benjamin    R.,    Quotations    from    . , 74  89 

Times,   New  York,  on  War   Exports 368 

Townsend,  Charles  E.,  on  Taking  Officials  from  the  Bench 388 

Trade    Balances     393 

Transportation  Regulation,  Hughes  on 16 

Treasury  Figures,  Juggling  the 390 

Treasury,    The    Unsafe     369 

Two-cent   Fare   Veto    103 


U 

Underwood,   Oscar  W.,   on    Delay   of   Congress    397 

Underwood,  Oscar  W.,  Quotations  from 72  86 

United   States,   Progress   of    400 


Vardaman,   J.    K.,   Quotations    from 68  76  90 

Vera  Cruz,  Hughes  on    6 

Vera  Cruz   Occupation    148 

Villa  and   Carranza    150 

Villa,  Punishment  of   S 


■432  REPUBLICAN  CAMPAIGN  TEXT-BOOK— 1916 

w 


Wages   and   Cost   of  Living  in   U.    S.    and   U.    K 

Wages  in  tlie  Orient 

War,  at   tlic   Knd  of 

War,    no    Need    for    

War   Prosperity 

War,   The,    Wiien    It   Is   Over— What?    

Wealth,   National 

Wealth,  Our  Wondrous 

Weeks,  John   W.,   on   Federal   Reserve  System    

Wheat,    Price   of    

Williams,  John    Sharp,   Quotations   from    74  78  88  90 

Wilson's    Changes    ol     Mind    

Wilson's   Course   Criticised    by   Roosevelt    

Wilson's    Secret    Civil    Service    

Wilson,   Woodrow,    Indianapolis   Boast  Concerning  Mexico 

Wilson,    Woodrow,    Constantly    Changes    Front    

Wi  son,    Woodrow,    an    Unfixed    Quality    

Wilson,    Woodrow,    quotations     from     

Wilson,    Woodrow,    Letter    to   Civil    Service   Reform    League 

Witherspoon,    S.    A.,    Quotation    from    

Woman   Labor   

Woman  Suffrage,   Hughes  on    

Woman    Suffrage,    President    Wilson's    Changed    Attitude    on.... 

Women     in    Japan    Coal     Mines     

Wood.    Willijmi    R.,  on    Wilson's   Changes   of   Front    

Workmen's     Compensation     

Workmen's   Compensation,   Hughes   on    


Republicaa  National  Committee,  1916 

MEMBERS  BY  STATES 


Alabama Oliver  D.  Street Birmingham 

Arizona Allfx  3.  Jaynes Tucson    • 

[  Arkansas H.  L.  Remmel Little  Rock 

I  iCalJibrnia William  H.  Crocker San  Francisco 

;  Coloradc IluBEiiT  Wore Pueblo 

I  Connecticut John  T.  King Bridgeport 

I  Delaware (Coleman  Du  Pont Wilmington 

Florida Henry  S.  Chubb Princeton 

G '-rgia Henry  S.  Jackson Atlanta 

'       o John  W.  Hart. Menan 

CIS Wm.  Hale  Thompson Chicago 

iiiaiana James  A,  Hemenway Booneville 

I }owa JOHN  T.  Adams. Dubuque 

^'•nsavS Fred  Stai^ey Wichita 

tucky A.  T.  Hert, Lovisville 

siana Armand  Romain New  Orleans 

iie Frederick  Hale Portland 

yland William  P.  Jackson Salisbury 

sachusett? V/.  Mtjrpay  Crane Daltcn  " 

Hgan Charles  B.  Warren Detroit 

f  iviinnesota Cssster  A.  Congdon Duluth 

Mississippi L.  B.  Moselfy Jackson 

"lissouri Jacob  L.  Babler St.  Louis 

"ontana I'homas  A.  Marlow Helena 

ibraska R.  B.  Howfli .Omaha 

'eyada H.  G.  Humphreys Reno 

€w  Hampshire r  red  W.  Estabrook Nashua 

w  Jersey .Franklin  Murpey Newark 

ew  Mexico Charles  A.  Spiess F?.st  Las  Vegas 

ew  \ork Herbert  Parsons New  York 

oith  Carolina John  M.  Morehead Charlotte 

orth  Dakota Gundkr  Olson Grafton 

Ohio Rudolph  K.  Hynicka Cincinnati 

Oklahoma .James  j.  McGraw Ponca  City 

Oregon .  Ralph  £.  VJjlliams Portland 

Pennsylvania Boies  Penrose FhiJa<kIphia 

iRhode  Island W^m.  P.  Sheffield Newport 

Sour.h  Carolina J.  W.  Tolesrt Greenwood 

8o;Uh  Daltota Vv'Illis  C  Cook Sioux  Falls 

Tennessee 

Texas H.  F.  MacGregor Houston 

I  tah Rehd  Smoot. Provo 

fermont Eapj.e  S.  Kinsley Rutland 

Virginia Alva.h  H.  Martin Norfolk 

Washington S.  A.  Perkins Tacoma 

West  Virginia \\  L.  Highland Clarksburg 

Wisconsin Alfred  T.  Rogers Madison 

pir,t.  of  Columbia , - . . 

Wyoming George  E.  Pexton Evanston 

Ma^ka Coj^NELiu:;  S.  Muuane  ....  Juneau 

Bawaii R.  W.  Breckens Honolulu 

Philipoines liENRY  B.  McCoY Manila 

Porto  Rico 


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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 
BERKELEY 


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THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CAUFORNIA  UBRARY 

